Aug 21, 2009

Bombs Hurt Maliki Case That Iraq Can Guard Itself

BAGHDAD — In recent months, Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki has sought to convince Iraq that it is finished with war. He ordered blast walls around Baghdad pulled down, including those near the Foreign and Finance Ministries. He has refused to ask the American military for help in any major way since Iraqi soldiers took full security responsibility in the cities on June 30.

Then two trucks drove into downtown Baghdad on Wednesday, detonating huge bombs that killed nearly 100 people and that gravely wounded Mr. Maliki’s case that Iraq is ready to defend itself without American help. The attacks also deepened a widespread dissatisfaction with Mr. Maliki, with some critics accusing him of polishing his political image as the man who restored security to Iraq at the expense of actual safety.

“The removal of the T-walls from the streets was just a propaganda way to say to Iraqis, ‘We have improved the situation,’ and it was just rubbish,” said Qassim Daoud, an independent Shiite politician and former national security adviser, using another name for the big concrete barriers that have come to define an Iraq in conflict.

Among the troubling questions to emerge from the heaps of rubble piled up from the blasts is how the Maliki government ultimately asked the Americans for help on Wednesday, apparently for the first time since the June 30 transfer. Under the countries’ security agreement, United States forces must stay out of Iraqi cities unless officially asked to return.

The request on Wednesday did not appear to have come until more than three hours after the explosions. By that time, most of the dying was done and most of the bleeding was stanched.

Hospitals filled to overflowing with more than 1,000 wounded people, but only a trickle of the victims went to the nearest one, the American military-run Ibn Sina Hospital in the Green Zone just three minutes away.

United States officials put the best possible face on it. “The Iraqis were fully in the lead yesterday and remain there today,” said Brig. Gen. Stephen R. Lanza, spokesman for the American military in Iraq. “They were the first responders and established security. They later requested U.S. forces’ assistance, which we provided to complement the Iraqi efforts.”

Others saw it as evidence that Mr. Maliki had overstated the readiness of Iraqi forces and safety in Iraq in the prelude to national elections in January that he hopes to win.

“The prime minister and the Iraqi people paid the price for their reach exceeding their grasp,” said John A. Nagl, a counterinsurgency expert and president of the Center for a New American Security, a research institution in Washington. “The insurgency is not over.”

Inviting the Americans back must have been difficult for Mr. Maliki, because no government spokesmen publicly mentioned that the United States helped, even as American troops continued to pitch in on Thursday.

The Iraqis also kept quiet about a decision by the prime minister late Wednesday to suspend his earlier order that all blast walls and similar fortifications be removed from the city by mid-September. An Iraqi government official, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss security matters, said the suspension took immediate effect. There was no official announcement, but blast-wall removal that had been under way in the Salhiya area of Baghdad did not resume Thursday.

Many officials blamed such removals for the ease with which two open-topped trucks filled with nearly eight tons of explosives got within killing range of the Foreign and Finance Ministries. Iraqi officials said 95 people died and 1,203 were hospitalized.

It could have been even worse. Two other bombings seem to have been planned for Wednesday. A truck carrying 2,200 pounds of ammonium nitrate fertilizer was found abandoned just blocks from the Foreign Ministry. In addition, a car packed with explosives was stopped by the police, who said they arrested two extremists.

The Baghdad Operations Command, which reports to Mr. Maliki, issued a statement on Thursday saying it had detained 11 Iraqi security force officers in connection with the bombings. They included the commanders of two battalions stationed in the areas where the bombings occurred, and the chiefs of intelligence and the police and the top traffic wardens in the two neighborhoods. It was not clear if they were charged with negligence or complicity.

The arrests drew derision from many quarters. “They took this action to absorb the anger of the people,” said Zainab Kenani, a Shiite legislator from a political bloc that often supports Mr. Maliki. “These small officers had nothing to do with those incidents.”

Hadi al-Ameri, a Shiite legislator and chairman of Parliament’s security committee, said the leadership of the military and intelligence operations needed to be replaced.

“We have six intelligence services,” he said on Iraqiya, the state-owned television network. “How did these trucks get into this sensitive area?”

He was referring to the Foreign Ministry, which is near Parliament, several other government office buildings and the Green Zone’s main entrance. Fortifications and blast walls have been removed in recent months from the main roads there.

After the blasts, the United States military provided the Iraqis with air surveillance support, explosives-disposal and forensics teams and help setting up security cordons, said Lt. Col. Philip Smith, a spokesman for American forces in Baghdad.

Many United States soldiers at the scenes told reporters that they were waiting for permission to help more than three hours after the bombings.

Assistance on Thursday “was mostly focused on forensics of the blast sites and remnants of the car bombs themselves,” Colonel Smith added.

Maj. Gen. Jihad al-Jabouri, commander of an Iraqi bomb disposal unit, said the trucks carried ammonium nitrate fertilizer, along with artillery and mortar shells. The truck that hit the Foreign Ministry held 4,400 pounds of explosives, he said, while that at the Finance Ministry carried 3,300 pounds.

Mr. Maliki’s office issued a statement saying the bombings were “without a doubt a call to re-evaluate our security plans and mechanisms to face the challenge of terrorism,” suggesting that he was willing to review security arrangements.

On Thursday night, Iraqis placed hundreds of candles on burned-out cars, damaged walls and sidewalks near the Foreign Ministry bombing.

An Iraqi soldier approached a group that was about to add more candles and said his captain had ordered him to stop them.

“So where was your captain when the explosion happened?” one young man replied. “Why didn’t he put a checkpoint up here? Now you ask me to stop lighting a candle for my family. I am not going to stop, and if you want to stop me, just try.”

The soldier stood aside.

Reporting was contributed by Abeer Mohammed, Sam Dagher, Amir A. al-Obeidi, Mohammed Hussein and Riyadh Mohammed.

After a 30-Year Run, Rise of the Super-Rich Hits a Wall

The rich have been getting richer for so long that the trend has come to seem almost permanent.

They began to pull away from everyone else in the 1970s. By 2006, income was more concentrated at the top than it had been since the late 1920s. The recent news about resurgent Wall Street pay has seemed to suggest that not even the Great Recession could reverse the rise in income inequality.

But economists say — and data is beginning to show — that a significant change may in fact be under way. The rich, as a group, are no longer getting richer. Over the last two years, they have become poorer. And many may not return to their old levels of wealth and income anytime soon.

For every investment banker whose pay has recovered to its prerecession levels, there are several who have lost their jobs — as well as many wealthy investors who have lost millions. As a result, economists and other analysts say, a 30-year period in which the super-rich became both wealthier and more numerous may now be ending.

The relative struggles of the rich may elicit little sympathy from less well-off families who are dealing with the effects of the worst recession in a generation. But the change does raise several broader economic questions. Among them is whether harder times for the rich will ultimately benefit the middle class and the poor, given that the huge recent increase in top incomes coincided with slow income growth for almost every other group. In blunter terms, the question is whether the better metaphor for the economy is a rising tide that can lift all boats — or a zero-sum game.

Just how much poorer the rich will become remains unclear. It will be determined by, among other things, whether the stock market continues its recent rally and what new laws Congress passes in the wake of the financial crisis. At the very least, though, the rich seem unlikely to return to the trajectory they were on.

Last year, the number of Americans with a net worth of at least $30 million dropped 24 percent, according to CapGemini and Merrill Lynch Wealth Management. Monthly income from stock dividends, which is concentrated among the affluent, has fallen more than 20 percent since last summer, the biggest such decline since the government began keeping records in 1959.

Bill Gates, Warren E. Buffett, the heirs to the Wal-Mart Stores fortune and the founders of Google each lost billions last year, according to Forbes magazine. In one stark example, John McAfee, an entrepreneur who founded the antivirus software company that bears his name, is now worth about $4 million, from a peak of more than $100 million. Mr. McAfee will soon auction off his last big property because he needs cash to pay his bills after having been caught off guard by the simultaneous crash in real estate and stocks.

“I had no clue,” he said, “that there would be this tandem collapse.”

Some of the clearest signs of the reversal of fortunes can be found in data on spending by the wealthy. An index that tracks the price of art, the Mei Moses index, has dropped 32 percent in the last six months. The New York Yankees failed to sell many of the most expensive tickets in their new stadium and had to drop the price. In one ZIP code in Vail, Colo., only five homes sold for more than $2 million in the first half of this year, down from 34 in the first half of 2007, according to MDA Dataquick. In Bronxville, an affluent New York suburb, the decline was to two, from 17, according to Coldwell Banker Residential Brokerage.

“We had a period of roughly 50 years, from 1929 to 1979, when the income distribution tended to flatten,” said Neal Soss, the chief economist at Credit Suisse. “Since the early ’80s, incomes have tended to get less equal. And I think we’ve entered a phase now where society will move to a more equal distribution.”

No More ’50s and ’60s

Few economists expect the country to return to the relatively flat income distribution of the 1950s and 1960s. Indeed, they say that inequality is likely to remain significantly greater than it was for most of the 20th century. The Obama administration has not proposed completely rewriting the rules for Wall Street or raising the top income-tax rate to anywhere near 70 percent, its level as recently as 1980. Market forces that have increased inequality, like globalization, are also not going away.

But economists say that the rich will probably not recover their losses immediately, as they did in the wake of the dot-com crash earlier this decade. That quick recovery came courtesy of a new bubble in stocks, which in 2007 were more expensive by some measures than they had been at any other point save the bull markets of the 1920s or 1990s. This time, analysts say, Wall Street seems unlikely to return soon to the extreme levels of borrowing that made such a bubble possible.

Any major shift in the financial status of the rich could have big implications. A drop in their income and wealth would complicate life for elite universities, museums and other institutions that received lavish donations in recent decades. Governments — federal and state — could struggle, too, because they rely heavily on the taxes paid by the affluent.

Perhaps the broadest question is what a hit to the wealthy would mean for the middle class and the poor. The best-known data on the rich comes from an analysis of Internal Revenue Service returns by Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez, two economists. Their work shows that in the late 1970s, the cutoff to qualify for the highest-earning one ten-thousandth of households was roughly $2 million, in inflation-adjusted, pretax terms. By 2007, it had jumped to $11.5 million.

The gains for the merely affluent were also big, if not quite huge. The cutoff to be in the top 1 percent doubled since the late 1970s, to roughly $400,000.

By contrast, pay at the median — which was about $50,000 in 2007 — rose less than 20 percent, Census data shows. Near the bottom of the income distribution, the increase was about 12 percent.

Some economists say they believe that the contrasting trends are unrelated. If anything, these economists say, any problems the wealthy have will trickle down, in the form of less charitable giving and less consumer spending. Over the last century, the worst years for the rich were the early 1930s, the heart of the Great Depression.

Other economists say the recent explosion of incomes at the top did hurt everyone else, by concentrating economic and political power among a relatively small group.

“I think incredibly high incomes can have a pernicious effect on the polity and the economy,” said Lawrence Katz, a Harvard economist. Much of the growth of high-end incomes stemmed from market forces, like technological innovation, Mr. Katz said. But a significant amount also stemmed from the wealthy’s newfound ability to win favorable government contracts, low tax rates and weak financial regulation, he added.

The I.R.S. has not yet released its data for 2008 or 2009. But Mr. Saez, a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, said he believed that the rich had become poorer. Asked to speculate where the cutoff for the top one ten-thousandth of households was now, he said from $6 million to $8 million.

For the number to return to $11 million quickly, he said, would probably require a large financial bubble.

Making More Money

The United States economy experienced two such bubbles in recent years — one in stocks, the other in real estate — and both helped the rich become richer. Mr. McAfee, whose tattoos and tinted hair suggest an independent streak, is an extreme but telling example. For two decades, at almost every step of his career, he figured out a way to make more money.

In the late 1980s, he founded McAfee Associates, the antivirus software company. It gave away its software, unlike its rivals, but charged fees to those who wanted any kind of technical support. That decision helped make it a huge success. The company went public in 1992, in the early years of one of biggest stock market booms in history.

But Mr. McAfee is, by his own description, an atypical businessman — easily bored and given to serial obsessions. As a young man, he traveled through Mexico, India and Nepal and, more recently, he wrote a book called, “Into the Heart of Truth: The Spirit of Relational Yoga.” Two years after McAfee Associates went public, he was bored again.

So he sold his remaining stake, bringing his gains to about $100 million. In the coming years, he started new projects and made more investments. Almost inevitably, they paid off.

“History told me that you just keep working, and it is easy to make more money,” he said, sitting in the kitchen of his adobe-style house in the southwest corner of New Mexico. With low tax rates, he added, the rich could keep much of what they made.

One of the starkest patterns in the data on inequality is the extent to which the incomes of the very rich are tied to the stock market. They have risen most rapidly during the biggest bull markets: in the 1920s and the 20 years starting in 1987.

“We are coming from an abnormal period where a tremendous amount of wealth was created largely by selling assets back and forth,” said Mohamed A. El-Erian, chief executive of Pimco, one of the country’s largest bond traders, and the former manager of Harvard’s endowment.

Some of this wealth was based on real economic gains, like those from the computer revolution. But much of it was not, Mr. El-Erian said. “You had wealth creation that could not be tied to the underlying economy,” he added, “and the benefits were very skewed: they went to the assets of the rich. It was financial engineering.”

But if the rich have done well in bubbles, they have taken enormous hits to their wealth during busts. A recent study by two Northwestern University economists found that the incomes of the affluent tend to fall more, in percentage terms, in recessions than the incomes of the middle class. The incomes of the very affluent — the top one ten-thousandth — fall the most.

Over the last several years, Mr. McAfee began to put a large chunk of his fortune into real estate, often in remote locations. He bought the house in New Mexico as a playground for himself and fellow aerotrekkers, people who fly unlicensed, open-cockpit planes. On a 157-acre spread, he built a general store, a 35-seat movie theater and a cafe, and he bought vintage cars for his visitors to use.

He continued to invest in financial markets, sometimes borrowing money to increase the potential returns. He typically chose his investments based on suggestions from his financial advisers. One of their recommendations was to put millions of dollars into bonds tied to Lehman Brothers.

For a while, Mr. McAfee’s good run, like that of many of the American wealthy, seemed to continue. In the wake of the dot-com crash, stocks started rising again, while house prices just continued to rise. Outside’s Go magazine and National Geographic Adventure ran articles on his New Mexico property, leading to him to believe that “this was the hottest property on the planet,” he said.

But then things began to change.

In 2007, Mr. McAfee sold a 10,000-square-foot home in Colorado with a view of Pike’s Peak. He had spent $25 million to buy the property and build the house. He received $5.7 million for it. When Lehman collapsed last fall, its bonds became virtually worthless. Mr. McAfee’s stock investments cost him millions more.

One day, he realized, as he said, “Whoa, my cash is gone.”

His remaining net worth of about $4 million makes him vastly wealthier than most Americans, of course. But he has nonetheless found himself needing cash and desperately trying to reduce his monthly expenses.

He has sold a 10-passenger Cessna jet and now flies coach. This week his oceanfront estate in Hawaii sold for $1.5 million, with only a handful of bidders at the auction. He plans to spend much of his time in Belize, in part because of more favorable taxes there.

Next week, his New Mexico property will be the subject of a no-floor auction, meaning that Mr. McAfee has promised to accept the top bid, no matter how low it is.

“I am trying to face up to the reality here that the auction may bring next to nothing,” he said.

In the past, when his stock investments did poorly, he sold real estate and replenished his cash. This time, that has not been an option.

Stock Market Mystery

The possibility that the stock market will quickly recover from its collapse, as it did earlier this decade, is perhaps the biggest uncertainty about the financial condition of the wealthy. Since March, the Standard & Poor’s 500-stock index has risen 49 percent.

Yet Wall Street still has a long way to go before reaching its previous peaks. The S.& P. 500 remains 35 percent below its 2007 high. Aggregate compensation for the financial sector fell 14 percent from 2007 to 2008, according to the Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association — far less than profits or revenue fell, but a decline nonetheless.

“The difference this time,” predicted Byron R. Wein, a former chief investment strategist at Morgan Stanley, who started working on Wall Street in 1965, “is that the high-water mark that people reached in 2007 is not going to be exceeded for a very long time.”

Without a financial bubble, there will simply be less money available for Wall Street to pay itself or for corporate chief executives to pay themselves. Some companies — like Goldman Sachs and JPMorgan Chase, which face less competition now and have been helped by the government’s attempts to prop up credit markets — will still hand out enormous paychecks. Over all, though, there will be fewer such checks, analysts say. Roger Freeman, an analyst at Barclays Capital, said he thought that overall Wall Street compensation would, at most, increase moderately over the next couple of years.

Beyond the stock market, government policy may have the biggest effect on top incomes. Mr. Katz, the Harvard economist, argues that without policy changes, top incomes may indeed approach their old highs in the coming years. Historically, government policy, like the New Deal, has had more lasting effects on the rich than financial busts, he said.

One looming policy issue today is what steps Congress and the administration will take to re-regulate financial markets. A second issue is taxes.

In the three decades after World War II, when the incomes of the rich grew more slowly than those of the middle class, the top marginal rate ranged from 70 to 91 percent. Mr. Piketty, one of the economists who analyzed the I.R.S. data, argues that these high rates did not affect merely post-tax income. They also helped hold down the pretax incomes of the wealthy, he says, by giving them less incentive to make many millions of dollars.

Since 1980, tax rates on the affluent have fallen more than rates on any other group; this year, the top marginal rate is 35 percent. President Obama has proposed raising it to 39 percent and has said he would consider a surtax on families making more than $1 million a year, which could push the top rate above 40 percent.

What any policy changes will mean for the nonwealthy remains unclear. There have certainly been periods when the rich, the middle class and the poor all have done well (like the late 1990s), as well as periods when all have done poorly (like the last year). For much of the 1950s, ’60s and ’70s, both the middle class and the wealthy received raises that outpaced inflation.

Yet there is also a reason to think that the incomes of the wealthy could potentially have a bigger impact on others than in the past: as a share of the economy, they are vastly larger than they once were.

In 2007, the top one ten-thousandth of households took home 6 percent of the nation’s income, up from 0.9 percent in 1977. It was the highest such level since at least 1913, the first year for which the I.R.S. has data.

The top 1 percent of earners took home 23.5 percent of income, up from 9 percent three decades earlier.

C.I.A. Said to Use Outsiders to Put Bombs on Drones

WASHINGTON — From a secret division at its North Carolina headquarters, the company formerly known as Blackwater has assumed a role in Washington’s most important counterterrorism program: the use of remotely piloted drones to kill Al Qaeda’s leaders, according to government officials and current and former employees.

The division’s operations are carried out at hidden bases in Pakistan and Afghanistan, where the company’s contractors assemble and load Hellfire missiles and 500-pound laser-guided bombs on remotely piloted Predator aircraft, work previously performed by employees of the Central Intelligence Agency. They also provide security at the covert bases, the officials said.

The role of the company in the Predator program highlights the degree to which the C.I.A. now depends on outside contractors to perform some of the agency’s most important assignments. And it illustrates the resilience of Blackwater, now known as Xe (pronounced Zee) Services, though most people in and outside the company still refer to it as Blackwater. It has grown through government work, even as it attracted criticism and allegations of brutality in Iraq.

A spokesman for the C.I.A. declined to comment for this article.

The New York Times reported Thursday that the agency hired Blackwater in 2004 as part of a secret program to locate and assassinate top Qaeda operatives.

In interviews on Thursday, current and former government officials provided new details about Blackwater’s association with the assassination program, which began in 2004 not long after Porter J. Goss took over at the C.I.A. The officials said that the spy agency did not dispatch the Blackwater executives with a “license to kill.” Instead, it ordered the contractors to begin collecting information on the whereabouts of Al Qaeda’s leaders, carry out surveillance and train for possible missions.

“The actual pulling of a trigger in some ways is the easiest part, and the part that requires the least expertise,” said one government official familiar with the canceled C.I.A. program. “It’s everything that leads up to it that’s the meat of the issue.”

Any operation to capture or kill militants would have had to have been approved by the C.I.A. director and presented to the White House before it was carried out, the officials said. The agency’s current director, Leon E. Panetta, canceled the program and notified Congress of its existence in an emergency meeting in June.

The extent of Blackwater’s business dealings with the C.I.A. has largely been hidden, but its public contract with the State Department to provide private security to American diplomats in Iraq has generated intense scrutiny and controversy.

The company lost the job in Iraq this year, after Blackwater guards were involved in shootings in 2007 that left 17 Iraqis dead. It still has other, less prominent State Department work.

Five former Blackwater guards have been indicted in federal court on charges related to the 2007 episode.

A spokeswoman for Xe did not respond to a request for comment.

For its intelligence work, the company’s sprawling headquarters in North Carolina has a special division, known as Blackwater Select. The company’s first major arrangement with the C.I.A. was signed in 2002, with a contract to provide security for the agency’s new station in Kabul, Afghanistan. Blackwater employees assigned to the Predator bases receive training at Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada to learn how to load Hellfire missiles and laser-guided smart bombs on the drones, according to current and former employees, who asked not to be identified for fear of upsetting the company.

The C.I.A. has for several years operated Predator drones out of a remote base in Shamsi, Pakistan, but has secretly added a second site at an air base in Jalalabad, Afghanistan, several current and former government and company officials said. The existence of the Predator base in Jalalabad has not previously been reported.

Officials said the C.I.A. now conducted most of its Predator missile and bomb strikes on targets in the Afghanistan-Pakistan border region from the Jalalabad base, with drones landing or taking off almost hourly. The base in Pakistan is still in use. But officials said that the United States decided to open the Afghanistan operation in part because of the possibility that the Pakistani government, facing growing anti-American sentiment at home, might force the C.I.A. to close the one in Pakistan.

Blackwater is not involved in selecting targets or actual strikes. The targets are selected by the C.I.A., and employees at the agency’s headquarters in Langley, Va., pull the trigger remotely. Only a handful of the agency’s employees actually work at the Predator bases in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the current and former employees said.

They said that Blackwater’s direct role in these operations had sometimes led to disputes with the C.I.A. Sometimes when a Predator misses a target, agency employees accuse Blackwater of poor bomb assembly, they said. In one instance last year recounted by the employees, a 500-pound bomb dropped off a Predator before it hit the target, leading to a frantic search for the unexploded bomb in the remote Afghan-Pakistani border region. It was eventually found about 100 yards from the original target.

The role of contractors in intelligence work expanded after the Sept. 11 attacks, as spy agencies were forced to fill gaps created when their work forces were reduced during the 1990s, after the end of the cold war.

More than a quarter of the intelligence community’s current work force is made up of contractors, carrying out missions like intelligence collection and analysis and, until recently, interrogation of terrorist suspects.

“There are skills we don’t have in government that we may have an immediate requirement for,” Gen. Michael V. Hayden, who ran the C.I.A. from 2006 until early this year, said during a panel discussion on Thursday on the privatization of intelligence.

General Hayden, who succeeded Mr. Goss at the agency, acknowledged that the C.I.A. program continued under his watch, though it was not a priority. He said the program was never prominent during his time at the C.I.A., which was one reason he did not believe that he had to notify Congress. He said it did not involve outside contractors by the time he came in.

Senator Dianne Feinstein, the California Democrat who presides over the Senate Intelligence Committee, said the agency should have notified Congress in any event. “Every single intelligence operation and covert action must be briefed to the Congress,” she said. “If they are not, that is a violation of the law.”

Mark Landler contributed reporting.

Afghan Election Called a Success Despite Attacks

KABUL, Afghanistan — Scattered rocket attacks and Taliban intimidation suppressed turnout in Afghanistan’s presidential election Thursday. But enough voters cast ballots that Afghan officials said they had thwarted efforts by the insurgents to derail the vote.

The election is the second in the nearly eight years since an American-led invasion ousted the Taliban, but the security situation in the country has deteriorated so sharply, and the credibility of the Afghan leadership has sunk so low, that the ability of the government to hold the election at all was in doubt.

American officials were quick to declare the poll a success — worth the expanding commitment of troops and money to an increasingly unpopular and corruption-plagued government.

But it was still too soon to say how many Afghans actually cast ballots, leaving questions about whether the low turnout would affect the legitimacy of the vote, skew the results, and resolve multiple claims of fraud.

Early accounts put the total far below the 70 percent who cast votes in the 2004 election.

In some parts of the heavily embattled south, only a trickle of men — and almost no women — defied Taliban threats to bomb polling stations and cut off fingers stained with the indelible ink used by election monitors. But Taliban attacks killed at least 30 people, and those who did vote wavered between resolution and terror.

“I am happy to use my vote, and I hope things will change and peace will knock at our door,” said Zainab, a 40-year-old voter in the southern city of Kandahar.

“Yes, I am scared!” Akhtar Mohmmad, who voted in the southern town of Khan Neshin, said, fearing his purple-stained finger would make him a target.

Slowed by insecurity across Afghanistan, declaring a winner could take at least two weeks or more, although Afghan officials said they would release preliminary results by Saturday.

It remained unclear how a low turnout would affect President Hamid Karzai’s chances of winning re-election in the first round of voting.

But early reports showed more voters in the north than in the volatile south — a pattern that would favor Mr. Karzai’s main challenger, Abdullah Abdullah, and raise the chances of a runoff.

Especially in the south, the Taliban made good on their threats to try to disrupt the vote. And even in the places where insurgents failed to stop the voting, they did a good job of putting a scare into everyone who did vote.

In Garmser, a dusty town in the insurgency’s heartland in the southern province of Helmand, the signs of the Taliban’s strength were evident. The bazaar — which now, on the eve of Ramadan, would ordinarily be bustling — was mostly closed, just as the Taliban had demanded.

Inside the polling center, voters and election workers covered their faces whenever they were approached by someone with a camera. They said they were fearful of retribution.

At the only polling center in southern Helmand, set up in the forecourt of a mosque in Khan Neshin, election officials estimated that no more than 300 people voted all day — and not a single woman.

On Tuesday, the Taliban distributed a warning to surrounding villages.

“If we see anyone on the street or outside your house from today until Friday noon, you will be punished severely,” it said.

In Kandahar, witnesses said, the Taliban fired nine rockets near polling stations and hanged two people who had ink-stained fingers.

At a news conference at the presidential palace, Mr. Karzai thanked those who braved the Taliban threats, saying there had been 73 attacks in 15 provinces. Nevertheless, 94 percent of the polling centers opened, election officials said.

“I am very grateful to our people, who tolerated the suicide attacks, rockets attacks, and bomb attacks,” Mr. Karzai told journalists.

“Let’s see what the turnout was.” he said. “They came out and voted. That’s good, that’s good.”

Ballot counting started immediately at polling stations after voting closed at 5 p.m. But United Nations officials, who were assisting in the process, said official returns could take up to a month if complaints of fraud or irregularities needed to be adjudicated.

Mr. Abdullah, a former foreign minister, said his supporters would lodge complaints of fraud, in particular from the southern province of Kandahar. He called the low turnout in Kabul “unsatisfactory,” but also said the early returns were “hopeful” and offered his own praise.

“Despite all the difficulties, despite all the security problems and other problems, people went to the polls, and they participated in this day,” he said at a news conference in the garden of his home. “And in fact they stood up to those who wanted to take away the people’s right to choose their destiny.”

Two polling stations visited for the count in Kabul showed that the contest might be close. Male voters in one polling station gave Mr. Karzai 45 percent and Mr. Abdullah 38 percent. A women’s polling station next door, where only 41 women voted all day, gave Mr. Karzai 56 percent and Mr. Abdullah 26 percent.

Other candidates made a very small showing, and only one woman in 41 voted for one of the female candidates. In Kandahar, Mr. Karzai’s home city, a selection of four polling stations showed Mr. Karzai with 48 percent and Mr. Abdullah with 18 percent.

The turnout in Kabul, which officials said was lower than in 2004 in the last election, stemmed as much from disillusionment with progress since 2001 as with fear of violence, residents said.

In one area of western Kabul, where four small bombs exploded in the early morning, few people ventured out early. But by midmorning, election officials said, voting was brisk. “Why should we be scared?” said Nurzia, a mother of four who brought her daughter and nieces to vote. Like many Afghans she has only one name. “We came to have a say in our future and for our children.”

Across town, Muhammad Qasim, 55, a mason, voted after a day at work. “I think it was our duty,” he said. “A change is good.”

But he was accompanied by three young relatives, all in their 20s, none of whom were voting. One, Muhammad Wali, a tailor, said he was not interested. “Last time I voted but I did not see any result,” he said.

Azizullah Ludin, the head of the election commission, said that counting would take place at polling stations, with the results called in to the election headquarters in Kabul and collated in the coming days. But insecurity in some areas made it necessary to transfer some ballot boxes to district centers, officials said.

In the most insecure areas, not even Afghan election monitors could attend the voting, raising concerns of fraud. Even as officials from the Obama administration, who were also on hand to observe the elections, expressed reserved optimism that the voting was transparent, they fretted about whether the ballot counting would be equally so.

“The test is going to be in the counting,” Richard C. Holbrooke, the American special envoy to the region, said in an interview after he toured four polling stations in Kabul. “If the will of the electorate is going to be thwarted, it will happen in the counting.”

At the same time, he was clearly pleased that the vote had come off. “On the basis of what we’ve seen so far, it seems clear that the Taliban utterly failed to disrupt these elections,” he said.

President Obama, in a radio interview, said that the election appeared to be successful “despite the Taliban’s effort to disrupt it,” and that “we’ve got to make sure that we are really focused on finishing the job in Afghanistan.”

One candidate, Ashraf Ghani, the former finance minister, sent an e-mail message to American officials to say that he had reports that his opponents were stuffing ballot boxes. Other presidential candidates were making similar complaints, which competed with reports of sporadic violence throughout the day.

In Kabul, the capital, police fought a gun battle with people suspected of being Taliban infiltrators who took over a house overlooking a police headquarters, killing two of them and capturing a third, as bystanders applauded the officers.

In the southern province of Paktia, two would-be suicide bombers were shot to death before they could detonate their explosives, Zahir Azimi, a Defense Ministry spokesman, said.

In Wardak Province, an hour’s drive south of Kabul, a barrage of six rockets fell just before the polls opened, and three more soon afterward.

A mechanic, Qudratullah, 32, said he encountered Taliban representatives on the road from Narkh District, just over a mile from the provincial capital of Wardak.

“They were standing on the road telling people not to vote,” he said.

“Of course I am scared,” he said. But, like a good number of others, he voted anyway. “We want to see change and a younger generation in a better condition,” Qudratullah said.

Reporting was contributed by Dexter Filkins from Garmser, Afghanistan; Richard A. Oppel Jr. from Khan Neshin; Helene Cooper, Sangar Rahimi and Abdul Waheed Wafa from Kabul; and Taimoor Shah from Kandahar.

Man Convicted in Lockerbie Bombing Is Released From Scottish Prison

By Karla Adam
Special to The Washington Post
Friday, August 21, 2009

LONDON, Aug. 20 -- A former Libyan secret service agent convicted in the Lockerbie bombing returned home to Tripoli on Thursday, greeted by cheering crowds after being freed from a Scottish prison -- a release that President Obama called "a mistake."

Scottish authorities released Abdel Basset Ali al-Megrahi, who is dying from prostate cancer, for humanitarian reasons after he served eight years of a life sentence. Megrahi is the only person convicted of a crime in connection with the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, which exploded over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, killing 270 people, 189 of them American.

As Megrahi, 57, was on his flight to Libya, Obama told a radio interviewer: "We're now in contact with the Libyan government and want to make sure that if in fact this transfer has taken place, that he's not welcomed back in some way but instead should be under house arrest. We've also obviously been in contact with the families of the Pan Am victims and indicated to them that we don't think this was appropriate."

When he arrived at an airport near Tripoli, Megrahi was met by hundreds of people waving Libyan and Scottish flags. He wore a dark suit and walked slowly with a stick.

Scottish Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill, who made the decision to release Megrahi, said at a news conference in Edinburgh that humanity was a defining characteristic of the Scottish people and that "our belief dictates that justice be served but mercy be shown."

In defending his decision, MacAskill said that after seeking medical advice, he determined that Megrahi had about three months left to live, considered appropriate for release on compassionate grounds in Scotland. Since 2000, the Scottish government has received 30 applications for release on compassionate grounds; 24 have been approved.

MacAskill said that Megrahi "did not show his victims any comfort or compassion. They were not allowed to return to the bosom of their families to see out their lives, let alone their dying days. No compassion was shown by him to them. But that alone is not a reason for us to deny compassion to him and his family in his final days."

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. and John Brennan, the president's senior counterterrorism adviser, had pressed the Scottish and British governments in recent months to keep Megrahi in prison. Clinton brought up her concerns with MacAskill and British Foreign Secretary David Miliband, officials said.

In a statement Thursday, Holder said, "There is simply no justification for releasing this convicted terrorist whose actions took the lives of 270 individuals."

Seven U.S. senators had written to MacAskill this week, urging that Megrahi remain in prison in Scotland. On Thursday, one of them, John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), said Megrahi's release "turned the word 'compassion' on its head. The bombing of Pan Am 103 was unforgivable."

Many of the victims' family members said the release reopened their wounds, decades after the explosion.

Glenn Johnson, whose daughter Beth Ann was studying in London and returning home for Christmas when she died, said in a phone interview from Pennsylvania that he was "just devastated. How can a person who killed 270 people, who had no compassion for them, be given compassion? It is another tragedy families have to suffer."

Brian Flynn, a New York City resident whose brother J.P. Flynn died in the crash, said, "You just don't let convicted terrorists go."

Megrahi continued to maintain his innocence Thursday. In a statement issued by his attorneys, he said: "I say in the clearest possible terms, which I hope every person in every land will hear: all of this I have had to endure for something that I did not do.

"To those victims' relatives who can bear to hear me say this: they continue to have my sincere sympathy for the unimaginable loss that they have suffered."

On Dec. 21, 1988, a bomb ripped through the plane flying from London to New York, killing all 259 onboard. Eleven people on the ground were killed by debris. Megrahi was convicted in a Scottish court set up in the Netherlands and was sentenced to serve a minimum of 27 years of a life sentence.

Oliver Miles, a former British ambassador to Libya, said Megrahi is a respectable figure in Libya. "Most people there believe he is innocent and will be glad he is back."

The decision to free Megrahi has divided some of the relatives of the victims. Although many Americans expressed dismay, many Britons said that it was the right decision and that they were unconvinced of his guilt.

Jim Swire, who lost his daughter Flora on the flight, said in a phone interview from Wales: "I am unhappy if I make life difficult for fellow people in America in their grieving, but unfortunately neither Libya or Megrahi has anything to do with it. I welcome his transfer home."

Staff writer Mary Beth Sheridan in Washington contributed to this report.

Kennedy Looks Toward Succession

By Perry Bacon Jr.
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, August 21, 2009

Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), who has brain cancer and has been absent from the Senate for most of the year, has asked that state law be changed so his seat could be filled more rapidly in the event of his death.

Kennedy's aides said the release of a letter seeking the change was not related to any decline in his physical condition. The 77-year-old lawmaker, who has spent much of the summer at his home on Cape Cod, has been in regular contact with Senate colleagues and his staff but missed last week's funeral for his sister Eunice Kennedy Shriver.

The letter, first obtained by the Boston Globe, asks the state's Democratic-controlled legislature to allow Gov. Deval L. Patrick (D) to select a temporary replacement should a vacancy occur. Such a move would reverse a provision in state law that says a vacant U.S. Senate seat can be filled only through a special election held at least 145 days after the seat comes open, which would leave Massachusetts with just one senator for several months.

Left unsaid in the letter is the fact that the change could ensure that Democrats do not miss a key Senate vote should Kennedy die amid the debate on health-care reform, long one of his passions. Democrats have 60 votes in the Senate with Kennedy present, and they might need every one of them if the chamber's 40 Republicans are united in opposing a reform bill.

"I strongly support that law and the principle that the people should elect their senator," Kennedy wrote in the letter, dated July 2 but sent to state officials this week, referring to the provision calling for elections to fill vacancies. "I also believe it is vital for this Commonwealth to have two voices speaking for the needs of its citizens and two votes in the Senate during the approximately five months between a vacancy and an election."

In his letter, addressed to Patrick, state Senate President Therese Murray and state House Speaker Robert A. Deleo, Kennedy called on state leaders to get a commitment from the person who accepts the temporary appointment not to run in the special election.

The change could be controversial. Democrats in the state legislature changed the law only five years ago to require elections, as they anticipated that Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.) would be elected president, giving then-Gov. Mitt Romney (R) the chance to tap a replacement. Romney would have probably picked a Republican, but the state legislature instead passed the measure calling for elections and then overrode his veto of it.

"It is hard to see how the Democrats wouldn't pay a political price for changing their succession law again to meet a new political purpose," said Brian Walsh, a spokesman for the National Republican Senatorial Committee, which recruits and supports Republicans for Senate seats. He added that "this should not be about partisan politics, it should about ensuring the integrity and credibility of the Senate selection process."

Jennifer Nassour, chairman of the state GOP, said in a statement that lawmakers "must honor Senator Kennedy's service by allowing those who sent him to the Senate to decide the next generation of leaders for Massachusetts." She added: "Do not eliminate the voter from the electoral process. The voice of the people must be heard through a timely special election, and Republicans trust the people to be informed and to make an informed choice -- rather than leave any succession to the whims of a small group of politicians."

In a joint statement, Murray and Deleo, both Democrats, were noncommittal on Kennedy's request, saying that "we have great respect for the senator and what he continues to do for our Commonwealth and our nation" and adding: "It is our hope that he will continue to be a voice for the people of Massachusetts as long as he is able."

Patrick's office similarly did not take a stance on the proposal, instead releasing a statement saying that "it's typical of Ted Kennedy to be thinking ahead, and about the people of Massachusetts, when the rest of us are thinking about him."

The state's legislature will return to session next month.

Residents Reject Idea of Housing Guantanamo Detainees at Michigan Prison

By Kari Lydersen
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, August 21, 2009

STANDISH, Mich., Aug. 20 -- More than 200 people gathered here Thursday to voice their concern that the federal government could transfer detainees from a facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to the local prison, conjuring up images of terrorists holding busloads of schoolchildren hostage, firing shots in the church and poisoning the water supply.

The meeting was dominated by opposition to the possibility, which surfaced two weeks ago, that the Obama administration would move some prisoners to facilities within U.S. borders, including Standish and Fort Leavenworth, Kan.

The town hall meeting was organized by local tavern owner Dave Munson, who traveled to Washington in June to ask legislators about the possibility of moving Guantanamo detainees to Standish's maximum-security prison. That prison is scheduled to close in October if prisoners are not brought in from the federal system or another state.

At the time, Munson said he saw the idea as an economic lifeline for the town and the prison, which provides more than 300 jobs. Then he met U.S. Rep. Peter Hoekstra (R-Mich.) at a cocktail party and quickly changed his mind.

"He told me things that really scared the heck out of me," Munson said. "He told me about soft targets and safe zones, that if they came to this country they would have rights, visitors and friends would come who could be jihadists."

Hoekstra, ranking Republican on the House Intelligence Committee, told those in the crowd that they have much to fear if the detainees are transferred to Standish, a town of 1,500 about 150 miles north of Detroit.

But state Sen. Jim Barcia (D), a former five-term congressman, said that the vocal town hall attendees, many recruited from other parts of the state by the group Act! For America, were wrong in insinuating that the federal government would force Guantanamo detainees on them. He said the idea of transferring detainees to Michigan was first floated by Michigan legislators seeking investment.

And Barcia said federal officials who toured the prison Aug. 13 indicated they would not send detainees to Standish in the face of intense local opposition. He said legislators and locals who are open to the idea skipped the town hall because "they probably thought they'd be subject to the same behavior we've seen at many town hall meetings about health-care reform."

Barcia, who said he had not taken a position on bringing detainees to Michigan, was among state senators who passed a resolution Wednesday demanding that the federal government share information with state legislators and Gov. Jennifer M. Granholm (D) on detainees and their possible transfer.

Also Wednesday, Hoekstra refused to sign routine funding requests until the Pentagon releases more information about plans for transferring detainees. In a letter to Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates, Hoekstra complained that the department was sharing information with Democratic legislators but ignoring his requests.

"Apparently, the Department is providing information only to Members of Congress who it believes are likely to agree with the Administration's policy on this matter," he wrote.

Hoekstra, a co-sponsor of the Keep Terrorists Out of America Act, which opposes the transfer or release in the United States of Guantanamo Bay detainees, was joined at the town hall by Debra Burlingame, co-founder of 9/11 Families for a Safe & Strong America.

"These detainees aren't like ordinary criminals. Those hardened criminals [in the Standish prison] do not have global jihadi networks," said Burlingame, whose brother was a pilot on the flight that crashed into the Pentagon on Sept. 11, 2001. She predicted that detainees would assault and throw bodily fluids at guards, plan attacks on tourists and attract suicide bombers to local gatherings.

Panelist David Littman, senior economist with the free-market think tank Mackinac Center for Public Policy, referred to the detainees as "rubbish." He said that Michigan should import trash from Canada for payment, a long-standing controversial proposal, "yet we have government officials wanting us to take in human trash instead."

Many in the crowd blasted Granholm for not opposing the idea of Guantanamo detainees more vehemently. Standish prison guard Dave Horn, 29, wore a homemade shirt depicting Granholm's face with a slash through it and had painted "No More Granholm" and "No Gitmo" on the windows of his pickup truck.

"The governor has concerns that have not been addressed, and until those concerns are addressed, she is not in favor of relocating Guantanamo detainees to Michigan," spokeswoman Megan Brown said.

Hoekstra is running for governor. Another Republican gubernatorial candidate, Oakland County Sheriff Mike Bouchard, visited Standish on Wednesday to speak out against Guantanamo detainees.

Michigan Department of Corrections spokesman Russ Marlan, who was not at Thursday's town hall, said the federal government had not made a formal proposal. The corrections department had hoped to contract with California to house their prisoners, but California officials notified Michigan this week that such a plan would be too expensive.

Marlan said the department is in preliminary discussions on bringing Pennsylvania prisoners or non-Guantanamo federal prisoners to Standish. Several people at the town hall meeting said they were concerned about Standish's proximity to Dearborn, a Detroit suburb that is home to a large Middle Eastern community.

"If we put them in the middle of Iowa, they would stand out if they got loose," said Jeff McQueen, who said that he is a direct descendant of American Revolution fighters and that as a Christian, he considers Muslims "my cousins."

"Here, they could go to Dearborn and disappear," McQueen said.

Faith in Obama Drops As Reform Fears Rise

By Dan Balz and Jon Cohen
Washington Post Staff Writers
Friday, August 21, 2009

Public confidence in President Obama's leadership has declined sharply over the summer, amid intensifying opposition to health-care reform that threatens to undercut his attempt to enact major changes to the system, according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll.

Among all Americans, 49 percent now express confidence that Obama will make the right decisions for the country, down from 60 percent at the 100-day mark in his presidency. Forty-nine percent now say they think he will be able to spearhead significant improvements in the system, down nearly 20 percentage points from before he took office.

As challenges to Obama's initiatives have mounted over the summer, pessimism in the nation's direction has risen: Fifty-five percent see things as pretty seriously on the wrong track, up from 48 percent in April.

But there has been a notable increase in optimism about the length of the recession: Half of all Americans expect it to be over within the next 12 months. In February, just 28 percent said the recession would end that rapidly.

Obama's economic stimulus plan has come under attack from Republicans, who say it has failed to bring tangible benefits. But in the poll, almost twice as many say the program has made things better as say it has made things worse (43 percent to 23 percent), with a third saying the plan has had no effect.

The president's overall approval rating stands at 57 percent, 12 points lower than its April peak, as disapproval has ticked up to 40 percent, its highest yet. On specific issues, Obama received more mixed marks. A majority, 53 percent, now disapprove of his handling of the federal budget deficit, and his ratings on health care continue to deteriorate. On the marquee issue of the economy, 52 percent approve of his actions, unchanged from June.

Despite the decline in general confidence in Obama, there is still little competition in the battle for public trust: Just 21 percent say they think congressional Republicans will make the right decisions for the country's future, while 35 percent have confidence in Democrats.

Disapproval of Obama's handling of the health-care issue reached 50 percent in the new poll, the highest of his presidency, and 42 percent of those surveyed say they now "strongly disapprove" of the way he is dealing with his main domestic priority. Views of the president's actions on reform have dropped most sharply among seniors and independents.

The Public Option

The poll was completed just as a new debate about a public health insurance option erupted after administration officials appeared to signal their willingness to jettison the proposal as part of an eventual compromise. White House officials later insisted that there had been no change in their support for the public option as they sought to reassure Democrats furious about what they regarded as an administration cave-in.

In the survey, 52 percent of Americans said they favor the government's creation of a new health insurance plan to compete with private insurers, while 46 percent are opposed. That is a big shift from late June, when 62 percent backed the notion and 33 percent opposed it.

The drop in support for the public option has been particularly steep among political independents, the closely watched group so critical to the Democratic takeover of Congress in 2006 and Obama's victory last year. Two months ago, independents supported the public option by a 2 to 1 ratio. Now, 50 percent are in favor, and 47 percent are opposed.

Seniors have also become decidedly negative toward the proposal: In June, seniors were evenly split on the plan, but now a majority strongly oppose the idea.

The momentum for any reform appears to have slackened as the debate has intensified, with 51 percent now behind the notion that government action is needed to control costs and expand coverage and 46 percent seeing such measures as doing more harm than good. Two months ago, proponents outnumbered opponents by a wide margin.

Obama faces an increasingly polarized environment as he campaigns for his health-care initiatives. Fifty percent of those surveyed say they oppose the set of proposals advanced by the president and congressional Democrats, while 45 percent support them. Intensity is on the side of the detractors: Forty percent of all Americans strongly oppose the plans, while 27 percent are solidly behind them.

Angry protests at some congressional town hall meetings have dominated the news over the August congressional recess. Just over half, 51 percent, of Americans see these demonstrations as "appropriate," while 45 percent call them "inappropriate."

Eighteen percent of those polled say they feel "angry" about the health-care changes that Congress and the Obama administration are proposing. And about as many, 15 percent, say they are "enthusiastic" about them, with the majority almost evenly divided between "satisfied" (32 percent) and "dissatisfied" (31 percent).

Positive feelings about reform drop significantly by age, with 57 percent of seniors holding negative feelings, including 29 percent who say they are outright angry.

Partisan affiliation plays directly into the intensity of feeling: Fifty-one percent of those who describe themselves as strong Republicans say they are angry, while enthusiasm peaks at 40 percent among liberal Democrats.

A Skeptical Public

The lack of energy behind broad change stems in part from widespread skepticism that the proposed overhaul would make things better. Only 19 percent envision the quality of their care improving or their costs going down if the system is changed, and few of those who now carry health insurance (the vast majority of Americans) say they think their coverage or costs would improve. Seniors are more than five times as likely to believe their care will deteriorate under projected modifications than to believe it will improve.

The overall drop in support for government action on health care is notable among political independents, who now divide evenly between whether government reform is even necessary or would do more harm than good. Disapproval of Obama's handling of the reform issue has spiked to 57 percent among independents, a new high, with nearly half giving him strongly negative marks. Nearly six in 10 independents oppose the proposals.

There has also been slippage among independents on broader measures of Obama's presidency. His job approval among independents now stands at 50 percent, the lowest level of his presidency. For the first time, more independents strongly disapprove than strongly approve of how he is doing. His approval among independents is also below 50 percent on the economy, the deficit and taxes.

Before Obama's inauguration, 61 percent of independents expressed confidence in his ability to make the right decisions for the country. That number fell to 52 percent about 100 days into his presidency and now sits at 41 percent. Confidence in his judgment has also slipped substantially among seniors.

Looking ahead to the 2010 midterm elections, half of independents say a congressional candidate's support for the proposed health-care changes will not affect their vote, but among the other half, twice as many say they are less apt to back such a contender than say they would be more likely to vote that way. Seniors tilt even more negatively on the question.

The poll was conducted Aug. 13-17 among a random national sample of 1,001 adults on both conventional and cellular telephones. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus three percentage points.

Polling analyst Jennifer Agiesta contributed to this report.

Lawyers Showed Photos of Covert CIA Officers to Guantanamo Bay Detainees

By Peter Finn
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, August 21, 2009

The Justice Department recently questioned military defense attorneys at Guantanamo Bay about whether photographs of CIA personnel, including covert officers, were unlawfully provided to detainees charged with organizing the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, according to sources familiar with the investigation.

Investigators are looking into allegations that laws protecting classified information were breached when three lawyers showed their clients the photographs, the sources said. The lawyers were apparently attempting to identify CIA officers and contractors involved in the agency's interrogation of al-Qaeda suspects in facilities outside the United States, where the agency employed harsh techniques.

If detainees at the U.S. military prison in Cuba are tried, either in federal court or by a military commission, defense lawyers are expected to attempt to call CIA personnel to testify.

The photos were taken by researchers hired by the John Adams Project, a joint effort of the American Civil Liberties Union and the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, to support military counsel at Guantanamo Bay, according to the sources, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the inquiry. It was unclear whether the Justice Department is also examining those organizations.

Both groups have long said that they will zealously investigate the CIA's interrogation program at "black sites" worldwide as part of the defense of their clients. But government investigators are now looking into whether the defense team went too far by allegedly showing the detainees the photos of CIA officers, in some cases surreptitiously taken outside their homes.

If proved, the allegations would highlight how aggressively both military lawyers and their allies in the human rights community are moving to shed light on the CIA's interrogation practices and defend their clients. Defense attorneys, however, described the investigation as an attempt by the government to intimidate them into not exposing what happened to their clients.

When contacted about the investigation, the ACLU declined to discuss specifics.

"We are confident that no laws or regulations have been broken as we investigated the circumstances of the torture of our clients and as we have vigorously defended our clients' interests," said Anthony D. Romero, the group's executive director. "Rather than investigate the CIA officials who undertook the torture, they are now investigating the military lawyers who have courageously stepped up to defend these clients in these sham proceedings."

It is unclear whether the military lawyers under investigation identified the CIA personnel in the photographs to the al-Qaeda suspects or simply asked the detainees whether they had ever seen them. It is also unclear whether the inquiry involves violations of federal statutes prohibiting the identification of covert CIA officers or violations of military commission rules governing the disclosure of classified information, including to the defendants.

The investigation is being overseen by John Dion, head of the Justice Department's counter-espionage section, who has worked on many high-profile national security cases, including the prosecution of Aldrich H. Ames, the CIA mole who spied for the Soviet Union. The CIA reports security breaches to Dion's office. The Justice Department and the CIA declined to comment.

Air Force Col. Peter R. Masciola, chief military defense counsel at Guantanamo Bay, and his deputy, Michael J. Berrigan, also declined to comment.

The Washington Post could not determine how many and which CIA personnel were photographed, which photographs were shown to detainees, or when.

Romero said he does not know what laws the government thinks the military lawyers may have broken.

"That is the most vexing part of it," he said. "Usually when you're read your Miranda rights or visited by the Justice Department or the FBI, you are given some indication as to what laws are at stake."

The National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers also declined to address the specifics of the inquiry but questioned its timing.

It is "customary in our experience that any kind of investigation like these are conducted after legal proceedings are finished in the case so as not to interfere with the defense function, not to interfere with the rights of defendants, not to give the appearance that the government is looking to chill the defense function," said Joshua L. Dratel, counsel for the John Adams Project and a former board member of the NACDL, who spoke on behalf of the group.

He added: "The lawyers have a duty to find out what happened to their clients, and to the extent that the government and certain agencies are resistant to that to protect themselves and to insulate themselves from accountability, there is a tension there, and to the extent that this investigation is part of that tension, it's most unfortunate. But the lawyers will not shirk their duty."

A wide variety of groups, including European investigators, human rights groups and news organizations, have compiled lists of people thought to have been involved in the CIA's program, including CIA station chiefs, agency interrogators and medical personnel who accompanied detainees on planes as they were moved from one secret location to another.

"It's a normal part of human rights research projects, and certainly in defense work, to compile lists of individuals who interacted with clients," Romero said.

Tracking international CIA-chartered flights, researchers have identified hotels in Europe where CIA personnel or contractors stayed. In some cases, through hotel phone records, they have been able to identify agency employees who jeopardized their cover by dialing numbers in the United States. Working from these lists, some of which include up to 45 names, researchers photographed agency workers and obtained other photos from public records, the sources said.

The government has largely cut off the airing of details about the CIA's interrogation program during proceedings at Guantanamo Bay, although many have been revealed in government documents.

At the courthouse at the prison, a court security officer, who is thought be in contact with CIA officials, can cut off the audio feed to the public gallery if there is any possibility of lawyers or defendants discussing CIA detention. At a hearing in July, the audio feed was cut when a lawyer for Ramzi Binalshibh, one of the alleged Sept. 11 conspirators, mentioned sleep deprivation, one of the "enhanced interrogation techniques" used at the CIA's black sites.

China's Western Front

Christian Le Mière
CHRISTIAN LE MIÈRE is Editor of Jane's Intelligence Review.

Early last month, the mayor of Urumqi, the capital of the western Chinese province of Xinjiang, described the struggle to maintain China's unity as "a political battle that's fierce and of blood and fire." His description was apt: a spate of ethnic violence in the city had left almost 200 people dead. For several days, armed mobs occupied the streets, and arsonists set the city ablaze.

The recent violence in Urumqi resembles the unrest that occurred in March 2008 in Lhasa, another city in China's far west. Although the two cities are one thousand miles apart and home to two very different ethnic groups -- the Uighurs in Xinjiang are Turkic Muslims, the Tibetans are Asian Buddhists -- local demonstrations in both places quickly inflamed existing discontent and ethnic tensions.

In each case, Chinese paramilitary officers were eventually able to restore order. But on both occasions, at the national and provincial levels, Chinese politicians did little to address the root causes of the unrest -- namely, the state's encouragement of Han Chinese transmigration and the consequent subjugation of local cultures.

China's central planners have keenly eyed the country's sparsely populated far western frontier for decades. In a country that has more than one hundred cities, with more than one million inhabitants, and where 90 percent of the population lives on only ten percent of the land, Beijing has seen the vast expanses of the west as unfulfilled potential. It is not just the vacant earth that interests China's leaders but what lies beneath it -- Xinjiang holds more than a quarter of China's oil and gas reserves, and the Tibet Autonomous Region has nearly half of China's mineral resources, such as gold, coal, chromite, lithium, and perhaps the world's largest uranium deposits.

The problem for Beijing, however, has been how to persuade Han Chinese -- the ethnic group that makes up more than 90 percent of China's population -- to relocate to a forbidding area that is several days' travel from the country's more developed east. In response, the Chinese government has made enormous investments in infrastructure, meant to make the remote regions of Xinjiang and Tibet -- separated from the rest of China by the Gobi Desert and Tibetan plateau -- more accessible. At the same time, it has sought to pacify native populations by stimulating local economic activity.

The main vehicle for this investment has been the Great Western Development Strategy, first implemented in January 2000. By 2007, China had spent 1.3 trillion yuan ($190 billion) and pledged another 438 billion yuan ($64 billion) in 2008 for infrastructure projects. In July 2006, China opened the Golmud-Lhasa railway, an ambitious project that runs at more than 16,000 feet above sea level, a height that exceeds any peak in the Alps.

Encouraged by such initiatives, and lured by tax breaks and economic opportunity, hundreds of thousands of Chinese have migrated from east to west since the 1990s. The ensuing demographic shift has dramatically changed the face of the region. In Lhasa, Tibetans are now outnumbered by Han Chinese by as much as two to one. In Xinjiang, the change has been even starker. According to China's 1953 census, Uighurs made up 75 percent of the region's population and Han Chinese just six percent. The 2000 census, however, showed that Uighurs represented 45 percent of the population and the Han Chinese 40 percent -- and by now the Han Chinese are certainly in the majority.

Previously living in isolation, both the Uighurs and Tibetans fear the growing demographic and cultural hegemony of the Han Chinese. Although Beijing points to economic growth in the western regions, local residents are more resistant, as they have seen their highly traditional and long-isolated cities change irrevocably. Signs in Mandarin for new restaurants and shops, as well as karaoke bars and multistory buildings built by the Han Chinese, have come to define the region's major towns.

The result has been growing resentment and self-segregation, which, in both cases, has led to violence. But instead of viewing these eruptions of unrest as a warning, the Chinese government has avoided any shift in its migration policies. In fact, Beijing has done just the opposite: the Chinese government seems to regard a continuation of current migration policies as the effective remedy. Less than a month after the violence in Urumqi, the government announced an investment of 15 billion yuan ($2.2 billion) to build 20,000 kilometers of highways, which would create more jobs in the west and make the province more tempting for internal migrants.

The Chinese Communist leadership aims to stifle any future dissent in the western regions through a dual strategy of economic development and demographic inundation. It is unlikely, however, that Beijing will be able to subjugate six million Tibetans and eight million Uighurs with just cash and karaoke. Higher incomes and modern lifestyles are seen as scant compensation for the perceived loss of more than a millennium of cultural and religious heritage.

If Beijing hopes to find a longer-term solution to its western problem, it will need to implement a far more radical policy. The best approach may already exist: China could expand the category of Special Administrative Regions (SARs), which now exist in Hong Kong and Macau, to the country's western provinces.

The concept of SARs was created in the 1990s, in an attempt to appease the United Kingdom and Portugal, the two imperial powers that previously ran Hong Kong and Macau, respectively. According to the laws establishing the SARs, the territories are afforded "a high degree of autonomy" and "executive, legislative, and independent judicial power."

In addition, the SAR arrangement requires security forces to be comprised of local citizens, while residents inside SARs are granted protections covering freedom of speech, press, assembly, privacy, and, perhaps most significant if such a program were to be adopted in Tibet, religion. The checks and balances built into the SARs' governance allows for the guarantee of these rights far more effectively than under the Chinese constitution, which nominally provides similar freedoms.

For China's western regions, the most appealing bylaw of the SARs would be Article 22, which requires Chinese citizens from outside the SARs to apply for approval from local authorities for entry. If not carefully managed, however, such a provision could heighten ethnic tension and cause a destabilizing exodus of Han Chinese from Xinjiang and Tibet. One option would be to grant a waiver to those already living in the region (in Hong Kong and Macau, for example, those living in the territories for seven years were granted permanent residency).

The creation of SARs in Xinjiang and Tibet would not just be in the interest of local populations; the Communist Party leadership would also benefit. Beijing would retain control over foreign affairs and defense and keep the right to station military forces in the regions. Even more important, the law establishing the SARs dictates that the "land and natural resources within the [SAR] shall be state property." This ensures that the rich supply of resources in the western regions would remain under Beijing's authority.

To further assuage Beijing's doubts, the SARs in Xinjiang and Tibet would not need to be as autonomous as those in Hong Kong and Macau, which have separate political systems with their own partially direct elections. Such a concession would not be required in Xinjiang, where the population has never experienced elections, nor in Tibet, where the population would simply like to replace an unpopular unelected official with a popular one: the Dalai Lama.

Such an arrangement would remove another thorn in Beijing's side -- the international attention and opprobrium created by the Dalai Lama's ongoing exile. The Dalai Lama would likely accept such a solution; the SAR closely resembles his own "middle way" negotiating position, which cedes the claim to full Tibetan independence and instead calls for "genuine autonomy." In any future Tibetan SAR, the Dalai Lama would likely be less of a problem for Beijing in the region than outside of it.

Ultimately, such a solution would allow for linguistic and cultural -- but not full political -- independence from Beijing. The provinces would remain within China's borders, their resources would be national possessions, and the cost savings would be enormous. Estimates suggest that the Chinese government spends more than a billion yuan a month to maintain security forces in the region.

It is unclear, however, whether the conservative Chinese Communist Party, which has maintained its hold on power through guile, force, and destruction of all competing centers of influence, will be able to adopt such a radical policy. But to disregard the underlying motivations of the recent unrest in Xinjiang -- and in Tibet before that -- is to guarantee that it is only a matter of time before the country's simmering ethnic tensions explode again.

Computer Hacking Made Easy

A few years ago it would have been difficult to pull off an Internet attack like the one that knocked out the Twitter microblogging service in early August. A hacker would have needed either the tech savvy to hijack thousands of computers simultaneously or tens of thousands of dollars to pay someone else to do it. Not today. The tools for taking down Web sites like Twitter are getting so cheap and easy to use that many more people are now able to wreak havoc. "The barrier of entry is becoming so low that literally anyone can carry out these attacks," says Gunter Ollmann, vice-president for research at Damballa, an Atlanta Web security firm.

In the Twitter episode, hackers were trying to silence a single blogger, Georgy Jakhaia, who is known online as Cyxymu and has been critical of the Russian government. They launched a "denial-of-service" attack, in which thousands of computers try to communicate with the target Web site at the same time so the site's computers are overwhelmed and can't handle legitimate requests. In what appears to be collateral damage, the hackers took down the entire Twitter service, and hobbled the blogging site LiveJournal and Facebook, where Jakhaia also posted. Patrick Peterson, head security researcher for Cisco Systems (CSCO), compares the assault to using "a hand grenade to silence a fly."

It may be a sign of things to come: Criminal groups and hackers have infected tens of millions of computers around the world with viruses that allow them to control the machines to launch attacks or send spam. These networks of zombie computers, called "botnets," are then rented out on a per-machine and per-day basis through Web sites that make executing a denial-of-service (DOS) attack almost as easy as getting a book from Amazon (AMZN). No password cracking or software coding is necessary.

Security experts say the explosive growth of these botnets has led to a price war among underground suppliers. Two years ago, Ollmann says, there were about a half-dozen networks with a million or more hijacked computers, but now there are dozens with that many. The cost of renting out 10,000 machines—enough to cripple a site like Twitter—has tumbled to $200 a day from between $2,000 and $5,000. "We have seen the price points dropping fast," says Ollmann.

That's contributed to a surge in attacks. On Aug. 10 there were about 1,300 reported DOS attacks, according to a survey done by Chelmsford (Mass.) security firm Arbor Networks. On the same day two years ago, there were 700.

Attackers have a variety of motives. Some, like the Twitter assault, appear to be political campaigns to silence critics. Others help cover up fraud. Security consultant Kevin Mandia says the banks that hire him often come under attack when hackers have stolen ATM information and don't want victims to be able to see their diminishing balances on a bank's Web site. With the declining cost, DOS attacks may be used by a wider variety of people. A disgruntled employee could hammer his company's site; a car dealership could knock out a rival's site on a busy Saturday.

It would take perhaps an hour. A search on Google (GOOG) for "botnet" or "bot rent," leads to one of dozens of hacking forums, where there are postings to lease botnets. After downloading software that includes a control panel, a would-be attacker enters the name of the target Web site and manages the precise timing of the assault. Transactions are usually paid for with digital money transfers through Western Union.

Companies have been adding extra capacity to their computer networks to protect against DOS attacks. But security experts say the growing armies of botnets mean more creative approaches are needed. "Think like the bad guy," says Cisco's Peterson.

Schectman is a reporter at BusinessWeek.

India Shrugs at the Swine Flu Outbreak

When swine flu first hit Mexico City, the Mexican government shut the city down for three full days. But when the flu struck Mumbai last week, the Indian government shut down only movie theaters and schools and then, while the flu spread unchecked, opened them again a few days later. By Aug. 17, the countrywide death toll had reached 28, and Pune, two hours' drive southwest of Mumbai, was being considered an H1N1 cluster. There, infections were spreading faster than doctors could track them, and health authorities counted 14 deaths from swine flu. Nearly 1,700 more Indians had tested positive for the flu, which spreads rapidly from human contact, kills a little less than 1% of its victims, and is considered one of the fastest-spreading pandemics in recent history.

In Mumbai, malls nevertheless stayed open through the weekend, with a few people spotted wearing face masks. But most visitors seeming unconcerned. On Friday, the city celebrated the birth of Krishna, with entire neighborhoods swarming with events called dahi-handi (buckets of yogurt): Young men and children climb over each to reach earthen pots of yogurt dangling from strings above streets. "Swine flu?" asked Rajeshri Murthy, 14, as she joked with her friends in a crowded north Mumbai neighborhood. "Why worry about it? It's a holiday!"

She could have been taking a cue from the government's handbook. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told Indians on Aug. 15 in his annual Independence Day speech not to be too worried. "I want to assure you that the situation does not warrant a disruption in our daily lives because of fear and anxiety," he said.

Creaky Medical Infrastructure

Why the relative lack of official alarm in India about a disease that has consumed the World Health Organization's resources since it was first detected in April and led to quarantines all around the world? After all, a full-blown pandemic in India would overwhelm the country's creaky medical infrastructure. Economists are already taking note, with Macquarie researcher Rajeev Malik factoring the possibility of a big outbreak into forecasts of gross domestic product. "The H1N1 scare is a potential risk, especially on consumer sentiment," says Malik, who decided it was too early to decide how widespread the impact would be on the Indian economy.

From a political standpoint, the government's muted reaction is understandable. Just three months after a resounding victory at the polls, the Congress Party has found itself in a difficult situation. The monsoon rains, vital for the country's agriculture, have failed, leading to drought in one out of every five Indian districts. As a result, food prices are inching upward. And newspapers every day criticize the government for not bringing the perpetrators of the November Mumbai terror attacks to justice. "The government's record has generated a good deal of skepticism. And with good reason too," wrote The Times of India, the world's largest English-language newspaper, on Aug. 15.

At the same time, shutting down Mumbai, India's teeming financial capital, with 18 million residents, is close to impossible. As many as 6 million people ride in Mumbai's commuter trains every day, its airport handles one-third of India's air traffic, and by some estimates the city makes up more than 52% of India's service industry, with the main Indian stock exchange and most of the major corporations headquartered there. Even a one-day shutdown could send tremors through the Indian economy, which is still rebounding from the global economic crisis.

Now that the initial media and public panic has died down and 24-hour television coverage of the outbreak has given way to other news, movie theaters and other public places have reopened in Mumbai. On Aug. 17, residents lined up to buy tickets for the latest release, Kaminey, which the rest of India got to watch a few days earlier. "I will probably die from this cigarette that I am smoking before I die from swine flu," joked Riteish Chowdhury, 28, who had brought his wife and 10-month-old child to the theater.

Other Scourges Far Worse

Health officials point to one possible explanation for the apparent lack of concern among many in Mumbai: Indians have lived with far worse diseases for decades. Malaria, tuberculosis, and even diarrhea kill more Indians each day than the swine flu has claimed nationwide. The other is simply a question of numbers: Twenty-eight dead in a country of 1.2 billion people is easily ignored. After all, about 15 people died every day in 2008 as they took Mumbai's infamously overcrowded and doorless trains to work.

Even AIDS is mostly ignored in government and Indian private philanthropic spending, even though as many as 2.5 million Indians are estimated to be HIV positive. "It's all a question of what you choose to care about," says Kiran Nayyar, a psychologist in Mumbai, pointing to an Aug. 16 WHO report which found that 300 Indians die each day just from road accidents, the highest number in the world. "If it didn't have such a bombastic name, I don't think people would even talk about swine flu."

In spite of its public posture, the Indian government does say it is taking concrete measures. In a visit to a Mumbai hospital on Monday, it appeared that a central government directive to quarantine suspected swine flu victims was being followed. The government has already distributed 100,000 Tamiflu tablets nationwide, with a further 10,000 on the way, said a Health Ministry spokesman. Testing centers were being set up at government-run hospitals, and private hospitals were being asked to pitch in. And according to The Hindu, an Indian newspaper, even the Prime Minister, having told people not to panic, has been calling up the Health Minister to push for more action.

Srivastava reports for BusinessWeek from New Delhi.