Dec 27, 2010

Somalis are desperate for a new life, but refugees face a dangerous road

DADAAB, KENYA - AUGUST 19: Women wait to recei...Image by Getty Images via @daylife

By Sudarsan Raghavan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, December 26, 2010; 1:44 AM

GALKAYO, SOMALIA -- Deka Mohamed Idou sat under a tree, exhausted after a grueling six-day journey. She touched her belly, yearning for her unborn child to kick.

This is why she took the long, bumpy road out of Mogadishu: War. A missing husband and three missing children. A shattered house.

This is why she's here in this wind-swept no man's land between Somalia and Djibouti: Peace. Work. An education for her two other children. She can't see what awaits them. Perhaps sanctuary. Perhaps more suffering. But she's certain of one thing.

"I will deliver my baby in a place without gunfire," she said.

For Somalis, the road out of Mogadishu is a last resort. Those traveling on it have fled homes abruptly with terrified children, and crossed a wilderness of thieves, armed Islamists and marauding tribesmen. Many have been robbed, beaten, raped, even killed.

The situation in Mogadishu has become so bad that nearly 300,000 Somalis have made their way out this year, swelling the ranks of what is, after Iraq and Afghanistan, the third-largest refugee population from any country in the world. Most are women and children. The men who have survived have stayed behind to protect their homes, or they went ahead. Some have vanished in the chaos. Others are fighting.

The road, and the places along it, is the most visible evidence of a population still disintegrating, amid hopelessness and death, two decades after the collapse of Siad Barre's government plunged Somalia into an endless civil war.

Today, al-Shabab, a militia linked to al-Qaeda, controls large chunks of the Muslim country and seeks to overthrow the fragile U.S.-backed government. The militia's Taliban-like decrees and recruitment of children provide more reasons for Somalis to flee.

They travel north, often to places they have only imagined, arriving hungry and desperate. They join the hundreds of thousands who have fled since 1991, leaving behind a city that once had 2.5 million people.

Many remain too poor to flee. The ones with some means head for camps in Somali towns like Galkayo, Bossaso and Hargeisa, searching for peace and support. The ones with a few dollars more head for foreign lands - Djibouti, Yemen, Saudi Arabia - searching for a new life.

Those who succeed enter a world where they can be deported at any moment, where they are increasingly viewed as a security threat. Those who fail, and most do, are trapped in a humanitarian limbo, resigned to hardship, dependency and a broken life.

Or they die.

"They travel from one hell to another hell," said Ahmed Abdullahi, a U.N. refugee protection officer in Galkayo, 470 miles northwest of Mogadishu and often the first stop on the journey toward Djibouti and Yemen.

These are the stories of women who have taken this road, from the places they end up. Galkayo


Six miles north of Galkayo, in a place called Halabokhad, 473 families are stuck in a makeshift settlement. The landscape is hot, dusty, bleak as their lives.

They live in round, cramped tents made from clothing and straw. They become isolated, unable to afford transportation to town.

Local officials are in charge of the settlement, which is supported by the United Nations. But there is only one borehole for water. Food and medical care are also scarce. Bone-thin children have yellowish skin, a sign of malnutrition in a country where one of every seven children dies before age 5. Women deliver babies inside their tents, sometimes without help.

This is where Amina Aden arrived three months ago with her exhausted children and nothing else. Her neighborhood was engulfed by war. Her husband was killed in crossfire a day before they fled their home carrying only what they could. A few miles outside Mogadishu, masked men stopped their minibus filled with refugees. The youngest women were ordered out. Aden heard them scream while they were gang-raped.

The men returned, and Aden braced herself. Her eight children surrounded her, crying, tugging at her clothes. The men looked at them, then grabbed another woman. "My children saved me," Aden, 35, recalled with a feeble smile.

After the rapes, the men delivered one final blow: They robbed all the passengers of their meager possessions. "They even took our sandals," Aden said.

Her children, ages 3 to 15, do not attend school. For breakfast, they drink tea. For lunch, they eat a bland porridge. There is never any dinner.

"I cannot even buy milk powder for my baby," said her neighbor, Kaltoom Abdi Ali, 37. She, too, fled Mogadishu with her seven children after mortar shells crashed into her house two months ago. In the mayhem, she was separated from her husband.

"I don't know where he is," Ali said.

Her 14-year-old and 16-year-old sons work 14 hours a day, washing cars, cleaning houses or collecting garbage for local residents. On most days, they earn $1. "I want my children to have an education, but if we leave here, life could be worse," Ali said. "No one cares about us."

For the most part, help is limited. After two decades of conflict, famine and drought, the United Nations has had difficulty raising funds to assist Somalis, U.N. refugee officials say. There's donor fatigue and, in a post-9/11 world, nations are preoccupied with terrorism, security and other global crises. The United States, Somalia's main donor, has provided more than $185 million to Somalia's government and an African Union peacekeeping force, but withheld humanitarian funding this year, fearing that al-Shabab was siphoning off foreign aid.

More than 2 million Somalis have sought haven in U.N.-supported refugee camps in neighboring countries and in settlements in nearly every region of Somalia. The conflict has significantly blocked the ability of U.N. and humanitarian agencies to deliver aid to south and central Somalia, which are under al-Shabab's control.

Here, and in other settlements around Galkayo, women fear the night.

Two weeks ago, three masked gunmen entered Asha Muse's tent. In front of her four children, they beat her and her niece, Muna. The men tore the women's clothes off and took turns raping them for two hours. One attacker stabbed Muna in the thigh with a knife.

Another turned to Ali's son.

"If you make a sound, we will kill you," Muse recalled him saying.

Before they left, the men stole $85 and some clothes.

"Everybody rapes women. The soldiers, the militias, everybody," said Hawa Aden Mohammed, an activist who runs a women's shelter in Galkayo where victims of rape and other gender-based violence seek shelter.

Muse and her niece did not inform the police or aid workers. Muse has stopped collecting garbage, fearing her attackers will spot her. Her neighbors, who helplessly listened to their screams, look at her sympathetically.

"We can't go back to Mogadishu. We can't afford to leave here. We know we will get raped again," said Muse, her tears filling her eyes. "But there's nothing we can do." Bossaso


They arrive in this coastal town, filled with pirates and smugglers, with dreams of sailing to Yemen.

A few months ago, as the war edged closer to his house, Ali Osman Ado took his pregnant wife and five children out of Mogadishu. A trader, he had saved enough money to move them to Bossaso - $135 from Mogadishu - and to pay smugglers to take him to Yemen, then Saudi Arabia.

"He told me when I get there, I will find a better life. I will come for you and the children," recalled Hassina Abubaker, 30, two months pregnant at the time.

He didn't know that Yemeni authorities, fearing that al-Shabab militants could infiltrate and join al-Qaeda's Yemen branch, were cracking down on Somali refugees, his wife said. He didn't know that Saudi Arabia had sent more than 9,000 Somalis back to Mogadishu. He didn't know the smugglers would be ruthless.

Three days after he left, his friends called her from Yemen.

"The ship was overcrowded. The crew started to throw people off the boat to make it more stable," said Abubaker, staring listlessly at the dirt floor of her tent. "My husband was one of them."

Over the past three years, 1,066 migrants died or went missing - they were in boats that capsized or they were killed by smugglers, according to U.N. officials.

In another tent, Fatima Ali Omar held her baby. When he turns 1, she plans to go to Yemen because she heard they "treat refugees well." Eventually, she wants to be smuggled into Saudi Arabia to work as a maid. She knows that women have been raped along the way. She knows that many are forced into prostitution. She knows that if she complains, she will be deported.

"Nothing matters as long as I find a good life at the end of the journey," Omar said. "I will forget I was raped." Hargeisa


This is the capital of the Other Somalia, a place barely touched by war, where gunfire is seldom heard. Known as Somaliland, this region broke away from Somalia in 1991 and today has its own elected, functioning government. The streets are bustling; new construction rises from nearly every corner.

Fatima Ahmed Noor fled here from Mogadishu after al-Shabab tried to recruit two of her nine children, after the war drove her husband insane and he separated from the family.

She has found anything but peace. The clans that rule Somaliland look at her with suspicion and disdain because she is from southern Somalia, where al-Shabab rules. Somaliland considers itself an independent country; the world does not recognize it as such. Authorities treat Somalis like Noor as foreigners. She and her children live in a refugee settlement and have little access to health care, education or jobs.

"They say, 'When we get recognition, we will also recognize you. You are displaced from another country, so you have to be treated as a foreigner,' " Noor said. "Everyone from Mogadishu is in the same condition."

She and her children earn $3 a day washing clothes, if they are fortunate.

As she spoke to this reporter, a community leader came over and glared at Noor. "I want to listen to what you are saying," she said harshly. She is among those who hurl verbal insults at Noor and her children.

What makes Noor equal to the other women in the settlement is this: "Rape is very common here," Noor said. "There is no discrimination." Along the Djibouti border


Six days ago, Deka Mohamed Idou was in a different world. She had a house, a family. She had somehow survived 20 years of civil war in the capital.

Then, in a blur, her life fell apart. A clash between al-Shabab and the government forces erupted in her neighborhood. In the chaos, she was separated from her husband and three of their children. With their two other kids, she fled Mogadishu.

Along the way, she was robbed. She had to borrow $60, the cost of coming from Galkayo to this forlorn border. Two months pregnant, in a rattletrap minibus on a bumpy road, she constantly worried that she would lose her baby.

Now, on the edge of a foreign land, she worried as much about what she left behind as what lay ahead.

Idou looked down the road, at the Djiboutian border police, at the U.N. refugee workers preparing to register her, at the white gate that would open a new life for her family. Soon, they will be transported to Ali Addeh, a desert camp across the border in Djibouti.

"How will they treat us there?" Idou asked. Ali Addeh camp, Djibouti


A bazooka shell struck Aisha Mohammed Abdi's house in Mogadishu, killing her uncle. She fled the capital with her husband and five children. Two died of hunger along the way. Days later, they arrived in Djibouti.

"I dreamed of a better life," she recalled.

That was 20 years ago.

She still lives in this camp, hundreds of miles from the capital, on a barren, oatmeal-colored landscape ringed by tan mountains. The Somalis call it "Tora Bora" because the region resembles Afghanistan. This is where Djibouti's government, worried that newcomers would take jobs away from its citizens, sends Somali and Ethiopian refugees.

The U.N. rations of wheat flour, oil, lentils and sugar are not enough to feed Abdi's family. There is also a shortage of water. Every day, Abdi walks six miles to fetch wood. She sells most of it; the rest is for cooking and heating their tent. There is no electricity.

Rapists are here, too. Two policemen guard the camp of 14,000 refugees. Darkness is the rapists' accomplice.

"Women can't identify their abusers," said Ayan Mohammed, a Djiboutian social worker. "Everyone is afraid."

Abdi once dreamed of being resettled to another country. No longer. Only 64 Somalis left for the United States and other Western countries this year, less than half of 1 percent of the Somali refugees living in Djibouti.

She once dreamed of returning home. No longer.

"It is worse in Mogadishu now than when I left," she said.

Today, she no longer dreams.

"I have been a refugee for 20 years," said Abdi. "Whether I stay longer here or leave for another place, only God knows. But I have lost all hope."
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Dec 24, 2010

The Human Trafficking Problem in US-Malaysia Relations

by Pooja Terasha Stanslas

Asia Pacific Bulletin, No. 88

Publisher: Washington, D.C.: East-West Center in Washington
Publication Date: December 15, 2010
Binding: electronic
Pages: 2
Free Download: PDF

Abstract

The United States is Malaysia's largest trading partner, and US-Malaysia relations generally revolve around three main themes: economics, security, and Malaysian political modernization. Current events often have a role in highlighting particular aspects of these themes, which on occasion can give rise to contradictions in the bilateral relationship. The listing of Malaysia to Tier Three, the lowest rank, in the annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report by the US Department of State in its 2001, 2007 and 2009 publications is one such instance. In the 2009 report, Malaysia was one of seventeen countries cited in Tier Three, alongside North Korea and Myanmar. Pooja Terasha Stanslas discusses the problem of human trafficking in US-Malaysia relations, highlighting Malaysia's recent efforts to remedy the situation.
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Dec 18, 2010

Recent Human Rights Watch Studies

Current Sitemap - International Crisis Group

Crisis Group - Timor-Leste: Time for the UN to Step Back

Asia Briefing N°116, 15 December 2010

The size of the policing contingent of the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) should be sharply reduced to prepare for the peace operation’s eventual end and encourage the country to assume full responsibility for ensuring its own security and future stability.
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The Hmong in America

A Story of Tragedy and Hope

Thoughts by Jeff Lindsay of Appleton, Wisconsin


About the Author

Jeff Lindsay is a resident of Appleton, Wisconsin, who has known and worked with Hmong people since 1994. Jeff has a Ph.D. in chemical engineering from Brigham Young University, has been an Assistant and Associate Professor at the Institute of Paper Science and Technology on the Georgia Tech Campus, where he taught graduate-level science and engineering courses and advised many graduate students. Jeff is a registered U.S. patent agent and the former Corporate Patent Strategist of Kimberly-Clark Corporation, and loves inventing, photography, writing and learning.
Though it does not deal with the Hmong people, immigration to a strange land is a key motif in Jeff's recently published book on innovation, entrepreneurship and strategy from John Wiley & Sons: Conquering Innovation Fatigue by Jeff Lindsay, Cheryl Perkins, and Mukund Karanjikar. See the related blog, InnovationFatigue.com. Preview the book at http://tinyurl.com/nofatigue. Also see what some significant leaders in business and innovation have to say about the book.
Welcome to "The Tragedy of the Hmong," a page by Jeff Lindsay dedicated to understanding the Hmong people in the United States, and the tragic events that brought them here. Few people know their history, their role in fighting for the US in the Vietnam War, and the challenges they face today in this strange country. I hope this page will contribute toward understanding. All views expressed on this page are my own. All text and photos are copyright © 2004-2009, Jeff Lindsay. For more photos of the Hmong people, see photos from the Appleton, Wisconson 2005 Hmong New Year's celebration on the Appleton, Wisconsin Blog. Plus I've got a Hmong photo album on my Sanity Defense blog.
If you would like to read comments from others about this page, see my Hmong comments page. Send me email with your own thoughts to share.
New pages: 1. Photos from a 2009 Hmong Soccer Tournament. 2. Culture Clash: Gaps between Hmong Culture and American Society.
Other news:

Google
Search WWW Search jefflindsay.com
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Dec 15, 2010

The Cham Muslims of Indo-China

The Cham Muslims of Indo-China                                                            

Human Rights Watch - Indifference to Duty

December 14, 2010

Indifference to Duty

Impunity for Crimes Committed in Nepal

Map of Nepal
Summary
Methodology
I. Impunity for Past Human Rights Abuses
Truth and Reconciliation and Disappearances Commissions
Role of the International Community and the National Human Rights Commission
II. Impunity for Recent Human Rights Abuses
Amrita Sunar, Devisara Sunar, and Chandrakala Sunar
Dharmendra Barai
Ram Hari Shrestha
III. Recommendations
To the Government of Nepal
To the Nepal Police Authorities and the Attorney General’s Office
To the Judiciary
To the National Human Rights Commission
To the International Community, especially Australia, China, the European Union, India, Japan, and the US
To the United Nations
Acknowledgements
Appendix: Updates on 62 Cases of Grave Human Rights Violations from Waiting for Justice
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Human Rights Watch - Rights on the Line

December 11, 2010

Rights on the Line

Human Rights Watch Work on Abuses against Migrants in 2010

Summary
Key Recommendations
I. Exploitation of Migrant Workers
Indonesia and Malaysia
Kazakhstan
Lebanon
Thailand
II. Abuse and Detention at Borders
Egypt and Israel
Italy and Libya
Hungary, Slovakia, and Ukraine
Greece and the European Union
Spain
III. Inadequate Health Care for Migrants in Detention
Malawi
Zambia
IV. Discriminatory Treatment of Migrants
France
Italy
South Africa
United States
V. Migration and Trafficking
Kuwait and Saudi Arabia
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau
Acknowledgments
Human Rights Watch Reports on Migrants in 2010
Other Human Rights Watch Materials on Migrants in 2010
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Orlando Patterson - Slavery

patterson, orlando - slavery                                                            

Dec 13, 2010

Bertil Lintner - Thai Turmoil Was No Class War

Thai Turmoil Was No                                                            

Free E-Books: The Open Library (from The Internet Archive) Launches a Much Improved Online E-Book Reader

Screenshot Open LibraryImage via Wikipedia

December 9, 2010 20:12

The Open Library (an Internet Archive initiative) has just launched a new version of their online ebook reader (aka BookReader) featuring a new user interface and other tools. It's terrific.

BookReader allows users read/search more than two million digitized books (and other items) available from The Open Library and Internet Archive.

When searching the Internet Archive eBook and eText Collection, look for the link to read the item online in the left column. Users will also notice that books and other items can also be downloaded in a number of formats.

Using Open Library to search, find, and access books, either click the "read icon" on a search results page (online ebook reader will open) or click the cover thumbnail. Users will be taken to a page with several options (read online, download, send to Kindle, etc.).

Once BookReader is open, here are a few of the things you can do:

1. Clicking the "i" (top of reader) provides a list of formats you can download the item in; send to Kindle (very cool), link to provide feedback, and more.

2. Clicking the three circles icon (next to the "i") allows you to get the code to directly link to the book and/or embed (that's right, embed the book*) on a web page or blog.

The embedded BookReader – now includes "expando" button to view the book in a new browser window.

3. Clicking the speaker icon, will provide text-to-speech allowing you to listen to the book. The Open Archive calls it "Read Aloud."

4. On the bottom of BookReader you'll find the navigation bar. Sliding the finger icon will take you directly to a specific page, facing pages, or multiple pages (depending on the view you select).

5. The remaining icons allow users select how pages are viewed (one page, facing pages, multiple pages); increase/decrease type size; and move back and forth throughout the book.

What's listed above is only the beginning. This blog post from the Open Library has information on more features the the ebook reader provides including:

+ Automatically Generated Tables of Contents for Most Books.
Look for the chapter markers appear in the new navigation bar

+ Improved Full-Text Search of Each Item
Wow! Search results are shown on the navigation bar and include a snippet of text near the matched search term. The search box is located on the top-right side of the reader.

+ Touch gesture support – swipe to flip pages in two-page mode, pinch to zoom on iOS.

+ Improved support for tablet devices like the iPad.

Hopefully, support for iPhone and other mobile platforms are in the works.

As you've read, BookReader is full powered but it's also very easy to use (and learn).

Finally, BookReader and the more than 2 million items you can use it to access are free.

Its been a great year for the Open Library with its relaunch and the addition many new features. With this launch, the OL is ending the year on an excellent note. We can't wait to see what's in store in 2011.

Kudos to Brewster, Peter, George, Michael, and the rest of the IA/OL team.
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Dec 12, 2010

Global Issues - Iraq - WikiLeaks - More Damaging Revelations for the US

by Anup Shah

This Page Created Sunday, December 12, 2010
This page: http://www.globalissues.org/article/790/iraq-wikileaks.
To print all information e.g. expanded side notes, shows alternative links, use the print version:
http://www.globalissues.org/print/article/790

When WikiLeaks released leaked US diplomatic cables in November 2010, it caused an emormous uproar in US circles. Yet, numerous issues were uncovered that would at least cause embarrassment to the US. One of those issues was Iraq and it seemed that despite revelations years before about torture, civilian killings etc, this has all continued.


This web page has the following sub-sections:
Cables reveal that US action in Iraq continues to be questionable
WikiLeaks under fire
More information

Cables reveal that US action in Iraq continues to be questionable

Media organizations, Journeyman Pictures and The Bureau of Investigative Journalism had advanced access to the released cables and produced a documentary for the UK’s Channel 4 Dispatches series, looking at some of the leaked information and what it revealed about Iraq.

Here is a short clip from their documentary:


Iraq’s Secret War Files - 48min Documentary, October 26, 2010 (Clip is 5 minutes. See also the transcript for full documentary)

It showed how the US has killed many innocent civilians, continued torture (even after public revelations about them), and so much more. On their introductory page to the following video clip of their documentary, they give a small example of what these cables reveal:



George Bush said, “In the new Iraq there will be no more torture chambers, the tyrant will soon be gone, the day of your liberation is near”. But the files show that rather than being the driving force for occupation, Al Qaeda flourished under the alienation bred by coalition troops. A handful of references to Al Qaeda in 2003 rises to 8000 in 2008. Troops manning checkpoints or riding convoy shoot at anything that moves: killing a doctor taking a pregnant woman to hospital, and the parents of a fourteen year old girl who was heard to cry: “Why did they shoot us? We were just going home!”. And though the army said they weren't recording the death toll, 69 000 out of the 109 000 deaths recorded in these pages, were civilians.

Iraq’s Secret War Files; The story the US military didn’t want you to hear … ever, Journeyman Pictures, October 22, 2010

Back to top

WikiLeaks under fire

WikiLeaks is an organization that publishes submissions of documents that are normally not public, usually from anonymous sources as news leaks. Started in 2006 it has won awards from organizations such as Amnesty International and the Economist for exposing issues around the world (not just the US, as has been the case more recently).

In 2010 it started releasing documents that made the US look quite bad, especially in Iraq. Towards the end of 2010, it started to release the first of 250,000 confidential US diplomatic cables that have been leaked and since then has found itself under immense media criticism in the US, some even calling for it to be officially classed as a terrorist organization.

This caused an enormous uproar in the US, and debates about WikiLeaks itself rages on, (whether it is indeed performing a democratic function of providing information citizens should know, even filling the gaps of the mainstream media that fails to do this, whether it has gone too far, etc).

The organization has found itself in the spotlight on numerous fronts, for example, some Internet hosting companies severing ties, their web site facing denial of service attempts, various service providers being pressured to or cutting ties with the organization (e.g. payment providers), and so on. Their founder Julian Assange has also found himself facing charges of rape, which many find suspicious as a flagrant attempt to silence someone who is seen as a thorn in the side of the US establishment. Each of these issues themselves are their own pages, but are not covered here at this time.

However, in the context of Iraq, it revealed more about what has been going on, and confirms more many of our general cynicism about politicians; they say one thing, but another thing is often done.

Back to top
More information

This web site is not going to be able to cover the WikiLeaks saga (as I don’t have the time and resources that the mainstream media has, and there is a LOT of mainstream coverage about this anyway), though from time to time, this site will highlight some of the issues that the leaked information reveals.

For further information:
News on Iraq from Inter Press Service, whose stories are carried on this web site
From the Guardian (one of the few news outlets around the world to whom the US diplomatic cables were released)
Iraq War Logs, looks at “391,832 previously secret US military field reports and details the unvarnished and often unknown realities of the war in Iraq”
The US Embassy Cables, coverage of WikiLeaks and the US diplomatic cables that were leaked (including a searchable database of cables)
WikiLeaks more general coverage about the organization

Pew Research Center - Future of the Internet

Future of Internet - Pew Internet Research                                                            

Tewari and Alvarez - Asian American Psychology: Current Perspectives

Asian American Psychology                                                            

Oct 20, 2010

New Postings for October 20,2010

Christian And Muslim Playing ChessImage via Wikipedia
Christian and Muslim playing chess (BM)


### - Indicates a full-text study or document.
## - Indicates a stand-alone website homepage.
# - Indicates includes featured video, audio, or photos.
No marking - Indicates stand-alone posting.
Any Scribd articles may require a quick one-time free registration.
A Facebook article requires a free signup if you are not a member.
!!! Published in a separate posting on this blog earlier today.
B - Burmese fonts and/or voice

___________________

Southeast Asia

Burma postings are covered daily in my Burma Monitor blog at http://burmamonitor.blogspot.com/

I have created extensive link directories to Southeast Asia sources on my second research blog,
Starting Points, here at http://starting-points.blogspot.com/

Thailand’s Emergency: Who Killed the King?
http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/2010/10/11/thailand%E2%80%99s-emergency-who-killed-the-king/

### Asian Currents,October 2010
http://www.asaa.asn.au/publications/ac/asian-currents-10-09.pdf

## Committee on Research Materials on Southeast Asia
http://www.cormosea.org/

## Southeast Asia Digital Library
http://sea.lib.niu.edu/index.html


The Muslim World

### A Mosque, A Temple, An Idea
http://www.eastwestcenter.org/index.php?id=82&class_call=view&pub_ID=3577&mode=view&utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+EWC_FeaturedPublications+%28East-West+Center%3A+Featured+Publications%29&utm_content=Google+Reader

Postcard From Palestine
http://www.thenation.com/article/155400/postcard-palestine?rel=emailNation


American Studies

Pride and Prejudice
http://www.newyorker.com/talk/comment/2010/10/25/101025taco_talk_talbot

Desert Storm
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2010/10/25/101025fa_fact_lemann

What's Become of Obama's Grassroots Political Movement?
http://www.thenation.com/blog/155461/whats-become-obamas-grassroots-political-movement?rel=emailNation


Global Issues

IDP News Alert, 7 October 2010
http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004D31AA/%28httpIDPNewsAlerts%29/BC7E9B4DFB137E72C12577B5004796AB?OpenDocument


Minority Groups

Local Asian Americans join immigration fray
http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2013164900_asianimmigrants15m.html


Internet Studies

# Tim Wu on Communication, Chaos, and Control (video)
http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/currents/

# Ethnographic Video Online (register for access)
http://alexanderstreet.com/ethnography.htm
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Oct 18, 2010

II - Review: A new textbook invites readers to consider a broad concept of ‘Indonesia’

Andy Fuller

fuller.jpg


The Indonesia Reader, edited by Tineke Hellwig and Eric Tagliacozzo, aims to ‘help those who are interested in this unique country’ to understand it better. Using narratives of history, culture and politics to approach Indonesia, The Reader provides a stimulating, challenging and provocative portrait presented through texts chosen on either because they pull apart the concept of ‘Indonesia’ or because they strengthen it.

The book presents texts chronologically, from fifth century writings in Sanskrit on stone pillars found in Kutei in eastern Borneo, through the Dutch colonial period, the Japanese occupation, revolution and independence, ending in the early years of this century. These readings are divided neatly into 10 chapters, each of which has an overview and summaries of the context in which each selected reading was written.

The editors maintain a fine balance between primary source, academic analysis and overview. Their introductions to each section, which are clear and nuanced, will be particularly useful to readers unfamiliar with the original texts.

The complexity of their approach is demonstrated in the way they have edited the texts, skilfully contrasting ideologies and perspectives. For example, in Chapter 8, eyewitness accounts of the killings of 1965-66 are juxtaposed against an account by Suharto in which he describes his humble beginnings and vouches for his ethical principles which have been derived from his simple background – the first of these an excerpt from The Indonesian Killings 1965-1966: Studies from Java and Bali, edited by Robert Cribb, and the second, Suharto’s ‘My Thoughts, Words, Deeds’.

Texts by authors from marginalised or peripheral communities also provide alternative perspectives to dominant narratives of ‘Indonesia’. These include texts such as ‘I am a Papua’ by Julius Pour, ‘Our Struggle against Indonesian Aggression’, by the Republica Democratica de Timor Leste and Dédé Oetomo’s essay, ‘Gays and Lesbians in Indonesia’. In addition, throughout the Reader there is a strong presence of literary writings. We see, for example, texts from authors as varied as Multatuli, Mas Marco Kartodikromo, Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana, Soewarsih Djojopoespito, Pramoedya Ananta Toer, Nh. Dini and Seno Gumira Ajidarma. The exclusion of authors writing in low Malay and of ethnic-Chinese origin as well as those authors writing from the peripheries of the modern nation state of Indonesia is, however, an opportunity missed.

It provides varying readings on what Indonesia is and, usefully, presents many alternatives to the nationalistic interpretations of the unified nation of Indonesia

Each reader of The Indonesia Reader will easily find points of argument with the texts selected and perhaps also with the manner in which certain periods of Indonesia’s history are summarised. For me, one significant incident in Indonesia’s recent history that is omitted is the state-sponsored killings of suspected criminals (known as the ‘petrus’, or ‘mysterious shootings’), which took place during the early to mid-1980s. This phenomenon could have been introduced through the writings of scholars such as James Siegel and Ariel Heryanto and perhaps complemented by some of the literary texts that deal with this state violence. In my view, this would have provided a fascinating portrait of the New Order government as well as a vital intersection of history, politics and culture. Surprisingly, also, The Reader includes little on Islam: there are no texts from Nurcholish Madjid, Abdurrahman Wahid, Ahmad Wahib or contemporary and controversial thinkers such as Ulil Abshar Abdalla or Luthfie Assyaukanie. Given the power of Islam’s influence in Indonesia, it is distinctly underrepresented in the collection, reflected only through texts authored by the current president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and convicted bomber Imam Sumadera.

But in the scheme of things these complaints are mere quibbles. The Indonesia Reader is a vital text. It is not only accessible for a generalist audience, but may also provide some more seasoned professionals with new perspectives through the many alternatives to the nationalistic interpretations of Indonesia that it presents.

Tineke Hellwig and Eric Tagliacozzo (eds), The Indonesia Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Durham: Duke University Press, 2009.

Andy Fuller (acfuller@utas.edu.au) is a PhD candidate at the University of Tasmania.


Inside Indonesia 102: Oct-Dec 2010
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II - Review: Barbara Hatley’s new book documents a career-long study of, and passion for performance in Central Java


Emma Baulch




Javanese Performances on an Indonesian Stage: Contesting Culture, Embracing Change, is Barbara Hatley’s first book about the performing arts in Indonesia, a topic that piqued her interest while undergoing a masters program at Yale University in the late 1960s. In this sense, it is a landmark study, for Hatley has since become very well known in Indonesianist circles, especially among those with an interest in matters of culture, popular and elite. Until recently, her writings on Indonesian performing arts have only been available in the form of journal articles and book chapters.

Javanese Performances must have felt like a massive undertaking for Hatley. It documents her entire career so far, beginning with the research for her doctorate she undertook in 1977-8 on ketoprak, a performance genre hailing from Yogyakarta’s lower class kampung communities, and ending with scenes in which both ketoprak and modern Indonesian theatre (teater) feature in healing efforts following the 2006 earthquake in Yogyakarta.

The book is set entirely in Yogyakarta, although Hatley occasionally draws in developments in the neighbouring court city, Solo. Her focus is on two forms of performance. Ketoprak features a repertoire of plays (lakon) based on Javanese tales of kingship and governance, heavily improvised, interspersed with comic interludes known as clown scenes, also improvised. Teater emerged in the early twentieth century, drawing on Western theatrical traditions, including strict adherence to scripts.

During the period of Hatley’s research, the worlds of teater and ketoprak draw closer to each other. In the 1970s, WS Rendra’s Bengkel Teater established in one of Yogya’s kampungs, some distance from those areas of the city associated with Western-oriented middle class intellectual and artistic activity. Conversely, the New Order state made attempts to ‘modernise’ ketoprak by bringing it into line with certain Western traditions, such as adherence to a script, often one authored by the state. Teater only began to attract large audiences when it drew on ketoprak’s comic elements. In the 1990s, ketoprak plesedan, pioneered by a new generation of ketoprak practitioners who subversively played with the form, brought ketoprak to teater’s standard constituents: young university students and professionals. Hatley describes these and other examples of the inter-mixing of teater-ketoprak in glorious detail.

As she explains in her introduction, Hatley is at pains to illustrate that the images that consistently crop up in Javanese performing arts are fluid; their meanings are not fixed. There is a ‘shared store of images’, Hatley argues, but their frequent emergence in performance does not evince a shared meaning. More often, they serve as devices to contest the status quo, or at least allow for a multiplicity of interpretations. Her book reveals this shared store of images as the bare bones of locality; a frame for the blood and guts of social and political context. Sometimes, the bodies of ketoprak and teater appear controlled by the dominant forces of her story: social hierarchy linked to the culture of the Yogyakarta court, the New Order state with its strong military, a deregulated economy and the celebration of ethnic identity made possible by the post-New Order state. But more often, performances mediate these forces by presenting them in ways that afford people the opportunity to mull them over and consider their meanings.

A history of ketoprak

One of Hatley’s first tasks in the book is to chronicle the history of ketoprak. This is no mean feat, considering the reluctance of her research participants to discuss with her the development of the form during the 1950s and 1960s. During those decades, many ketoprak troupes were aligned with the Indonesian Communist Party. By the 1970s, a number of actors were tainted by this association, or had been killed for the same reason. This political legacy is not forgotten, even though military sponsors attempted to erase class consciousness by refashioning ketoprak’s address. But among viewers and actors in the 1970s, the notion that ketoprak was the property of the little people, the wong cilik, rather than of a more general floating mass as asserted by the New Order state, endured. Military sponsorship in the 1970s did constrain ketoprak. Certain lakon pertaining to class matters were rarely performed during this period. But the military was not able to exert total control over the form, as becomes clear in the second chapter of the book.

Hatley presents ketoprak as a highly syncretic form, with improvisation at its heart. For the most part, actors ‘dutifully incorporated propaganda messages… and listened silently to lectures on aspects of theatrical production they had been practising routinely for decades’. But ketoprak hits the very limits of its syncretism when it comes to accommodating all that the New Order state required of it. There is only so much modernising that practitioners can bear. In a 1978 seminar for actors, the Department of Education and Culture suggested a reworking of the Roro Mendut role so that a soldier, Wiroguno, appeared as virtuous and fit, rather than as a mean old man. But in the time set aside for participants’ comments, several actors spoke out against the suggested reworking. They described it as an unacceptable reshaping of the lakon, and as potentially disruptive of cultural continuity.

Politics in performance

Politics is of great interest to Hatley. She has an acute political sensibility and her analysis is sophisticated. The first three chapters of the book are dedicated to discussion of the politics of ketoprak in the 1970s. In the fourth chapter, Hatley turns to her second example, teater. This chapter treads an epic journey beginning with the establishment of Bengkel Teater in Yogya in the early 1970s, and ending with the performance of a play, Lautan Jilbab (A Sea of Veils), by the Muslim intellectual, Emha Ainun Nadjib, in 1988.

The picture Hatley paints of teater’s beginnings in Yogyakarta in the early New Order period is striking for its contrast with her depiction of ketoprak at this time. From Hatley’s descriptions, I get a sense of ketoprak troupes coping as best they can with military sponsorship and attendant modernisation of their form. But teater proponents such as Rendra experienced this early New Order period as a time of liberation from party politics, a time of free expression. Indeed, one of Hatley’s central points here is that teater was independent of military control, and therefore not as constrained as ketoprak in its story tellings. Political control over teater seems to have been exerted, rather, through periodic bannings, such as of Rendra’s public performances in 1978.

One of Hatley’s central points is that teater was independent of military control under the New Order, and therefore not as constrained as ketoprak in its story tellings

In the latter part of the Javanese Performances, the figure of Bondan Nusantara emerges strongly as representative of a number of children of politically disgraced ketoprak stars who began to play important roles in modernisation and commercialisation of the form in the 1990s. Nusantara’s mother, a star actress with the Communist Party-aligned Krido Mardi troupe, was imprisoned in 1965. Nusantara was among a number of children of ketoprak stars politically tainted in this way, who had spent their early youth with travelling ketoprak groups, then returned to Yogyakarta and became aligned with one of the large, military -sponsored groups.

Bondan Nusantara pioneered a form called ketoprak plesedan, which stressed ketoprak’s comic proclivities and brought the form to new audiences, particularly middle class youth. Hatley forms her discussion of performance in Yogya in the early-1990s around this phenomenon, and its antecedent, known as ketoprak kolossal. Through her descriptions of these new uses of ketoprak, a new political context emerges: one in which the New Order regime now espouses political openness and is more open to foreign investors. A hive of private sponsors emerge, malls begin to populate the Yogyakarta cityscape and the tourism industry grows. Amateur, neighbourhood troupes give way to professional collaborations with teater practitioners, and neighbourhood performances give way to colossal ones. Hatley remains optimistic about these developments. She is hesitant to interpret them as instances of the dispossession of the ‘little people’, as do some critical teater practitioners. Perhaps it is their tastes that have changed, she surmises, noting with curiosity the irony of the close involvement of the children of Communist Party-aligned actors in ketoprak’s later commercialisation: ‘[T]hese figures, Bondan, Nano and Marwoto, intimately connected through family background and personal experience with ketoprak’s populist-socialist past and underclass identity, now took leading roles in its artistic and social transformation. They engaged confidently with the worlds of bureaucracy, big business, journalism and popular media.’

A backstage view

Hatley moves with ease from national and regional-level politics to the micro worlds behind the scenes of performance. In this respect, the task of teasing out the broader social and political meanings of Javanese performances, a task she has devoted her career to, suits her very well. Somehow, by inviting the reader to become intimate with the various troupes and their oeuvres, Hatley introduces us to the political goings-on at a national level. Her ability to bring Javanese performances onto an Indonesian stage is enviable. Much of her book discusses serious matters of the failures and successes of governance but, like ketoprak, Hatley allows herself many comic interludes. The book is utterly devoid of pomposity; Hatley adopts a voice that is not only modest, but lugu, a quality denoting critical simplicity she attributes to the clowns of ketoprak. She invites us to have a laugh with her about the research process.

One of the great highlights of this book is Hatley’s scene descriptions. They sparkle with enthusiasm and convey her great respect and fondness for the people she writes about. They are also telling of her very visceral experience of this aspect of her research. Consider this gem:

The compere… calls on stage a girl in a black singlet top, pants, boots and cap, who turns out to be the boldest performer of all. Bent almost double, she thrusts her vigorously gyrating bottom towards one section of the crowd, and another, and in the faces of the seated musicians, then turns around and does the same action frontwards, to heated shouts from the audience. The head of security for the event, Pak Keamanan, appears. He first instructs the dancers to move, clearing the seated area, then takes the mike and serenades [one of the other performers] as she gyrates. As the girl with the wild bottom movements joins in and they dance together, the atmosphere seems to reach fever pitch. It seems at any minute that the crowd might rush onto the stage. But suddenly, at about 12.15 am, an announcement states that the event is over. The stage lights go out and the big crowd immediately disperses into the night.

Although visceral, much of Hatley’s writing about her experiences as a viewer seems written from the perspective of a lone spectator. The main focus of Hatley’s book is indeed backstage; she often cites the perspectives and thoughts of actors and directors. Her analysis of ketoprak does include some allusions to the different ways female and male audience members respond to certain scenes. But she often uses words such as ‘conjecture’ and ‘arguably’ in interpreting audience responses to performances. In some places, a greater inkling of audience responses would have been useful and interesting. For example, in chapter three, Hatley discusses an East Javanese ketoprak troupe’s reworking of the Arya Penangsang lakon which recounts the struggles for political control following the fall of Demak. The standard interpretation presents a just, refined Central Javanese homeland and coarse, peripheral enemy kingdom. But the East Javanese troupe, Siswo Budoyo, subverted this standard to present a regionalist interpretation. Hatley presents this reworking as an example of ketoprak’s fluidity and in this sense her argument is convincing. But one wonders how audiences in Yogyakarta, Central Java, where the subversive interpretation was performed, responded to such an instance of East Javanese regionalism.

This review has so far favoured Hatley’s discussion of ketoprak, and this is a poor reflection of the actual contents of her book, a great deal of which is devoted to teater. But ketoprak is clearly Hatley’s heartland, her darling. This is understandable, since ketoprak, not teater, was the subject of her doctoral research. As she outlines in her acknowledgments, subsequent research had to be fitted in around a full time teaching job. This explains why ketoprak is lovingly given the book’s first three chapters, where we learn of it slowly. By contrast, a vast stretch of developments in teater are squeezed into her first chapter discussing this form. At this point, chapter four, I began to wish that she had taken us through teater a little more quietly, and been more sparing of her examples.

A third criticism I have of Hatley’s book regards an absence of theory. As mentioned, Hatley masters her context. She writes brilliant scene descriptions and skilfully draws national political developments into local performances. But from time to time, we need to be drawn out of the context, given a chance to digest the enormous political changes that take place in the course of her book, and reminded of the theoretical implications of Hatley’s views about the intertwining of politics and performance. At the commencement of the book, she mentions that she became inspired to study ketoprak after reading James Peacock’s book, Rites of Modernisation, about performances of East Javanese ludruk. But her discussions of performances in Yogyakarta do not engage Peacock’s book at all. Victor Turner, whose theories Hatley’s book would in some regards appear to confirm, is cited, but only in an endnote. Hatley’s concluding chapter is an epilogue, and only provides more context. In her introduction, Hatley does explain how her analysis differs from that of Clifford Geertz, but this reviewer would have welcomed more discussion of how her research compares with some of these other writings on performance. Such engagements would help situate her fabulous descriptions in some broader questions concerning the relationship between ‘performance’ and ‘culture’.

That said, Hatley’s great ability to bring the reader right to the heart of her context should be treasured. This book, I feel, reminds us of the virtues of area studies, something of an endangered discipline, and which demands long stints of immersion in the field site and intimate knowledge of local languages. It is difficult to imagine how Hatley could have mastered Javanese, which she describes as at once ‘respectful and warmly egalitarian’, without spending so much time backstage at ketoprak shows. It is also difficult to imagine how, without her mastery of Javanese, Hatley could have gathered the material needed to support her upbeat image of Javanese people as both avidly political and culturally progressive, as intimated in the subtitle of her book: contesting culture, embracing change. This is an unusual image, but Hatley presents it convincingly, and with great fondness. Due to Hatley’s rare insights, Javanese Performances ought to endure as a classic example of Western scholarship on Java.

Barbara Hatley, Javanese Performances on an Indonesian Stage: Contesting Culture, Embracing Change, Singapore, NUS Press, 2008.

Emma Baulch (ebaulch@gmail.com) is a post doctoral fellow at the ANU, where she is researching the Indonesian pop music industry. She lives in Bali.
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