Ezra Sihite & Markus Junianto Sihaloho | October 25, 2011
How old is too old to run for president? For Taufik Kiemas, the answer is 68 — the age his wife, former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, will be in 2014.
Taufik, the chairman of the advisory board of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said his wife, the party’s chairwoman, should reconsider her own plans to run in 2014.
“It would be better if Madame thinks first before moving ahead [in the 2014 elections.] She would be 68 years old in 2014,” he said.
He said the PDI-P should be looking for a replacement for Megawati. “If we prepare younger members in the next three years, one of them will certainly emerge. The older members must give way,” he said.
Taufik’s feelings aside, a recent poll by the Indonesian Voting Network (JSI) found that Megawati and Prabowo Subianto, the founder of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), were the most popular potential presidential candidates for 2014.
Taufik declined to name any potential young PDI-P candidates, nor did he say whether his daughter, Puan Maharani, 38, would be among those groomed.
For her part, Puan said she was ready to run for president. “As a cadre, I’m ready to be assigned to any position, especially if it is mandated by the party,” she said. “My grandfather was president, my mother was also president, and hopefully in 2014 we can win.”
The same family political dynamics were seen during the PDI-P’s last congress, when Taufik pushed for the creation of a deputy chair post in the party, ostensibly for Puan, which was rejected by Megawati’s backers.
The couple have failed to see eye to eye for years, and Taufik said it was his opinion that Megawati should not run, not the party’s.
“Bung Karno once said that leaders would always be born if they were well prepared. Every era would give birth to a leader and they had to be prepared,” he said, referring to the country’s founding president, Sukarno, Megawati’s father.
He said the country and its political parties needed to do a better job of grooming as many potential young leaders as possible.
Taufik added that if the PDI-P insisted on fielding the same old candidates in the 2014 legislative and presidential elections, it risked becoming a laughingstock.
“We once laughed at Suharto when he still wanted to be president at 70. How come we are following in his steps?” he said.
Maruarar Sirait, a young PDI-P politician, rejected the idea that Megawati was too old and said the party should throw its weight behind her in 2014.
He said the results of the JSI survey, which was not commissioned by the party, showed that Megawati still had the support to be a successful candidate in 2014.
“If all the requirements are met, then there is no reason to forbid Mrs. Mega to run for the presidency,” Maruarar said.
Taufik’s comments also sparked a debate among politicians over age requirements for presidential candidates. Priyo Budi Santoso, a deputy House speaker from the Golkar Party, said that age should not become an issue for anyone wishing to serve the state.
“Megawati is also a central figure in this country. If a figure of her calibre still wants to go forward [with a presidential candidacy] then it should be respected. And the same goes for Aburizal Bakrie. If he is pushed [to run], do not forbid him,” Priyo said, referring to the Golkar chairman, who will be 66 when the presidential election takes place.
Priyo said there was no need to rush younger leaders. “If Golkar wants to back senior figures it should be allowed to, don’t scold them,” he said.
Oct 24, 2011
Oct 23, 2011
Asian Correspondent - Top 10 Incorrect Singaporean Stereotypes
By Sharon Chen
Singapore is a city of contradictions. Is it a bustling metropolis? An exotic tropical island? A ruthless Asian Tiger? It’s impossible to sum up the unique country in a single phrase, but we can separate the truth from exaggeration. Here’s a look at 10 common misperceptions.
1. Singapore in China.
Yes, Singapore is 74% Chinese. No, it’s not a part of China. In fact, Singapore is located in South East Asia, just south of Malaysia, 3801 kilometers from Shanghai. While Chinese culture is a big part of Singaporean life, it’s just one aspect of its vibrant mishmash of multiethnic local traditions. Chinese New Year is a big deal, but so are Hari Raya, Deepavali and Christmas.
2. Singaporeans can’t speak English.
Non-Singaporeans are frequently astonished when they discover that Singaporeans can speak fluent English. In fact, English is the primary language of business, government and instruction here. While Chinese, Malay and Tamil are commonly used as well, almost everyone is bilingual to some extent.
3. Singapore is run by an authoritarian regime.
The People’s Action Party dominates elections, government bureaucracy and the media. There is little chance of any opposition making a serious impact on institutions and policy. This may have been true in the past, but Singapore’s socio-political landscape is changing rapidly.
The recent general and presidential elections are the best testaments to this. Newly elected President Dr. Tony Tan faced fierce competition despite strong support from the PAP and was elected by the skin of his teeth. Most dissent used to take place online and was often tinged with self-defeatist resignation. Today it is quickly spilling into the mainstream and demanding serious consideration by the powers that be.
4. Singapore is a nanny state.
You can’t chew gum, smoke weed or graffiti public transport for fear of caning and death by hanging. Seth Rogen got quite a few Singaporeans riled up when he painted the city as a “barbaric… and frightening… benevolent dictatorship” in an interview with Conan O’Brien.
While there is harsh corporal punishment for crimes involving drugs, rape, murder, vandalism and so forth, the idea that Singaporeans are living in blissful ignorance under the iron fist of totalitarianism is false. Singaporeans are well aware that the restrictions placed on them are excessive compared to other countries, but generally agree that the safety and cleanliness they enjoy are a worthy payoff. The average law-abiding citizen would have no reason to be concerned with the cane or noose anyway.
As for visitors, they are made well aware of the rules before they enter the country and it makes sense that they should be expected to follow them – just as any Singaporean would be expected to abide by the rules of whatever country they were in. Also, it isn’t illegal to chew gum here, just to import and sell it.
5. Singaporeans are uptight.
They can’t take a joke – look how they overreacted to that hilarious Seth Rogen video! This seems to stem from a perception that Asians in general lack the ability to laugh at themselves. I beg to differ. Take a look at this popular blog and website for Singaporean self-deprecation at its finest.
6. Singaporeans are apathetic and uninformed.
There is a big difference between indifference and ignorance. It is almost impossible in this day and age to be completely oblivious to the news of the day, especially when controversial issues arise. It might be true that Singaporeans are less likely to speak up for fear of sanction, but that should not be mistaken for a lack of concern.
Some might say that the lackluster showing at the attempt to “Occupy Singapore” is a symptom of passivity, but there are many other ways to achieve constructive change. The fact that such a protest was attempted, no matter how ineffectively, is proof that Singaporeans are anything but apathetic, much less uninformed.
7. Singaporean kids have no fun.
Is Singapore full of Tiger Mums (and Dads)? Well, one couple did make it onto an episode of “World’s Strictest Parents.” Singapore’s education system definitely places a strong emphasis on grades, especially since children start taking standardized tests at the tender age of 12. But children all over the world are facing increased pressure to excel in school, and parents can be equally strict everywhere. There are “cram schools” in India, China, the United Kingdom, the United States… the list goes on. Children here are just like their counterparts in other countries. There are those who study way too hard, and those who hardly study at all.
8. Singapore has no local Arts scene.
Singapore is sterile and boring – it’s only concerned with economic growth. No one is going to make a living as a singer, actor or painter. Local artistes certainly do have a tough time competing against the wave of Hollywood movies, TV shows and music that have consumed the island. But they are an ever-growing presence.
Pick up a copy of Juice, Singapore’s premier “indie” magazine, for a look into the not-so-underground world of local music. Playwrights like Dick Lee and Alfian bin Sa’at are household names. TV shows like The Pupil, Singapore’s first legal drama, and The Noose, a hilarious satirical fake-news program, are light-years ahead of previous locally produced fare.
In 2010, Singaporeans took part in an average of 92 arts- and culture- related activities everyday. It looks like that number is poised to increase as more young people choose to go to schools like the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts and Laselle College of the Arts over traditional universities.
9. Singaporean men are whipped.
I blame this on articles like this. Somewhere along the way, a caricature of Singaporean men as metrosexual, handbag-carrying wimps has emerged. We are talking about men who have had to spend two years in mandatory military training. They know how to fire guns, survive in the jungle and scale really high walls. In all seriousness, there is no way to prove or disprove this charge. To each his own.
10. Singaporean women are materialistic.
They are more interested in finding a man who can provide for them than “true love” (whatever that means). They want designer handbags, luxury cars and beautiful houses.Sarong Party Girls are constantly on the prowl for rich Caucasian men who can introduce them to the high life. There are those who argue that there is a fine line between materialism and pragmatism. I tried to get a response from Singaporean women but none of them could be reached. Prada just announced a 50% storewide discount.
Sharon Chen is a Regional Representative for Asian Correspondent based in Singapore. You can follow her on Twitter @thisissharons
Jakarta Post - A deciding moment for SBY and Papua?
Image via Wikipedia
Abdul Khalik, The Jakarta Post, Nusa Dua, Bali | Sun, 10/23/2011 9:50 AM
|
Coincidence or not, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Indonesia’s defense and military decision makers and US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta are all now in Bali at a time when Papua is in turmoil and US gold and copper giant Freeport is facing new threats in the province.
With Panetta planned to meet Yudhoyono either on Sunday morning or the following day and a confirmation that Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro would meet Panetta on Sunday afternoon on the sidelines of the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting, speculation has circulated that Papua and Freeport would become the key topics of the discussion.
“We are now trying to find time for the meeting. I think if we cannot do it on Sunday morning then it most probably happen on Monday,” Presidential spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said here on Saturday.
Faizasyah, however, denied any connection between Panetta’s visit and what has happened in Papua in recent days.
“It [Yudhoyono-Panetta planned meeting] has been arranged at least two weeks before,” he said.
While conditions in Papua, coupled with Jakarta’s failure to address problems, there have been rising demands for independence. Analysts have agreed that the US, which has an interest to keep Freeport operations secure, played a significant role in making Papua an international issue, resembling what has happened in Timor Leste prior to 1999.
“As long as Papua’s problems are not solved, Freeport’s operations will continue to be under threat. This is the US’ biggest concern,” University of Indonesia international relations expert Hariyadi Wirawan said.
“I think this will be one of the topics that will be discussed when Pak Presiden or Pak Purnomo and Panetta meet, although it will not be disclosed to the public,” he said.
Hariyadi warned that Indonesia should offer concrete ways to solve Papua’s problems to prevent the US from taking drastic steps, including sending its own soldiers to guard Freeport or even question before an international event, Indonesia’s approach to handling problems in the province and turning the issue into an international concern.
“We don’t know if all the incidents in Papua have been designed in coincidence with Panetta’s visit or ahead of Obama’s planned visit in November, but the visits have given the momentum,” he said.
At least 11 people have been killed in Papua in recent weeks after riot at the Freeport mine site in Timika and pro-independence campaign in the province’s capital of Jayapura in the last two weeks.
After three people were shot to death on Wednesday in Jayapura, unidentified gunmen killed another three people in Timika, the nearest town to the world’s largest copper and gold reserve, on Friday.
A contract worker of PT Freeport Indonesia, a local unit of US gold and copper giant Freeport-McMoRan, was killed along with two local residents of Timika, some 450 kilometers west of Jayapura, or around 3,000 kilometers east of Jakarta.
In 1967, four years after Indonesia annexed Papua from the Dutch, Freeport opened the region’s first gold and copper mining operation at the Grasberg mine near Timika.
A recent string of deadly incidents in the country’s most remote and underdeveloped province probably constitutes the most serious situation the region has faced in the past 10 years, culminating in the deadly incident as the police tried to disperse Papuan tribes gathered in Jayapura over a congress after they declared an independent Papua.
Jakarta was quick to justify their tough actions against the declaration, stating that there was no justification or compromise for such an act.
However, academics warned that the government must learn that violence would never solve problems, but could probably only worsen conditions, pointing to the series of killings in then East Timor province, including the Santa Cruz’s killings, which culminated in the creation of Timor Leste.
“Jakarta must pursue dialogues seen as genuine, honest and sincere by the Papuans. We, the academics, are ready to help with inputs for the government. Hopefully, we can offer fresh and breakthrough inputs to solve the problems,” Hariyadi said.
With Panetta planned to meet Yudhoyono either on Sunday morning or the following day and a confirmation that Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro would meet Panetta on Sunday afternoon on the sidelines of the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting, speculation has circulated that Papua and Freeport would become the key topics of the discussion.
“We are now trying to find time for the meeting. I think if we cannot do it on Sunday morning then it most probably happen on Monday,” Presidential spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said here on Saturday.
Faizasyah, however, denied any connection between Panetta’s visit and what has happened in Papua in recent days.
“It [Yudhoyono-Panetta planned meeting] has been arranged at least two weeks before,” he said.
While conditions in Papua, coupled with Jakarta’s failure to address problems, there have been rising demands for independence. Analysts have agreed that the US, which has an interest to keep Freeport operations secure, played a significant role in making Papua an international issue, resembling what has happened in Timor Leste prior to 1999.
“As long as Papua’s problems are not solved, Freeport’s operations will continue to be under threat. This is the US’ biggest concern,” University of Indonesia international relations expert Hariyadi Wirawan said.
“I think this will be one of the topics that will be discussed when Pak Presiden or Pak Purnomo and Panetta meet, although it will not be disclosed to the public,” he said.
Hariyadi warned that Indonesia should offer concrete ways to solve Papua’s problems to prevent the US from taking drastic steps, including sending its own soldiers to guard Freeport or even question before an international event, Indonesia’s approach to handling problems in the province and turning the issue into an international concern.
“We don’t know if all the incidents in Papua have been designed in coincidence with Panetta’s visit or ahead of Obama’s planned visit in November, but the visits have given the momentum,” he said.
At least 11 people have been killed in Papua in recent weeks after riot at the Freeport mine site in Timika and pro-independence campaign in the province’s capital of Jayapura in the last two weeks.
After three people were shot to death on Wednesday in Jayapura, unidentified gunmen killed another three people in Timika, the nearest town to the world’s largest copper and gold reserve, on Friday.
A contract worker of PT Freeport Indonesia, a local unit of US gold and copper giant Freeport-McMoRan, was killed along with two local residents of Timika, some 450 kilometers west of Jayapura, or around 3,000 kilometers east of Jakarta.
In 1967, four years after Indonesia annexed Papua from the Dutch, Freeport opened the region’s first gold and copper mining operation at the Grasberg mine near Timika.
A recent string of deadly incidents in the country’s most remote and underdeveloped province probably constitutes the most serious situation the region has faced in the past 10 years, culminating in the deadly incident as the police tried to disperse Papuan tribes gathered in Jayapura over a congress after they declared an independent Papua.
Jakarta was quick to justify their tough actions against the declaration, stating that there was no justification or compromise for such an act.
However, academics warned that the government must learn that violence would never solve problems, but could probably only worsen conditions, pointing to the series of killings in then East Timor province, including the Santa Cruz’s killings, which culminated in the creation of Timor Leste.
“Jakarta must pursue dialogues seen as genuine, honest and sincere by the Papuans. We, the academics, are ready to help with inputs for the government. Hopefully, we can offer fresh and breakthrough inputs to solve the problems,” Hariyadi said.
Today - Timor Leste's Ramos-Horta to decide on political future in January
04:46 AM Oct 23, 2011
SINGAPORE - Timor Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta said he will decide in January whether to seek re-election in the 2012 Presidential Elections.
The 61-year-old took office in 2007 after serving as Prime Minister for about a year.
"I've been saying a few times that 90 per cent of the decision has been made. I would personally decline to seek a second term ... But, I may change my mind ... I will be making my final decision on my future in early January," the Nobel Peace Laureate said in an interview with MediaCorp during a visit to Singapore.
The 61-year-old took office in 2007 after serving as Prime Minister for about a year.
"I've been saying a few times that 90 per cent of the decision has been made. I would personally decline to seek a second term ... But, I may change my mind ... I will be making my final decision on my future in early January," the Nobel Peace Laureate said in an interview with MediaCorp during a visit to Singapore.
Whatever his political future holds, Dr Ramos-Horta said he will look back at his term with no regrets. He said he tried his best to adopt a "humanitarian" approach to reach out to the population of 1.2 million.
"The presidential office is open and accessible to the people. The state has to be open to the people. I don't have heavy arms security in the palace."
His "open door" policy is part of efforts at fostering national reconciliation. Timor Leste, formerly known as East Timor, broke away from Indonesia in 1999, gaining independence in 2002. Its pre-independence period was marked by unrest and occasional violence.
But Dr Ramos-Horta said reconciliation efforts in the past few years have proven to be successful.
"In 1999, we had violent strife. Thousands of Timorese voted to stay with Indonesia and many of them engaged in destructive violence. In the past ten years, a vast majority of them had returned ... Since then, there has not been a single case of reprisal by the pro-independence movement against them. Not a single case."
But he said challenges remain ahead of the country's tenth independence anniversary next May.
"Timor has reduced poverty by 9 per cent, infant child mortality rate reduced by 15 per cent, life expectancy went up, unemployment significantly reduced. A lot still to be done. Most of our institutions are still weak, some are dysfunctional like public administration. But, we are 10 years, not 30 years old or 50 years old, so we are very proud of what we have achieved."
Oct 22, 2011
YouTube Release Notes: Updated Video End-Screen, WeVideo added to YouTube.com/Create and More...
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2011
Updated Video End-Screen: We’ve redesigned the end-screen that appears directly after a video finishes playing to make it even easier for you to find the next great video to watch.
Enhanced Playlist Bar: To make the experience of watching videos in a playlist better, we’ve updated the interface for video playlists, making the individual video details more visible from within the playlist and making the next, previous, auto-play and shuffle buttons more distinct.
Updated YouTube.com/Charts page: If you want to keep track of the latest and greatest videos on YouTube or know which videos have had true staying power, check out our updated YouTube Charts page. You can browse through the most viewed (standard and HD), most liked, and top favorited videos of today, this week, this month and of all time. Pulling from our ‘As Seen On’ feature, you’ll also be able to see what videos are being shared and discussed across the web. For those of you with truly niche interests, you can view charts by categories like “How to & Style” and “Pets & Animals,” and also see the most subscribed channels.
WeVideo Now on YouTube: To give you even more options to edit and touch up your videos, we’ve added the cloud-based video editing platform WeVideo as a partner to YouTube.com/Create.
YouTube Localized in More Countries and Languages: We recently added Kenya, the Philippines and Singapore to the list of countries where YouTube is localized, bringing this total number to 35. You can check out what’s popular in these countries by changing your location setting, which you can find by scrolling to the bottom of YouTube.com and clicking on Location. To further support content creators in these countries, we also launched theYouTube Partner Program here as well. Want to practice your Estonian, Icelandic, Basque, Galician, or Udu? We’ve added these new languages, making the YouTube interface available in the vernacular in 51 languages.
Smart Subscribe button: We’ve added a "smart" subscribe button on the video watch page, that will let you know if you’re already subscribed to the channel of the video you’re watching. If you so, it’ll say "Subscribed!". If not, you’ll see the standard “Subscribe” button allowing you to do so.
Nathalie Arbel, Product Marketing Manager, recently watched “K’Naan NPR Music Tiny Desk Concert.”
ICG - Africa without Qaddafi: The Case of Chad
Image via Wikipedia
Image by شبكة برق | B.R.Q via FlickrN’Djamena/Nairobi/Brussels | 21 Oct 2011
The fall of Qaddafi’s regime, followed by his death on 20 October, could pave the way to promises of democracy in Libya but left neighbouring countries facing new potential problems that could threaten stability in the region.
Africa without Qaddafi: The Case of Chad , the latest report from the International Crisis Group, warns that those potential new problems created by the upheavals related to Qaddafi’s demise include a massive flight home of migrants, the possible resurgence of militant Islamism and the proliferation of fighters and weapons. Several uncertainties remain regarding the future of Chad-Libyan relations. Will the Chadian government and the new rulers of Tripoli be able to win each other’s trust and put aside grievances born during the eight months of crisis? How will the volatile situation in Libya’s south impact on these relations? What will be Libya’s new policy on the Chad-Sudan equation? More generally, given Qaddafi’s impact on the continent, what will be Libya’s new relationship with the rest of Africa?
“Chad’s President Déby saw Qaddafi as essential to his own regional policy – he was reluctant to accept the possibility of his fall when the Libyan insurgency broke out and slow to realise its full consequences”, says Saad Adoum, Crisis Group’s Central Africa Senior Analyst. “However, he knows from recent history that hostile relations with Libya’s new authorities could quickly endanger the stability of northern Chad”.
During his 42-year reign, Qaddafi was time and again an actor in and mediator of Chad’s conflicts. After initially playing an active role in destabilising the north, he contributed in recent years to bringing relative peace to that historically rebellious zone by mediating between armed groups. When the crisis in Libya began, Déby initially tried to defend Qaddafi’s political legitimacy by accusing the rebels of colluding with Islamists.
Though Déby’s government denied it was providing any military support, the presence of Chadian fighters among Qaddafi’s troops in Libya stripped his statements of weight. This had serious consequences for the treatment of Chadian nationals in Libya in areas where the insurgents gained control, though at least the overwhelming majority have been in the country for years for purely economic reasons. It was only when NATO intervened and power shifted away from Qaddafi, that the Chadian government took a more strategic and realistic stance, calling for negotiations and establishing preliminary contacts with the transitional insurgent authorities (the NTC). Given the security and economic interests at stake, Chad has now recognised the ex-rebels, and Déby has met with the NTC leader, Mustafa Abdul Jalil. But despite this rapprochement, the future of relations remains uncertain.
N’Djamena is also legitimately concerned for the plight of Chadian nationals in Libya. The new rulers of Libya and Déby should put aside grievances born during the crisis and ensure that economic cooperation and exchanges are maintained and that civilians, including each other’s nationals, are protected in both countries.
“Due to the length of his reign, his influence abroad and strong patronage politics, Qaddafi’s shadow will continue to be felt in Libya and neighbouring countries”, says Central Africa Project Director Thierry Vircoulon. “It is too early to say whether the changes will turn into medium- and long-term factors of instability in the region, but Chad’s uncertainties show what Africa without Qaddafi may look like”.
ICG - Breaking Point? Yemen’s Southern Question
Image via WikipediaSanaa/Brussels | 20 Oct 2011
Amid uncertainty fuelled by ongoing mass protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yemen’s political future, as well as its unity - notably the status of the South - hang in the balance.
Breaking Point? Yemen’s Southern Question , the latest report from the International Crisis Group, explores the roots of the Southern issue, its relationship with the 2011 uprising and the prospects of reaching a compromise that would preserve territorial unity while profoundly redefining the relationship between the central government and regional entities. To peacefully resolve the Southern issue, political actors would need to reach agreement on a transition of power in Sanaa followed by an inclusive national dialogue. Yet, there is no indication Yemenis are heading in that direction. Instead, as mass protests continue without result, frustration is growing along with Southerners’ distrust that events in the North will have a positive impact in the South.
“We face an explosive situation”, says April Alley, Crisis Group’s Senior Arabian Peninsula Analyst. “An enduring political impasse could prompt further collapse of security and economic conditions, triggering greater unrest and instability in the South. Alternatively, if a full-fledged civil war breaks out in the North, Southerners might pursue a serious bid for separation. Secession would almost certainly spark another conflict with the North and could lead to in-fighting and additional fragmentation within the South itself”.
The former People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) merged with its northern neighbour, the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR), in 1990 to form the Republic of Yemen. Unity was troubled from the start and resulted in a short but bloody civil war in 1994. Afterward, two profoundly different narratives took hold, one declaring that the war had closed the file on separation and solidified unity, the other claiming instead it marked the end of unity and the beginning of the North’s occupation of the South. Southerners’ feelings of marginalisation and injustice eventually gave way to a popular protest movement in 2007, which later shifted to calls for separation.
At its start, the 2011 Yemeni uprising facilitated cooperation between Northern and Southern protesters and opened up fresh opportunities to peacefully resolve the Southern issue. Yet, the early euphoria is giving way to resurgent calls by some for Southern independence. Political activists in the South point to two possible ways forward: immediate separation or a federation consisting of two regions. A third option, to organise the country along four to seven federal regions, has found wider appeal in the North and potentially could gain traction within the staunchly pro-unity parties, the opposition Islah and the ruling General People’s Congress. Still others advocate for a system of strengthened local governance.
To pave the way for successful dialogue, all major stakeholders, including the ruling party, should officially acknowledge the importance of the Southern issue and commit to its fair resolution through negotiations. At a minimum, Southerners should have a special status in the dialogue to reassure them that their issues will not be lost amid Yemen’s many challenges. Of course, none of this can happen without quick agreement on and implementation of a viable transition plan for the political system as a whole.
“Yemen's upheaval presents a rare opportunity to redefine its flawed and failed political compact”, says Crisis Group’s Middle East & North Africa Program Director, Robert Malley. “At the same time, it has considerably raised the price of inaction. If nothing is done soon to peacefully address both national and Southern deep-seated grievances, a darker and more ominous chapter could yet be written”.
Oct 20, 2011
VIVAnews - Freeport-Govt Ties Not Helping End Strike
Freeport still has close ties with a government that keeps tight military control.
KAMIS, 20 OKTOBER 2011, 09:39 WIB
Bonardo Maulana Wahono
(REUTERS/ Muhammad Yamin)
When Freeport renewed its contract for one of the world's biggest copper and gold mines, some of Indonesia's top officials were on hand at the celebration, cheerfully applauding the CEO's impersonation of Elvis Presley.
Some 20 years, and several Indonesian presidents, later, that cosy relationship with the government in Jakarta is doing little to help resolve one of the resource-rich country's worst industrial disputes.
It may well be a hindrance.
The strike at Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc 's Grasberg mine in the remote eastern province of Papua shut down production in mid-September, though the firm says it is back producing at reduced levels after sabotage to its main pipeline on Monday.
The dispute over pay has also drawn in local tribesmen, with their own grievances over land rights and pollution, armed with spears and arrows to join Freeport workers blocking the mine's supply roads for food and fuel this week.
The company's relationship with the central government stretches back to the 1960s when autocratic President Suharto was in the early years of his long rule.
It was a rule, which ended in 1998 in the wake of the Asian financial crisis, when a major project without involvement of the country's elite was unthinkable.
Freeport still has close ties with a government that keeps tight military control over Grasberg, which holds more gold than any other mine in the world, and the rest of its easternmost and independent-minded Papua province, to safeguard its vast reserves of natural resources.
The snag now for the Phoenix, Arizona-based company is that Jakarta, lord of all the archipelago during the Suharto era, has since handed over political authority to a locally elected governor.
"Things are different now. The central government doesn't have the same power it used to have ... Now the power to deal with the strike and pay dispute is in the hand of the local government but they just don't do that," said Yunarto Wijaya, an analyst from Jakarta-based think tank Charta Politika.
But Wijaya says the local government simply does not have the power to negotiate with Freeport.
And the central government's failure to help despite sending in officials to mediate, has only added to the resentment.
Indonesia's government owns about 9 percent in Freeport Indonesia, which contributes 1.6 percent of GDP in Southeast Asia's top economy, and its inability to broker a deal to resolve the dispute is painful.
Freeport still beat Wall Street estimates in its third quarter results on Wednesday, but said production and sales were adversely affected by the strike, to the tune of 70 million pounds of copper and 100,000 ounces of gold. That's $165 million worth of gold alone at today's prices .
Tarnished Gold
One of Suharto's first laws after rising to power in the mid-1960s was to allow Freeport into Papua, then a new province of Indonesia. In 1991, a new contract was signed to tap the huge riches of Grasberg mountain.
In a sign of how close relations were with the government's upper levels, several of its most powerful officials attended the huge party in Jakarta to celebrate the 1991 deal. The entertainment included an impersonation of Elvis Presley by the now chairman of Freeport, James "Jim Bob" Moffett.
These days, however, politicians regularly sound off against foreign investment and there is a clear split between those who are pro-international capital and those who favour not just subsidies and protectionism, but resource asset expropriation -- a divide that reaches even to the cabinet.
The new energy and mining minister, Jero Wacik, inaugurated on Wednesday, said one of his first priorities was to renegotiate "too unfair" production sharing contracts, though he did not name any company.
"Maybe now, because there is so much criticism with regard to the contract of work, and not just Freeport ... by some of the politicians and NGOs, the government doesn't want to show its close relations with foreign investors, especially the mining industry," said one Indonesia mining consultant.
"I don't think there is a special relationship between Freeport and the government. In the past yes, but that sometimes can be a burden for Freeport rather than a positive. People can be suspicious that a previous contract was based on relations at that time, and too good for Freeport," he said.
Handouts
Security consultants say it is essential for resource firms to get on better with local communities which often demand a share of profits that are kept by the central government.
Freeport says it is trying. Last year alone it spent $155 million on various sustainable development programmes in Papua, including nearly $70 million on community development in one of the country's poorest regions.
But with gold prices at record highs, and Grasberg having the world's biggest gold reserves, workers have demanded more than 10 times their current pay of $1.50 an hour.
The workers union, which has held pay talks with the firm mediated by government, says Freeport's relationship with the government is too close and argues that the local authorities are ineffectual.
"The way they let Freeport do things, such as firing people at will, forcing workers on strike to work, hiring new people to do the work are against the manpower law, but Freeport did not get a strong warning for doing so," said Juli Parorrongan, spokesman for the union.
"The local government is either too spoiled by Freeport's presence or doesn't have the ability to manage these resources."
Some 20 years, and several Indonesian presidents, later, that cosy relationship with the government in Jakarta is doing little to help resolve one of the resource-rich country's worst industrial disputes.
It may well be a hindrance.
The strike at Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc 's Grasberg mine in the remote eastern province of Papua shut down production in mid-September, though the firm says it is back producing at reduced levels after sabotage to its main pipeline on Monday.
The dispute over pay has also drawn in local tribesmen, with their own grievances over land rights and pollution, armed with spears and arrows to join Freeport workers blocking the mine's supply roads for food and fuel this week.
The company's relationship with the central government stretches back to the 1960s when autocratic President Suharto was in the early years of his long rule.
It was a rule, which ended in 1998 in the wake of the Asian financial crisis, when a major project without involvement of the country's elite was unthinkable.
Freeport still has close ties with a government that keeps tight military control over Grasberg, which holds more gold than any other mine in the world, and the rest of its easternmost and independent-minded Papua province, to safeguard its vast reserves of natural resources.
The snag now for the Phoenix, Arizona-based company is that Jakarta, lord of all the archipelago during the Suharto era, has since handed over political authority to a locally elected governor.
"Things are different now. The central government doesn't have the same power it used to have ... Now the power to deal with the strike and pay dispute is in the hand of the local government but they just don't do that," said Yunarto Wijaya, an analyst from Jakarta-based think tank Charta Politika.
But Wijaya says the local government simply does not have the power to negotiate with Freeport.
And the central government's failure to help despite sending in officials to mediate, has only added to the resentment.
Indonesia's government owns about 9 percent in Freeport Indonesia, which contributes 1.6 percent of GDP in Southeast Asia's top economy, and its inability to broker a deal to resolve the dispute is painful.
Freeport still beat Wall Street estimates in its third quarter results on Wednesday, but said production and sales were adversely affected by the strike, to the tune of 70 million pounds of copper and 100,000 ounces of gold. That's $165 million worth of gold alone at today's prices .
Tarnished Gold
One of Suharto's first laws after rising to power in the mid-1960s was to allow Freeport into Papua, then a new province of Indonesia. In 1991, a new contract was signed to tap the huge riches of Grasberg mountain.
In a sign of how close relations were with the government's upper levels, several of its most powerful officials attended the huge party in Jakarta to celebrate the 1991 deal. The entertainment included an impersonation of Elvis Presley by the now chairman of Freeport, James "Jim Bob" Moffett.
These days, however, politicians regularly sound off against foreign investment and there is a clear split between those who are pro-international capital and those who favour not just subsidies and protectionism, but resource asset expropriation -- a divide that reaches even to the cabinet.
The new energy and mining minister, Jero Wacik, inaugurated on Wednesday, said one of his first priorities was to renegotiate "too unfair" production sharing contracts, though he did not name any company.
"Maybe now, because there is so much criticism with regard to the contract of work, and not just Freeport ... by some of the politicians and NGOs, the government doesn't want to show its close relations with foreign investors, especially the mining industry," said one Indonesia mining consultant.
"I don't think there is a special relationship between Freeport and the government. In the past yes, but that sometimes can be a burden for Freeport rather than a positive. People can be suspicious that a previous contract was based on relations at that time, and too good for Freeport," he said.
Handouts
Security consultants say it is essential for resource firms to get on better with local communities which often demand a share of profits that are kept by the central government.
Freeport says it is trying. Last year alone it spent $155 million on various sustainable development programmes in Papua, including nearly $70 million on community development in one of the country's poorest regions.
But with gold prices at record highs, and Grasberg having the world's biggest gold reserves, workers have demanded more than 10 times their current pay of $1.50 an hour.
The workers union, which has held pay talks with the firm mediated by government, says Freeport's relationship with the government is too close and argues that the local authorities are ineffectual.
"The way they let Freeport do things, such as firing people at will, forcing workers on strike to work, hiring new people to do the work are against the manpower law, but Freeport did not get a strong warning for doing so," said Juli Parorrongan, spokesman for the union.
"The local government is either too spoiled by Freeport's presence or doesn't have the ability to manage these resources."
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