Aug 23, 2009

Thousands of Displaced in Kabo Living in Appalling Conditions



23 August 2009

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The United Nations refugee agency says it finally managed to gain access over a week ago to a remote northern area of the Central African Republic, following months of insecurity. A UNHCR spokesman tells VOA aid workers found more than 2,000 displaced civilians living in appalling conditions in and around the town of Kabo and surrounding villages.

Displaced Congolese who fled to the southeast of Rutshuru, on the border with Uganda
Displaced Congolese who fled to the southeast of Rutshuru, on the border with Uganda
The town of Kabo is located around 400 kilometers north of Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic. It is in a very remote, practically inaccessible area.

Although a UN team of aid workers finally managed to get to the region, UN refugee spokesman, Andrej Mahecic, tells VOA it is not clear when they will be able to return because of insecurity.

He says this is unfortunate since these people are desperate for all kinds of assistance. He says the internally displaced people, who are mainly ethnic Ngamas from Kabo, were forced to flee attacks by various armed groups. He says the fighting has been going on and off since November.

"Our staff reported the displaced have very limited access to safe drinking water and in some places they are forced to drink the water in the open fields along with their livestock. The IDPs live in mud huts and their living conditions are dire. There are serious health risks due to lack of water and sanitation facilities," said Mahecic. "Our staff also noted that the incidents of diarrhea and malaria are widespread. Basic health care is available only in the town of Kabo, which is a long walking distance from the current locations of these displaced people."

Mahecic says the displaced people need food as their crops were either destroyed by the locusts or were stolen by armed bandits. He says the displaced also asked for clean drinking water, education, plastic sheeting for shelter, more protection and security from the armed cattle raisers.

"These communities also told UNHCR about widespread cases of rape, killings, arbitrary arrests, torture and destruction of property," said Mahecic. "According to them, these atrocities have been mostly perpetrated by the armed cattle raisers, but also by the other armed groups and bandits in the area including government soldiers."

The UNHCR estimates more than 125,000 people have been forced out of their homes in northern CAR since 2005, many of them women and children. And, another 137,000 people are refugees in neighboring Chad and Cameroon.

Afghan Vote Results May Be Delayed



23 August 2009

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Complaints about fraud in Thursday's presidential and provincial council elections in Afghanistan may further delay the announcement of official results. Officials continue to issue statments saying claims that anyone is leading the presidential contest are premature, inaccurate and unauthorized.

Election officials here are cautioning that previously announced dates to post official returns in mid-September may be pushed back.

The hitch lies with an anticipated large number of complaints, including ballot stuffing and voter intimidation. Many of these - and there are more than 225 and the number is growing - will have to be investigated on location in a country with rugged and hostile terrain.

The Electoral Complaints Commission says 35 claims have been deemed "a high priority" since they could affect the outcome of election results.

Fahim Hakim, a member of Afghan Electoral Complaints Commission
Fahim Hakim, a member of Afghan Electoral Complaints Commission
ECC member Fahim Hakim tells VOA that looking into these alleged electoral abuses could be time consuming.

"We are trying our best to address all complaints that we are receiving and the soonest, the better from our point of view," he said. "We cannot in a way confine ourself that these are the ultimate dates that we may arrive to a final conclusion."

The law prevents the release of officials results until these complaints have been adjudicated.

A domestic independent news agency, Pajhwok, quoting sources, reports incumbent President Hamid Karzai has 71 percent of the total based on 4.5 million votes counted.

The Secretary General of the Afghan Independent Election Commission, Daoud Ali Najafi, was asked by reporters about that figure.

"It is not accurate, I can tell you," he said.

The IEC says it will only begin releasing partial results from some provinces on Tuesday.

The senior project officer for Democracy International, Bill Gallery, tells VOA News, it would have been ideal to have some results out earlier.

Bill Gallery, Sr. Program Officer, Democracy International
Bill Gallery, Sr. Program Officer, Democracy International
"The results were coming in from provinces Friday, which was the start of Ramadan and that slowed things down a little bit," said Gallery. "Nevertheless, we think the IEC should be capable of publishing some partial results as they come in to help increase the transparency of the process."

Officials also still not have released any figures for voter turnout, which observers predict may be as low as 10 percent in areas where the Taliban insurgency is active.

Voting was not conducted in nine districts but officials say that affected less than two percent of the electorate.

Meanwhile, former foreign minister Abdullah Abdullah, who is also claiming he has the most votes, is alleging "rigging" of the election by Karzai administration officials.

"This is under his leadership that all these things are happening and all those people which are responsible for this fraud in parts of the country are being appointed by him. I'm sure that he has all those reports. He knows about all of this," said Abdullah. "This should have been stopped and could have been stopped by him."

The challenger contends that ballots marked for Mr. Karzai are arriving from districts where voting did not occur and turnout is being reported as high as 40 percent in areas where only 10 percent of voters cast ballots.

The Karzai campaign denies such charges and accuses the Abdullah camp of carrying out fraud on election day.

If no candidate receives more than half of the total votes a run-off between the two top contenders is to be held in early October.

In Its Finance Site, Yahoo Leaves Google in the Dust

GOOGLE has an outsize image as the deft master of information. Its superior technology seems to pitilessly grind up its rivals. But Google’s domination in search has proved hard for it to match in some information domains. When serving financial news and information, for example, Yahoo draws 17.5 times the traffic of Google, according to comScore Media Metrix.

Yahoo Finance, which has occupied the top spot in the category for 19 consecutive months, drew 21.7 million unique United States visitors in July; Google Finance drew only 1.2 million unique visitors, placing it 17th in comScore’s rankings for the category, one slot above a site called FreePressRelease.com.

Yahoo understands that information about money — a user’s own money — presents some tricky psychological issues. James Pitaro, vice president of Yahoo’s audience group, said, “In our research with users, we found that the more information that was displayed on the page, the greater the anxiety.”

He said Yahoo deliberately adopted what he calls “the Apple model — simplicity in design; a clean, simple look, not overburdening our users with too much information on the page.”

Google seems to pay no heed to such psychology. Google Finance, which was introduced in 2006 and shed its “beta” label earlier this year, hews to its original strategy: offer the best data and charts. And when that doesn’t work, offer still more data and charts.

Yahoo Finance is organized into sections: investing; news and opinion; personal finance; customized portfolio tracking; and “Tech Ticker,” short video features that have supplied an average of 450,000 streams a day in recent months, Yahoo says. When you click on a link to a news story accompanied by a Tech Ticker video, it starts automatically and seems intended to insert a warm human presence on the page. The video player is on one side of the page and is stationary; the visitor scrolls down on the other side to read news articles.

“It’s made for multitasking,” Mr. Pitaro said.

About 5 percent of the finance site’s information is original, he said, though his group is looking at ways to increase that to about 10 percent, matching the proportion on Yahoo Sports.

Mr. Pitaro credited Yahoo’s home page with sending traffic to Yahoo Finance.

“We have a great relationship with the front-page team to identify topics we should cover,” he said. An example of a “featured” story found last week on Yahoo’s front page: “Where Rich Singles Live,” accompanied by a picture of an attractive young woman smiling at the camera while pulling papers out of a briefcase. A click whisked the interested reader to Yahoo Finance.

Google does not use the mostly empty home page of the mothership to let visitors know that it has a finance site — some may not even know it exists. (To reach it, a user must click on the word “more” at the top of the home page.) But Google’s finance site offers something rather basic that Yahoo doesn’t: free real-time price quotations obtained directly from the New York Stock Exchange and Nasdaq.

Over at Yahoo, the price quotations come from the BATS Exchange, an electronic equity exchange. A Yahoo spokeswoman said that in terms of accuracy and speed, its data “are very close to that from the larger exchanges, and for the average investor, the differences would hardly be noticeable.” (In my side-by-side comparison, the BATS quote on Yahoo for “YHOO” usually lagged Nasdaq’s on Google by a minute.)

If Yahoo customers would like the quotations directly from the two largest United States exchanges, they must pay Yahoo $10.95 or $13.95 a month for the privilege of getting the same data that Google offers free.

Among all visitors to Yahoo Finance who are referred by another site, 47.8 percent came from another Yahoo property, according to comScore’s data for July. Only 28.8 percent of Google Finance visitors came from another Google property. (As for MSN Money, which holds third place, 72.7 percent came from other Microsoft sites.)

Compare the total United States traffic on all Google sites with the total on all of Yahoo’s and you’ll see that Google edged past Yahoo last year to take the overall lead. Since then, Google has stayed on top, though with only a slim advantage, according to comScore. So finance is an important category that allows Yahoo to remain neck-and-neck with Google over all.

Yahoo Finance is not just coasting, either: it enjoyed 12 percent growth in traffic from July 2008 to July 2009, while Google Finance’s traffic grew by only 3 percent.

GOOGLE has not adopted the features that Yahoo uses to create a more appealing look and feel for a finance site. While Google also provides news and portfolio tracking, it doesn’t have its own videos or columnists.

Invited to show off features that differentiated Google’s site from Yahoo’s, Ayan Mandal, a Google product manager, pointed to new charting tools, called “Technicals. Added this summer, they allow users to analyze stock prices over time with 12 technical formulas.

It seems unlikely, however, that Google’s new tools — whose metrics include one called the Fast Stochastic Oscillator — will do as much for building traffic as a fluffy news story or a short video featuring talking heads. Yahoo understands that a free finance site prospers by drawing less from the world of mathematics and more from the world of entertainment, informing just enough to satisfy users without setting off an anxiety attack.

Randall Stross is an author based in Silicon Valley and a professor of business at San Jose State University. E-mail: stross@nytimes.com.

Iranian Authorities Are Accused of Secret Burials

CAIRO — As Iranians celebrated the first day of the holy month of Ramadan, they were confronted Saturday with new charges of reform movement supporters being tortured in prison and of bodies being secretly buried in a cemetery on the outskirts of Tehran.

The accusations, filed on Web sites affiliated with the reform movement, added to the push and pull between an opposition movement struggling to keep itself from being silenced and a government that has tried to move past the crisis over the country’s disputed presidential elections in June.

Iran’s political crisis smolders on at least two levels, political analysts said: in the hostility nursed by the millions of people who feel that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s victory was fraudulent, and in the behind-the-scenes fighting within the institutions of power among political and clerical insiders.

On Saturday the internal battle appeared to be on display again when Mr. Ahmadinejad broke with tradition and skipped a meeting of the Expediency Council, according to the Web site Parleman News, which is affiliated with a parliamentary faction that has opposed the president. The council, an influential government body, is run by a rival of Mr. Ahmadinejad’s, the former vice president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.

Mr. Rafsanjani, who has fueled the political dispute over the election while also trying to position himself publicly as above the fray, opened the meeting by calling for “unity and empathy to get through internal problems.”

His speech offered a prescription for healing that called for obeying the law, and subtly cast some blame on all sides. Mr. Rafsanjani has challenged the election results and the government response but has been careful not to seriously imperil the stability of the system.

“The current situation requires that we follow the guidance of the supreme leader, create an environment conducive to a nonpartisan approach to constitutional law and dealing with lawbreakers,” he said Saturday.

But settling the dispute has been beyond reach, and recent charges of torture, rape and killing appear to be the primary reason public anger has not subsided, political analysts said.

“This targets the heart of the state claim to morality,” said Rasool Nafisi, an academic in Virginia who has studied the Islamic republic for years, referring especially to the rape charges.

The government has rejected the claims of rape, but the current speaker of Parliament, Ali Larijani, having first dismissed the accusations, has agreed to review evidence if it is provided.

Iran has closed the country to foreign reporters and has jailed many journalists, making it difficult to corroborate or refute the many accusations.

Officially, the government says that about 30 people died in the protests and government crackdown, while the opposition says the number is closer to 70.

On Saturday, Norooz News, a reformist Web site, published a report that said workers in Behesht-e Zahra municipal cemetery in Tehran buried 28 bodies from July 12 to 15 in Plot 302. If confirmed, the news of the burials would suggest a higher death toll than the government has acknowledged.

With accompanying photographs, the report said that in other cases, bodies returned by the authorities to family members appeared to have been frozen solid, suggesting that corpses were kept in industrial facilities.

Several other new reports, including one on a Web site associated with the reform movement leader Mir Hussein Moussavi, said prominent leaders of the movement appeared to have been abused, possibly even tortured, in prison, including being subjected to long periods of total isolation. Earlier reports of torture focused on street protesters, not opposition leaders.

The postings included several that said the trials of two detained reformers — Ahmad Zeidabadi and Feyzollah Arabsorkhi — had been postponed because the men had been hospitalized, fueling speculation that they had been tortured while in custody.

Sunnis and Shiites See an Omen for Reconciliation in Iraq

BAGHDAD — On Saturday, the holy month of Ramadan began on the same day in Iraq for both Sunnis and Shiites, the first time that has happened in 10 years.

For a country riven by sectarian strife, and plagued by bombings aimed at provoking more such warfare, that was a welcome omen.

That portent of a religious reconciliation does not include secular or Christian Iraqis, however, for whom this Ramadan does not augur so well. For the first time, the government has instituted a series of decrees closing nearly all restaurants for the next month during the daylight hours of the Ramadan fast.

All month, from sunup to sundown, Muslims are expected to refrain from food and drink, even water.

Now even those seen smoking on the streets will be subject to arrest, according to the new decree issued by the Ministry of Interior. Bars and liquor stores were ordered to close completely for the whole month, also for the first time.

Ramadan begins after the waxing crescent moon first comes into view, which, according to astronomical calculations, happened in Baghdad at precisely 6:42 p.m. on Friday.

By Islamic tradition, however, the ninth month in the Islamic calendar begins only after religious authorities see the crescent with their own eyes. When Ramadan comes in summer, as this year, the sliver of the waxing moon is invisible for most of the day, and in Baghdad it sets just a half hour after dark, making it an elusive target in the often sandy haze along the horizon.

To make matters more difficult, Shiite religious leaders say they must spot that first crescent with the naked eye. Sunnis allow themselves the aid of binoculars or a telescope, which often gives the Sunni Ramadan a full day’s jump on the Shiite observance.

This year, Iraq’s Sunnis took their cue from Abdul al-Ghafor al-Samaraie, head of the Sunni Endowment, who spotted it on Friday with the unaided eye. “This will unite the religious messages of our two sects and is a good sign,” he said.

Iraq’s Shiites begin observing Ramadan when the howza, the committee of their top ayatollahs, announces that the moon has been spotted. That word came many hours after sunset on Friday, catching many Shiites asleep and unprepared for a predawn breakfast on Saturday.

Since the war began, and with it the widespread arrival of cellphones, Iraqis have grown accustomed to sending congratulatory text messages to one another by the dozens when Ramadan is announced.

Many of the messages read like greeting cards, and some even strike a conciliatory note:

While Ramadan is at our doors,

Let us review the reasons

We became as strangers,

And live peacefully as friends.

The texts serve a practical function, too, warning those who might be asleep or not watching the news that they needed to get up before sunrise to have an early breakfast, girding themselves for the daylong fast ahead.

But with staggered starts for Ramadan, the texts became an annoyance if they arrived on the wrong day. In mixed areas there were arguments over eating and drinking in public. The biggest problem, though, was the Id al-Fitr feast at the end of the month. It is the biggest holiday of the Muslim calendar, and sheep are slaughtered in the streets, a distressing sight to those still fasting.

It would be as if groups in a largely Christian country could not agree about whether it was Dec. 24 or Dec. 25 when everything should grind to a halt.

Christians are exempt from many of the laws imposing Ramadan strictures, but not the ban on alcohol sales. Many of Iraq’s secular-minded citizens were also alarmed, however.

“Why can’t I practice my freedom in this country?” said Ahmed Abd, 42. “If I smoke in the streets, whose fast does it hurt? Why shouldn’t I drink water when I’m thirsty in such weather? Why should I hide like a criminal if I want to have a sandwich?” In a country rife with conspiracy theories, some Iraqis also suspected the simultaneous Ramadan celebrations were fixed for political reasons.

“I think it is an attempt by Maliki to get as many voters as he can,” said Nazar al-Azzawi, 43, a Sunni businessman in Adhamiya, referring to the Shiite prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki. “He wants to send a message that national reconciliation is a success and there is no sectarianism.”

That is a conclusion Mr. Azzawi bitterly disagreed with. “The dead will never be alive again,” he said.

Others thought that even if the howza’s lunar observations were more aspirational than astronomical, it was only for the best. “I think the howza announced it to avoid sectarian strife,” said Hussein al-Ameri, a university professor in Karbala. “It recognizes that its job is to bring Iraqis together.”

Another Iraqi tradition in recent years has been an increase in violence during Ramadan, and Iraqi security forces planned to tighten security, particularly after last week’s bombings. The first day passed relatively quietly in Baghdad; a homemade bomb exploded on Saturday, wounding two civilians, and two Iraqi soldiers were killed when gunmen using silencers ambushed them at a checkpoint in Adhamiya before dawn.

In Mosul, however, the police said five insurgent attacks left nine people dead, including the owner of a liquor store that was still open despite the new rules.

And Iraqis continued to debate last Wednesday’s suicide truck bombings, which killed 95 people and wounded 1,200 at the Foreign and Finance Ministries.

Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari blamed members of Iraq’s security forces, who he said must have helped the bombers enter an area where trucks are prohibited. “There had to be technical and logistical assistance, and it appears that governmental security agents were coordinating with them too,” he said Saturday.

This is also one of the hottest Ramadans in many years, with temperatures still as high as 120 degrees, and there are 13 hours of daylight. The last thing most of Iraq’s exhausted fasters will want, plagued as they are with poor electric and water supplies, is more trouble.

In Diyala Province, where sectarian conflict remains particularly bad, Muhammad Jameel, 24, was hopeful. He is a tabal, one of a troop of men who walk the streets in the predawn darkness beating large drums to warn that sunrise is only a breakfast away. “I’m happy to see this,” he said. “Tomorrow morning I’ll beat my drum loudly to make Sunni neighbors as well as Shiites hear it and wake up together.”

Late on Saturday, the Iraqi Army arrested five tabal drummers in Adhamiya and charged them with the killings of the two soldiers. Because of the midnight to 4 a.m. curfew in that neighborhood, the drummers were the only residents out before dawn.

Reporting was contributed by Abeer Mohammed, Riyadh Mohammed and Duraid Adnan from Baghdad, and Iraqi employees of The New York Times from Adhamiya and Diyala.

Marines Fight Taliban With Little Aid From Afghans

KHAN NESHIN, Afghanistan — American Marines secured this desolate village in southern Afghanistan nearly two months ago, and last week they were fortifying bases, on duty at checkpoints and patrolling in full body armor in 120-degree heat. Despite those efforts, only a few hundred Afghans were persuaded to come out here and vote for president on Thursday.

In a region the Taliban have lorded over for six years, and where they remain a menacing presence, American officers say their troops alone are not enough to reassure Afghans. Something is missing that has left even the recently appointed district governor feeling dismayed. “I don’t get any support from the government,” said the governor, Massoud Ahmad Rassouli Balouch.

Governor Massoud has no body of advisers to help run the area, no doctors to provide health care, no teachers, no professionals to do much of anything. About all he says he does have are police officers who steal and a small group of Afghan soldiers who say they are here for “vacation.”

It all raises serious questions about what the American mission is in southern Afghanistan — to secure the area, or to administer it — and about how long Afghans will tolerate foreign troops if they do not begin to see real benefits from their own government soon. American commanders say there is a narrow window to win over local people from the guerrillas.

Securing the region is overwhelming enough. The Marines have just enough forces to clear out small pockets like Khan Neshin. And despite the Americans’ presence, Afghan officials said 290 people voted here last week at what is the only polling place in a region the size of Connecticut. Some officers were stunned even that many voted, given the reports of widespread intimidation.

Even with the new operation in Helmand Province, which involves the Marines here and more than 3,000 others as part of President Obama’s troop deployments, the military lacks the troop strength even to try to secure some significant population centers and guerrilla strongholds in central and southern Helmand.

And they do not have nearly enough forces to provide the kinds of services throughout the region that would make a meaningful difference in Afghans’ lives, which, in any case, is a job American commanders would rather leave for the Afghan government.

Meanwhile, Afghans in Khan Neshin, the Marines’ southernmost outpost in Helmand Province, are coming to the Americans with requests for medical care, repairs of clogged irrigation canals and the reopening of schools.

“Without the Afghan government, we will not be successful,” said Capt. Korvin Kraics, the battalion’s lawyer, who is in Khan Neshin. “You need local-level bureaucracy to defeat the insurgency. Without the stability that brings, the Taliban can continue to maintain control.”

Local administration is a problem throughout Afghanistan, and many rural areas suffer from corrupt local officials — if they have officials at all. But southern Helmand has long been one of the most ungovernable regions, a vast, inhospitable desert dominated by opium traffickers and the Taliban.

It not clear what promises of support from the Afghan government the Americans had, or whether they undertook the mission knowing that the backing necessary to complete it, at least in southern Helmand, might not arrive soon — if at all. The Americans in Khan Neshin doubt that the Afghan government promised much of anything.

Governor Massoud said he personally admired the Marines here, from the Second Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, but he said many people “just don’t want them here.”

He estimated that two of every three local residents supported the Taliban, mostly because they make a living growing poppy for the drug trade, which the Taliban control. Others support them for religious reasons or because they object to foreign forces.

Not least, people understand that the Taliban have not disappeared, but simply fallen back to Garmsir, 40 miles north, and will almost surely try to return.

Lt. Col. Tim Grattan, the battalion commander, said the local residents’ ambivalence reflected fears of what could happen to anyone who sided with the Marines, an apprehension stoked by past operations that sent troops in only for short periods.

“They are on the fence,” Colonel Grattan said. “They want to go with a winner. They want to see if we stay around and will be able to protect them from the Taliban and any repercussions.”

As for follow-up assistance, Colonel Grattan said the Afghan national government “has been ineffective to date.”

The shortfall in Afghan government support is important not only in terms of defining the Marines’ mission here, but also because it crimps their operations. The Marines, unlike units in some other regions, answer to a NATO-led command and are under orders to defer to Afghan military and civilian officials, even if there are none nearby.

For instance, Marines must release detainees after 96 hours or turn them over to Afghan forces for prosecution, even if the nearest prosecutors or judges are 80 miles away. Some detainees who the Marines say are plainly implicated in attacks using improvised explosive devices or mortars have been released.

The problems are compounded by a shortage of American troops, despite the recent reinforcements. The Marine battalion, which deployed with less than 40 percent of its troops, can regularly patrol only a small portion of its 6,000-square-mile area.

To do even that they have stretched: three-fifths of the Marines are stationed at checkpoints and a handful of austere outposts ringing Khan Neshin, living without air-conditioning or refrigerated water.

That leaves no regular troop presence across the vast southernmost reaches of Helmand. On the Pakistani border the town of Baramcha — a major smuggling hub and Taliban stronghold — remains untouched by regular military units. American and Afghan officials say Baramcha’s influence radiates through southern Helmand, undermining Marine and British military units elsewhere. “It’s the worst place in Afghanistan,” Governor Massoud said.

If the Afghan national government can provide more resources and security forces — and the Marines add more men — then the United States may be able to leave in two to three years, Colonel Grattan said.

Without that, he said, it could take much longer. For now, little help is materializing.

Frustrated, Governor Massoud said his “government is weak and cannot provide agricultural officials, school officials, prosecutors and judges.”

He said he was promised 120 police officers, but only 50 showed up. He said many were untrustworthy and poorly trained men who stole from the people, a description many of the Americans agree with. No more than 10 percent appear to have attended a police academy, they say. “Many are just men from the streets,” the governor said.

The Afghan National Army contingent appears sharper — even if only one-sixth the size that Governor Massoud said he was promised — but the soldiers have resisted some missions because they say they were sent not to fight, but to recuperate.

“We came here to rest, then we are going somewhere else,” said Lt. Javed Jabar Khail, commander of the 31-man unit. The Marines say they hope the next batch of Afghan soldiers will not be expecting a holiday.

In the meantime, at the local bazaar, just outside the Marines’ base, the foreign troop presence remains a hard sell.

When one man, Abdul Hanan, complained that “more people are dying,” First Lt. Jake Weldon told him that the Taliban “take away your schools, they take away your hospitals; we bring those things.”

Mr. Hanan remained doubtful. Some people have fled the area, fearful of violence since the Marines have arrived. He asked, “So you want to build us a hospital or school, but if nobody is here, what do we do?”

Will Iran's Larijani Brothers Challenge Ahmadinejad?

by Robin Wright

The brothers Larijani — often referred to as the Kennedys of Iran — are emerging as a powerful counterweight to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from within the conservative camp. And unlike other Ahmadinejad rivals, the Larijanis are fully endorsed by Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatullah Ali Khamenei.

The Aug. 15 appointment of Sadegh Larijani as head of Iran's judiciary puts Larijanis in control of two out of the three branches of Iran's government. Older brother Ali Larijani is speaker of parliament. (See pictures of Iran's presidential election and its turbulent aftermath.)

Over the past 30 years, the five sons of a senior cleric have been a major force in Iran's power structure, either serving in or running for positions including the presidency and various diplomatic roles as well as posts in Cabinet ministries, the Council of Guardians, the legislature, the powerful National Security Council, the judiciary, Iran's top broadcasting authority and even the Revolutionary Guards. Over the past year, they have consolidated their power. (See pictures of the enduring influence of Ayatullah Khomeini.)

Mohammad Javad Larijani, a Berkeley-educated mathematician, has been a member of parliament, Deputy Foreign Minister and adviser to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Bagher Larijani, a physician, has served as Deputy Minister of Health. And Fazel Larijani, a diplomat, spent years posted in Ottawa. All five are bearded and bespectacled.

Sadegh Larijani takes over Iran's judiciary at a critical moment, as the government mounts mass trials of opposition supporters who stand accused of fomenting a foreign-backed velvet revolution against the regime. The third such trial opened Aug. 16. A comparatively junior cleric for such a high-profile job (he was born in 1960, month unknown), Sadegh served for eight years on the 12-member Council of Guardians, the powerful body that vets legislation, political candidates and election results. (See pictures of Iranian society.)

His appointment to a five-year term reflects the Supreme Leader's trust in the Larijanis amid unprecedented public anger over the disputed June 12 presidential election, and the alleged torture and rape of protesters arrested in a brutal crackdown.

"Sadegh Larijani's ties to the Revolutionary Guards and intelligence agencies provide ample reason to believe that he will use his new powers to crack down even further on human rights and civil liberties than did his predecessor," Mehdi Khalaji wrote in an analysis for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

His skepticism may be based on the fact that the Larijanis were powerful critics of Iran's reform movement during the presidency of Mohammed Khatami. But the Larijanis also reflect a nuanced but significant difference from the hard-line principlist movement of President Ahmadinejad. In Iran's ever shifting political spectrum, the brothers are today considered pragmatic conservatives. (See the top 10 players in Iran's power struggle.)

"Ten years ago, the Larijanis would have been considered arch hard-liners," said Karim Sadjadpour of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. "But the spectrum has moved so far right in recent years that now, compared with Ahmadinejad, they appear somewhat moderate."

See pictures of people around the world protesting Iran's election.

See pictures of terror in Tehran.

The differences between the Larijanis and Ahmadinejad are both political and personal. Ali Larijani ran for President against Ahmadinejad in 2005; he came in sixth with less than 6% of the vote. Khamenei then appointed him head of the National Security Council, a body that reports to the Supreme Leader rather than the President, who has just one seat on the council. (See the top 10 Ahmadinejad-isms.)

In that capacity, Larijani was the lead negotiator with the international community on Iran's disputed nuclear program. Although he took a tough line on Iran's right to enrich uranium as part of its energy program, he was also interested in a deal that would prevent deepening Iran's isolation, according to diplomats involved in the talks.

But Ali Larijani often found himself at odds with Ahmadinejad's inflammatory rhetoric, and finally quit in 2007, underscoring the political divide even among the conservatives. "They were ideological differences," Larijani told an Iranian news agency. "I thought that the differences would be damaging and thus I resigned." Larijani ran for parliament last year, and was elected speaker.

After the June election protests erupted, Ali Larijani was also one of the few regime officials to publicly warn that many Iranians questioned Ahmadinejad's victory. "The opinion of this majority should be respected and a line should be drawn between them and rioters and miscreants," Larijani said in comments posted on an Iranian website. (Read more on Ali Larijani in the top 10 players in Iran's power struggle.)

In a further jab at Ahmadinejad, the speaker warned last week that government ministers should have the qualifications necessary for their positions. Cabinet picks require parliamentary approval, and the legislature has previously rejected Ahmadinejad's picks for being unqualified. The vote on his Cabinet nominations will be the first major test for Ahmadinejad as he begins his second and final term.

Thus far, however, all the Larijanis have heeded political boundaries. Ali Larijani last week announced that a parliamentary investigation proved that some detainee claims of torture were false. "On the basis of precise and comprehensive investigations conducted about the detainees at Kahrizak and Evin prisons, no cases of rape and sexual abuse were found," he told parliament. The probe lasted less than a week.

"Larijani has been a very ineffective speaker," says Iran scholar Shaul Bakhash. "[Parliament] has been a virtual no-show on all issues during his leadership ... And his investigation of allegations of mistreatment of prisoners was clearly slapdash."

The ill will between the Larijanis and Ahmadinejad is also rooted in a social class divide, according to Sadjadpour. The Larijani brothers are the progeny of the late Grand Ayatullah Mirza Hashem Amoli, a marja whose interpretations of Islam are considered binding by a following of devout Shi'ite Muslims. Some of his sons have also married into prominent clerical families, giving them status beyond politics. Ali Larijani represents Qum, the center of Islamic scholarship in Iran, in parliament. Ahmadinejad, by contrast, is the son of a blacksmith.

Over the years, the Larijani brothers have expressed realist positions on Iran's relations with the U.S. Mohammad Javad Larijani, who did doctoral work in mathematics at the University of California, has often urged an end to tensions. "Our country's relations with America are important in terms of our national interests," he said in a public debate a decade ago. "We should regard our relations with America realistically and without extremism, and weigh them with the criteria of our national interests." (Read "The Revolutionary Guards: Gaining Power in Iran.")

But critics also charge that the Larijani brothers have risen so far as much from opportunism as political savvy. Many analysts believe Ali Larijani may be positioning himself to run for the presidency again after Ahmadinejad's term ends in 2013. "They are nakedly ambitious. Their overarching principle seems to be to position themselves wherever power lies," said Sadjadpour. "If the Shah were still in power, they'd be coveting him. And if Iran evolves into a democracy, they'll try and reinvent themselves as progressive democrats."

Why Does Obama Keep Flip-Flopping on Gay Marriage? - TIME

by Jon Cloud

On a sunny Saturday last month, I crashed a fancy brunch on New York's Fire Island at the swank beachside home of Daniel Cochran and Greg Sutphin, a wealthy gay couple. They served lovely Bloody Marys and a giant spread of eggs and meats and assorted asparagus dishes prepared by a white-coated chef. The brunch was the 31st to be held in Fire Island's Pines community to raise money for Lambda Legal, the gay movement's litigation arm. At last year's brunch, cheers went up virtually every time Barack Obama's name was uttered. This time, when Lambda executive director Kevin Cathcart began to review the President's record on gay issues, he was greeted with steely silence.

That silence — because it came from some of the most generous gay political donors in the country — is key to understanding the confusing position the Obama Administration took this week on whether gays and lesbians should enjoy equal marriage rights. (See a visual history of the gay-rights movement.)

Try to thread this needle: The President has stated his opposition to marriage equality many times. In fact, during his campaign, he pandered to African-American audiences — a group that was already for him — by inviting a black singer named Donnie McClurkin to perform at his events; McClurkin believes one's sexuality can be changed by praying to Jesus Christ. And yet Obama has also said he opposes Public Law No. 104-199, 110 Statute 2419, a 1996 bill (signed by President Clinton) that anti-gay forces called the Defense of Marriage Act, or DOMA. Obama has said several times that he would like that law overturned.

And yet — sorry, the contradictions keep coming — once Obama was elected, and once a gay couple in California had sued to overturn DOMA, his Administration not only defended the law, but defended it in a legal argument so reactionary that it would embarrass Dick Cheney (who, incidentally, is to the left of Obama on marriage). In that argument — here's a PDF courtesy of Georgetown professor Nan Hunter — Obama's lawyers noted that "courts have widely held that certain marriages performed elsewhere need not be given effect, because they conflicted with ... public policy." The examples the Justice Department offered: "marriage of uncle to niece," "marriage of 16-year-old," "marriage of first cousins." (Watch a gay-marriage wedding video.)

That argument — that two consenting adult men marrying isn't unlike a man marrying his niece — led to the silence at that Fire Island brunch. And as I have pointed out before, Obama loves to raise political donations; he has plainly begun to worry about his standing among the rich homosexuals who used to fawn over him. As the New York Times' Adam Nagourney first reported, the California legal brief was one reason that a prominent gay supporter of Obama's went to the Oval Office in late June to express, for 15 full minutes, the gay community's deep disappointment.

And so this week we get a new legal brief from the Obama Administration in the California case, this one denuded of the execrable incest defense. This time (here's another PDF from Hunter), Obama flip-flops again — now back to his campaign position. (It must be dizzying to work in the White House these days.) Now the Administration says it opposes DOMA and wants it overturned — but that tradition dictates that it defend the law. And that is why, the White House said in a statement, "the Department of Justice has filed a response to a legal challenge to [DOMA], as it traditionally does when acts of Congress are challenged." (See a gay-rights timeline.)

Legalistically speaking, the tradition argument is true, but it's yet another Obama dodge. The Administration could easily decline to defend the anti-gay law on discrimination grounds, just as the Administration of George H.W. Bush declined to defend federal laws setting a preference for awarding broadcast licenses to minority-owned businesses in 1990. The radical firebrand at the Department of Justice who successfully argued against defending those laws? A young DOJ attorney named John Roberts, who is now the Chief Justice of the United States. Clearly, Obama could have refused to defend DOMA if he had really wanted to. Georgetown's Hunter cites other cases in which the Justice Department has declined to defend laws, including one involving a minor cable-TV dispute. As Eugene Volokh of UCLA told me Aug. 18, there is nothing in the constitution or the law that would have prevented the Department of Justice from sitting on the sidelines in the DOMA case.

Nothing except politics. Obama's triangulation between left and right has become excruciatingly obvious on this issue, and he's not quite as deft a politician as Bill Clinton at keeping his left flank at bay. I wouldn't be surprised if, next summer at the 32nd Fire Island Pines fundraiser for Lambda, I hear booing when the President's name is mentioned.

See pictures of gay celebrities on LIFE.com.

The GOP Has Become a Party of Nihilists

by Joe Klein

In one of those awful collisions between public policy and real life, I was in the midst of an awkward conversation about end-of-life issues with my father when Sarah Palin raised the remarkable idea that the Obama Administration's attempt to include such issues in its health-care-reform proposal would lead to "death panels." Let me tell you something about my family situation, a common one these days, in order to illuminate the obscenity of Palin's formulation and the cowardice of those, like Senator Charles Grassley of Iowa, the lead Republican negotiator on the Senate Finance Committee, who have refused to contest her claim.

Both my parents are 89 years old. They have been inseparable, with the exception of my father's service in World War II, since kindergarten. My mother has lost her sight and is quite frail. My father takes care of her and my aunt Rose, lovingly, with some — but not enough — private help at their home in central Pennsylvania. One night in early August, I had a terrible scare. I called home and Aunt Rose was freaking out; she didn't know where my father was. All the worst possibilities crossed my mind — it turned out he was just getting the mail — as well as a very difficult reality: if he'd had a stroke, I would have had no idea about what he'd want me to do. I had lunch with him the next day to discuss this. (See 10 players in health-care reform.)

It wasn't easy. My dad is very proud and independent. He didn't really want to talk about what came next. He was pretty sure, but not certain, that he'd signed a living will. He was very reluctant to sign an enduring power of attorney to empower me, or my brother, to make decisions about his care and my mom's if he were incapacitated. I tried to convince him that it was important to make some plans, but I didn't have the strategic experience that a professional would have — and, in his eyes, I didn't have the standing. I may be a grandfather myself, but I'm still just a kid in my dad's mind. Clearly, an independent, professional authority figure was needed. And this is what the "death panels" are all about: making end-of-life counseling free and available through Medicare. (I'd make it mandatory, based on recent experience, but hey, I'm not entirely clearheaded on the subject right now.)

Given the heinous dust that's been raised, it seems likely that end-of-life counseling will be dropped from the health-reform legislation. But that's a small point, compared with the larger issue that has clouded this summer: How can you sustain a democracy if one of the two major political parties has been overrun by nihilists? And another question: How can you maintain the illusion of journalistic impartiality when one of the political parties has jumped the shark? (See pictures of angry health-care protesters.)

I'm not going to try. I've written countless "Democrats in Disarray" stories over the years and been critical of the left on numerous issues in the past. This year, the liberal insistence on a marginally relevant public option has been a tactical mistake that has enabled the right's "government takeover" disinformation jihad. There have been times when Democrats have run demagogic scare campaigns on issues like Social Security and Medicare. There are more than a few Democrats who believe, in practice, that government should be run for the benefit of government employees' unions. There are Democrats who are so solicitous of civil liberties that they would undermine legitimate covert intelligence collection. There are others who mistrust the use of military power under almost any circumstances. But these are policy differences, matters of substance. The most liberal members of the Democratic caucus — Senator Russ Feingold in the Senate, Representative Dennis Kucinich in the House, to name two — are honorable public servants who make their arguments based on facts. They don't retail outright lies. Hyperbole and distortion certainly exist on the left, but they are a minor chord in the Democratic Party.

It is a very different story among Republicans. To be sure, there are honorable conservatives, trying to do the right thing. There is a legitimate, if wildly improbable, fear that Obama's plan will start a process that will end with a health-care system entirely controlled by the government. There are conservatives — Senator Lamar Alexander, Representative Mike Pence, among many others — who make their arguments based on facts. But they have been overwhelmed by nihilists and hypocrites more interested in destroying the opposition and gaining power than in the public weal. The philosophically supple party that existed as recently as George H.W. Bush's presidency has been obliterated. The party's putative intellectuals — people like the Weekly Standard's William Kristol — are prosaic tacticians who make precious few substantive arguments but oppose health-care reform mostly because passage would help Barack Obama's political prospects. In 1993, when the Clintons tried health-care reform, the Republican John Chafee offered a creative (in fact, superior) alternative — which Kristol quashed with his famous "Don't Help Clinton" fax to the troops. There is no Republican health-care alternative in 2009. The same people who rail against a government takeover of health care tried to enforce a government takeover of Terri Schiavo's end-of-life decisions. And when Palin floated the "death panel" canard, the number of prominent Republicans who rose up to call her out could be counted on one hand.

A striking example of the prevailing cravenness was Senator Johnny Isakson of Georgia, who has authored end-of-life counseling provisions and told the Washington Post that comparing such counseling to euthanasia was nuts — but then quickly retreated when he realized that he had sided with the reality-based community against his Rush Limbaugh-led party. Mitt Romney, the Republican front-runner for President according to most polls, actually created a universal-health-care plan in Massachusetts that looks very much like the proposed Obamacare, but he spends much of his time trying to fudge the similarities and was AWOL on the "death panels." Why are these men so reluctant to be rational in public? (See how to prevent illness at any age.)

An argument can be made that this is nothing new. Dwight Eisenhower tiptoed around Joe McCarthy. Obama reminded an audience in Colorado that opponents of Social Security in the 1930s "said that everybody was going to have to wear dog tags and that this was a plot for the government to keep track of everybody ... These struggles have always boiled down to a contest between hope and fear." True enough. There was McCarthyism in the 1950s, the John Birch Society in the 1960s. But there was a difference in those times: the crazies were a faction — often a powerful faction — of the Republican Party, but they didn't run it. The neofascist Father Coughlin had a huge radio audience in the 1930s, but he didn't have the power to control and silence the elected leaders of the party that Limbaugh — who, if not the party's leader, is certainly the most powerful Republican extant — does now. Until recently, the Republican Party contained a strong moderate wing. It was a Republican, the lawyer Joseph Welch, who delivered the coup de grâce to Senator McCarthy when he said, "Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last?" Where is the Republican who would dare say that to Rush Limbaugh, who has compared the President of the United States to Adolf Hitler?

This is a difficult situation for the President. Cynicism about government is always easy, even if it now seems apparent that it was government action — by both Obama and, yes, George W. Bush — that prevented a reprise of the Great Depression. I watched Obama as he traveled the Rocky Mountain West, holding health-care forums, trying to lance the boil by eliciting questions from the irrational minority that had pulverized the public forums held by lesser pols. He would search the crowds for a first-class nutter who might challenge him on "death panels," but he was constantly disappointed. In Colorado, he locked in on an angry-looking fellow in a teal T shirt — but the guy's fury was directed at the right-wing disinformation campaign. Obama seemed to sag. He had to bring up the "death panels" himself.

This may tell us something about the actual state of play on health care: the nutters are a tiny minority; the Republicans are curling themselves into a tight, white, extremist bubble — but there may be enough of them raising dust to render creative public policy impossible. Some righteous anger seems called for, but that's not Obama's style. He will have to come up with something, though — and he will have to do it without the tiniest scintilla of help from the Republican Party.

See the screwups of Campaign '08.

See pictures of Republican memorabilia.

How the Virgin Mary Survived Sri Lanka's Civil War

For Catholics around the world, Aug. 15 is among the holiest of feast days. It marks the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, when the mother of Jesus is believed to have been physically taken into heaven after death so that her body would not suffer earthly decay. For the Catholics of Sri Lanka, Aug. 15 this year marked a similar miracle: the survival of a 500-year-old statue of the Virgin, through the fiery tumult of a quarter-century of civil war, which was re-ensconced in a jungle church that was once again safe to travel to.

The voice coming through the public-address system was familiar yet strange. I had not heard it in at least 27 years, not since I had traveled to the sacred Madhu Shrine in northern Sri Lanka in August 1982 when I was a child and on pilgrimage with my family: "Aandavane" ("Oh, Holy Lord" in Tamil), "Aandavane." The words spread through the church compound where half a million others had made the same journey to see Madhu Matha, the Mother of Madhu, in her sacred precincts.

For 25 years, Madhu, some 185 miles (300 km) from the capital of Colombo, remained well within the battlegrounds of the civil war between the predominantly Sinhalese government and the separatist Tamil Tigers. It was not until April 2008 that the military gained full control of the shrine; the Tigers, who demanded a separate state for ethnic Tamils on the island nation, were finally crushed in May 2009. (See pictures from inside Sri Lanka's rebel-held territory.)

Few made the pilgrimage amid the war, and those who did undertook the journey mostly during lulls in fighting. "We came, we worshipped, we left — that was it, we never wanted to stay back," says Lesley Fernando, who is Sinhalese and was brave enough to visit the shrine during the fragile truces in the war. (About 7% of Sri Lanka's population is Catholic, with adherents among both of the nation's major ethnicities: the Sinhalese, who are otherwise mostly Buddhist, and the Tamils, who are predominantly Hindu.) But never have pilgrims been seen in such numbers as they were last week. Numbering some 500,000, they still had to go through several security checkpoints to reach the shrine, though each stop was a formality compared to those during the stringent heights of the civil war.

There was, however, no escaping the after-effects of the war on the road to Madhu. There were armed personnel on either side of the road, bunkers with dugouts manned by soldiers, occasionally a bomb-damaged building. The railroad that ran parallel to the trunk road had been reduced to a long mound of earth, as if it were the trail left by some giant worm. The iron tracks had long been removed to construct the many bunkers.

Pilgrims also passed through camps where some of the more than 280,000 people who were displaced by the last phase of the fighting now live. At the turnoff to the shrine, pilgrims were strictly warned not to stop on the side of the road till they reached the church compound. They were told that the jungles on the sides of the road were still littered with mines and other ordnance; red skull-and-crossbones signs drove the message home. Still, the pilgrims arrived in the tens of thousands, in vans, buses, trucks, public transport, an old British double-decker bus, some in tuk-tuks, the three-wheeler rickshaws that traverse the island. At the shrine, the faint but constant hum of prayers and hymns rose above the rustling of pilgrims' feet. Large piles of slippers, sandals and an assortment of shoes of every nature accumulated by the doors outside the church. Families prayed together, others lined up in a long queue that slowly snaked around the church to get a brief moment to touch the altar where the venerated statue is kept. I saw four young girls kneel and walk the entire length of the church on their knees to pray at the altar.

Though the main church has survived almost unscathed, the side church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus on its right still bears the marks of years of war. Its roof was blown off and at the end is a ruined statue of Jesus Christ, destroyed by something that hit the building. Worshippers have tied coins to the statue as part of their vows. You can see the sides of its pedestal pockmarked with shrapnel. (See pictures of a deadly attack on Sri Lanka's cricket team in Pakistan.)

The last year of the civil war was particularly perilous for the shrine. The military had begun a multipronged advance into the Tiger-controlled area in late 2007, and Madhu was about six miles (10 km) north of the line. Earlier that year, 10,000 people were still taking refuge in the church compound, believing the Virgin would protect them. But by February 2008, recalls the Rev. S. Emilianuspillai, then caretaker of the shrine, it was clear that the shrine itself was in danger — and part of the war. On April 3, 2008, fighting had isolated 17 people at the shrine, including four priests and three nuns. Emilianuspillai tells TIME that the Tigers, breaking an agreement not to enter the compound, had moved mortar launchers into church property and started firing. Says Emilianuspillai: "I went into the shrine and hid there. The shelling went on for hours."

See more about Sri Lanka.

The chief concern was the safety of the statue once the compound was being used to launch attacks on government forces. Later that same afternoon, the priests received orders from the bishop to remove the sacred relic and take it farther north, deeper into Tiger-held areas, rather than risk heading for the front. The journey that evening, to start at 6:30, was still fraught. Emilianuspillai recalls not just shelling but a heavy rain delaying departure and then, nearly a mile into the journey, a shell falling near the vehicle in front of the one bearing the statue. But, he says, "nothing, absolutely nothing, happened to the statue. We kept moving."

The statue had been in grave danger before. In the late 17th century, the Protestant Dutch tried to eradicate the Roman Catholicism brought to the island by the Portuguese. The Virgin Mother had been moved from the shrine then as well and secreted away. In the 21st century, the statue shared the fate of many Sri Lankans, becoming a refugee as it was carried from church to church until July 2008, when it was in a more secure spot. By November, it was once again at the shrine, ready for the outpouring of piety during this year's Feast of the Assumption. Last week, at a corner of the church, people kept filling bags, paper towels and handkerchiefs with earth from a small hole in the ground. The location is where Catholics believe the statue — miraculously hidden in a tree — was rediscovered by a woodcutter following the Dutch persecution. They believe the earth contains miraculous healing powers. "This is holiest of the holiest for us; the Virgin has always kept us safe," says Benedict Perera, 70.

At the shrine's grounds, people spoke of how the statue was a symbol of peace and hope for all Sri Lankans, even during the darkest hours of war. "What you see is a miracle. The church has not been damaged; it has survived. So has the statue, and you see people from all religions flocking here," says the Rev. Mahavilachchiye Wimala Thero, a Buddhist monk from the central district of Anuradhapura. "This is the miracle, that this statue can bring together all Sri Lankans — that is the hope it gives these people." As the statue was paraded around the compound, many worshippers wept openly. Fathers lifted their young children on their shoulders to show them the statue, while smaller kids who had fallen asleep during the three-hour mass were hurriedly awoken to stare drowsily as the compound reverberated to tens of thousands of voices singing "Ave Maria."

"We believed in our Mother to bring us hope and peace. Now we can hope for a better country," says Singarayan Celestine, 70, a Tamil who brought his extended family to Madhu. His life had been devastated by the war: two of his sons were killed in cross fire, another went missing while crossing the front lines during the last hours of the fighting. "I am old," he says. "I can't look after my family for much longer. I have lost children to the war." Holding one of his grandchildren while the others played, he says, "We need a better and peaceful future." He adds, "The Virgin has brought us together, she has given us hope. It is now up to us to live together."

Tribal Women Attract Tourists in Thailand Amid Concerns About Exploitation

I Wanted to See Thailand's Long-Necked Women. Some Would Say That Makes Me Part of the Problem.

By Amit R. Paley
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, August 23, 2009

You can see almost anything in the world if you pay enough. So I was startled when a well-respected trekking company in northern Thailand flat-out refused my request to travel to a nearby village of a tribe called the Padaung.

"PLEASE DO NOT SUPPORT THIS VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS!" the company wrote me in an e-mail.

Nothing is simple when it comes to the Padaung.

The Padaung, commonly known as the long-necked women, are refugees from Burma famous for their giraffelike appearance, which is caused by brass rings coiled around their necks. Although it looks like the coils thrust their necks upward, the elongation is actually caused by the weight of the rings crushing their collarbones down. Ever since I glimpsed the Padaung as a child in my grandfather's National Geographics, I had wanted to see these curious women, who suffer painful disfigurement to emerge as graceful beauties.

But I had not known about the raging debate over the ethics of visiting this tribe.

Some trekking companies and human rights groups consider the Padaung villages, which stretch across northern Thailand, to be "human zoos" that exploit the women. There have even been reports that some of the Padaung are prisoners held captive in the villages by businessmen.

"Disgraceful stuff!" Annette Kunigagon, the owner of Eagle House Eco-sensitive Tours, wrote me in an e-mail. "We have been running culturally and environmentally friendly treks for 22 years and have never run treks to visit this tribal group as we would consider this exploitation as they have no rights. It is an easy trip to 'make' money out of, but this is not our interest!"

Were tourists really being taken to see virtual prisoners? And if so, would my visit encourage slavery by paying money to human traffickers? Or would I be able to sound the alarm if I saw real human rights violations? I ultimately concluded that if the villages really were so deplorable, my ability to write about them might ultimately help the Padaung more than harm them. I decided to go.

Almost any traveler who has ventured into nature or the developing world has to grapple with such moral dilemmas. Some people think it is cruel to swim with dolphins, because it forces the animals to be kept in captivity. Others refuse to visit authoritarian countries such as Zimbabwe, fearful that their tourist dollars will help prop up repressive regimes. And almost anyone wanting to catch a glimpse of an indigenous culture -- in the rain forests of Ecuador or the yurts of Mongolia -- has to be aware that the very presence of a foreigner likely alters and distorts typical native behavior.

But my entire trek through northern Thailand presented an unusually rapid succession of ethically ambiguous views of traditional culture and, in some cases, traditions continued perhaps solely for the sake of tourist dollars.

I was in the middle of a month-long grand tour of Southeast Asia and had set aside time for a two-day trek to see the Padaung and other hill-tribe villages near Chiang Mai, the second-largest city in Thailand. After several weeks of being rebuffed by companies that thought it was unethical to see the Padaung or would do so only over the course of four or five days, I eventually found a Chiang Mai company that would take me on a two-day trek to see the Padaung and four other hill tribes; the trip also included a journey on an elephant, a bamboo rafting excursion and an overnight stay in a village.

So that's how I found myself on a 90-degree day last month on the outskirts of a jungle in Chiang Dao, about 30 miles south of the Burma-Thailand border. There was lush green vegetation and fields of corn as far as the eye could see, and I expected any moment to see an exotic tribal village emerge in front of me. Then my guide suddenly stopped, and a look of alarm crept over his face.

"Where is the trail?!?" said the guide, Jakrapan Saengpayom, before turning to me. "Do you see it?" I did not. But after another hour plowing through dense brush that left our bodies covered in a nightmarish thorn known as butterfly grass, we arrived at our first village: the home of the Karen tribe, which is also originally from Burma.

What exotic sights did we see? Several women in T-shirts and shorts cutting thin strips of wood to make baskets. "They don't like to wear their costumes," Saengpayom told me.

We next headed to see a village of the Lisu, a tribe originally from Tibet that wears heavy, multicolored fabrics, and then the Akha, a tribe whose origins are traced to Mongolia and famed for their headwear of silver jewelry. Several villagers there wore traditional costumes, but most did not.

It was only when we arrived late that afternoon at a Palaung village that we saw nearly everyone wearing traditional garb. Or, more accurately, nearly all the women. One of the striking things about all the hill tribes I saw is that there are elaborate get-ups or anatomical distortions required for women, while the men wear essentially Thai clothes.

The traditional wardrobe for Palaung women is a red, saronglike dress with a blue or magenta jacket and towellike head covering. Most distinctive are the dozens of rattan rings that circle their waists.

Nae Naheng, 52, the matriarch of the family in whose house I spent the night, said the Palaung believe that women used to be angels in the past world, and that male hunters used rattan rings to catch them and bring them to Earth. Women are never supposed to remove the rings. Naheng said she even sleeps in them and only briefly takes off the rings in the shower.

"Once I took them off when I was young, and I felt sick and very sad," she said. "If you do not wear the rings, your soul will get ill and you can die." But one member of the 300-person village does not feel that way. Joy Thaijun, 28, was wearing shorts and a T-shirt when I saw her. This annoyed my guide, who said that if the villagers stop wearing traditional costumes, tourists will stop coming to visit them.

"She is a lazy Palaung!" he said jokingly to her.

Embarrassed, Thaijun put on her costume and immediately tried to sell me some trinkets and handicrafts. After politely refusing, I asked her why she did not wear the costume.

"I am part of a new generation, and I do not like it. It is hot and uncomfortable," she said. But she noted that she might have to because the chief is considering forcing everyone to wear the costume. "If the chief orders us, we will do it." The chief of the village, a 52-year-old named Nanta Asung, told me that Thaijun was the only woman in the village who did not wear traditional dress and that her choice was unacceptable. "If you are Palaung, you have to wear the costume of the Palaung," he said while chopping pork for dinner. "This is a must. A must!"

Asung said they must wear the dress because of tradition, but he also spoke excitedly about its appeal to tourists and noted that half of the village's income of $30,000 a year comes from tourism. That night an Australian family was paying $15 to sleep in his hut. "He is very worried that visitors will stop coming," my guide, who served as my interpreter, told me as we left and headed to our own hut.

As we walked across the village, Asung began broadcasting over loudspeakers: "This is a reminder that all women should wear traditional dress. Some foreigners just came to complain that some women were not wearing their costumes." (We quickly returned to explain to the tribal chief that I was asking questions, not complaining, but, unsurprisingly, he did not issue a correction over the village intercom.)

After a dinner of chicken curry, raw pork and a jungle delicacy identified as minced mole, I asked our hostess if she felt forced to wear the costume because of visiting foreigners.

"I don't care about tourists," Naheng said. "This is our culture. Even if no tourists came, I would still wear it." The next morning I scrambled up on an elephant for an hour-long ride that left me sore all over (pachyderms, in case you were wondering, are not ergonomically designed) and a hour-long trip down the Ping River on a bamboo raft precariously held together by strips of rubber tire (I thought all was lost when the raft guide fell into the water after we bumped over some nasty rapids, but he recovered and got us to shore).

Eventually we arrived at our main destination, the village of the long-necked women. It was off a dirt road, and a man at a booth in the front charged us 300 Thai baht (about $9) a person to enter.

It didn't look like a village at all. We were ushered into a 50-square-yard collection of shacks where two dozen Padaung women sat and sewed or tried to sell their wares. There were no men in sight and only a handful of tourists during my two-hour visit.

The women were as breathtaking as I imagined. Their heads seem to float ethereally over their bodies. In person they looked less like giraffes than swans, regal and elegant.

But, of course, this was done by crushing and deforming their bodies. Did the Padaung women want to wear those enormous coils?

"We're not allowed to take it off because of our tradition," said Malao, a 33-year-old who, like most Padaung women, has only one name. She takes off the rings once a year to clean the brass and her neck, but that's it. "If I take it off for a long time, it is uncomfortable. My head aches, and I feel like my neck can't support my head."

Young girls typically start wearing about 3 1/2 pounds of brass coil around their necks and keep adding weight until they have more than 11 pounds. They also wear coils on their legs.

The women said the rings were painful when they were young but don't hurt now at all, and they said there are no health problems associated with wearing them. None of the Padaung I spoke to knew of any story or reason for wearing the rings. It was just a tradition, they said. (Other sources say the origin of the tradition is a Padaung legend that the rings protected children from being killed by tigers, which tend to attack at the neck.)

"Why do we wear the rings?" said Mamombee, 52, whose neck seemed particularly elongated. "We do it to put on a show for the foreigners and tourists!" I couldn't tell if she was joking.

But Mamombee said she doesn't like to remove them except once every three years to clean herself. "I feel bad when I take out the rings," she said. "I look and feel ugly."

There were no guards around, and it did not look to me as if anyone would physically stop the women from leaving. When I asked how they had arrived at this village, they said a man named U Dee, whom they referred to as "the middleman," first began bringing Padaung to the spot about three years ago. There are now about 50 families there, including some from a tribe known as "the long ears" because they stretch their lower earlobes by wearing enormous rings.

Some families said they were paid about $45 a month, while others were given a sack of rice. One orphan girl said she was not paid at all. All the women and girls tried to raise extra money by selling trinkets or charging money to be photographed.

The women are not allowed to leave the one-acre village. Groceries and other supplies are brought in by motorcycle every day. "We have to stay with the middleman," Mamombee said. "If I leave, he might call immigration." Does she want to escape? "I have no choice. If we leave, we will be arrested," she said. Their only option is to stay or pay U Dee money to be returned to Burma. But after pausing, she added: "I would much rather be here than in Burma." Burma, also known as Myanmar, is an authoritarian state led by a military junta and among the poorest countries in the world. None of the Padaung I spoke with wished to return to Burma, but several expressed a desire for more freedom of movement.

"I want to go out and see things, see the market, see the people," said Maya, 11, who escaped from Burma three years ago. "But I cannot." U Dee could not be reached for comment and did not respond to a message left for him at the village. But Helen "Lee" Jayu, a Lisu shopkeeper from the same tribe as U Dee, said that all the Padaung are in Thailand under U Dee's patronage and that there are no problems as long as no one leaves the area.

So is it unethical to visit the long-necked women? It is clearly true that money spent to visit them supports an artificial village from which they essentially cannot leave. On the other hand, many of them appeared to prefer living in virtual confinement as long as they are paid and safe. According to what they told me, their situation beats the alternative of living in a repressive country plagued by abject poverty and hunger.

I don't feel guilty about visiting the Padaung, but my feelings might be different if I had traveled solely as a tourist rather than as a journalist. And I certainly don't like their lot in life: Shouldn't everyone have the freedom to live and travel wherever they want?

The final stop on the visit was an orchid and butterfly farm outside Chiang Dao. The delicate, multicolored creatures would occasionally launch into the air, flying up, up, up until they hit the mesh cages of the farm. Then the butterflies would flutter down to one of the artificial stands and spread their wings. I watched as tourists gaped and snapped pictures of their natural beauty.

14 Years After War's End, Ethnic Divisions Once Again Gripping Bosnia

By Craig Whitlock
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, August 23, 2009

SARAJEVO, Bosnia -- Fourteen years after the United States and NATO intervened to stop war and ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, the old divisions and hatreds are again gripping this Balkan country.

In June, the international envoy who oversees the rebuilding of Bosnia invoked emergency powers that he said were necessary to hold the country together. Although U.S. and European officials have been trying to get Bosnia to stand on its own feet for years, many Bosnian leaders say the only thing that can permanently fix their gridlocked government is for Washington to intervene -- again -- and rewrite the treaty that ended the war in 1995.

The economy is in tatters, with unemployment exceeding 40 percent. Serbs are talking openly of secession. Croats are leaving the country in droves. Religious schisms are widening. In December, street protests erupted after Bosnian Muslim school officials in Sarajevo tried to ban "Santa Claus" from delivering gifts to kindergartens.

The national government answers to three presidents, who agree on one thing: Corruption, political infighting and bureaucratic dysfunction are paralyzing the country. In May, Vice President Biden visited Sarajevo and lectured Bosnian leaders to put aside their differences. But the squabbling has only worsened since then.

Zeljko Komsic, a Croat and chairman of Bosnia's tripartite rotating presidency, said the country has increasingly hardened along ethnic lines. Even as Bosnia dreams of integrating into NATO and the European Union, its population has become more segregated than ever.

Many Bosnian Muslim and Croat students, Komsic noted, attend school together but are separated in the classroom so they can learn different lessons about history, geography, religion and language, based on their ethnicity.

"What kind of message are we giving to these children?" he said. "As an individual, you almost don't exist in this society. You are just a member of a certain ethnic group."

The European Union, the United States and other donors have spent billions of dollars trying to rebuild Bosnia since the 1995 signing of the Dayton peace accords, brokered largely by U.S. diplomats. An estimated 100,000 people were killed during the war, which erupted in 1992 after Bosnia declared independence from the former Yugoslavia.

Serb and Croat nationalists, supported by leaders in next-door Yugoslavia and Croatia, tried to carve up the country along ethnic lines. Nearly half of Bosnia's prewar population of 4.3 million either fled the country or were forced from their homes.

A 'Dependency Syndrome'

On the surface, Bosnia's wartime scars appear healed. Sarajevo's Old City, which was bombarded for three years by Serbian forces, bustles with smiling families snacking on cevapcici, a minced-meat kebab venerated as the national dish. Thousands of damaged houses, churches and mosques in the hilly countryside have been rebuilt with foreign aid. Ethnic violence is relatively rare.

But the international campaign to transform Bosnia into a pluralistic democracy is still limping along with no end in sight. The struggle serves as a cautionary example for U.S.-led efforts to rebuild much larger nations hamstrung by ethnic and religious factions, such as Iraq and Afghanistan.

Bosnia is still overseen by an international viceroy, known as the high representative, who holds unchecked authority to dismiss local officials and set policy if deemed necessary for the welfare of the country.

The Peace Implementation Council, a group of 55 nations and agencies that oversees the Dayton accords and appoints the viceroy, has been trying for years to abolish the position and restore full sovereignty to Bosnia. But foreign diplomats say they are not confident that Bosnia is ready to govern itself.

Valentin Inzko, an Austrian official who serves as the high representative, said Bosnia suffers from a "dependency syndrome" that dates back centuries, to when it was part of the Ottoman Empire.

He cited an ongoing political dispute that has left Mostar, a city evenly divided between Bosnian Muslims and Croats, without a budget or a functioning government. A delegation of firefighters and municipal workers visited Inzko in Sarajevo recently to plead with him to do something because they have gone unpaid for several months.

"I can easily intervene. I can declare a budget because people are desperate, they are hungry," Inzko said. "It's easy to do it, but to do it contributes to this dependency syndrome."

Challenges From Serbs

Under the Dayton accords, Bosnia was divided into two autonomous zones, each with its regional parliament. One zone is the Republika Srpska, or the Serb Republic; the other is known as the Federation, and it consists mostly of Bosnian Muslims and Croats.

Muslims represent about half of Bosnia's population, with Serbs accounting for about a third and Croats making up much of the rest. Nobody knows precise numbers, however, because the last census was taken in 1991.

In June, Inzko defused a much bigger crisis after lawmakers in the Serb Republic approved legislation challenging the authority of the national government in several areas, such as customs and law enforcement. Inzko nullified the legislation, ruling that it would undermine the Dayton accords, the legal framework that holds the country together.

Serb Republic lawmakers have tried to block the national government from consolidating power while effectively creating a separate state in their autonomous zone.

Milorad Dodik, the prime minister of the Serb Republic, has hinted that it might try to secede. He has also tangled with prosecutors and diplomats who have served under the high representative, saying they are biased against Serbs.

Raffi Gregorian, an American who serves as the deputy high representative, said the political mood in Bosnia began to sour three years ago after Dodik's party took power in the Serb Republic. Since then, he said, many politicians have tried to win votes by fanning ethnic fears and suspicions.

"Thank God there have been no physically violent incidents," he said. "But the rhetoric, according to people who have been here, is as bad as it's been since 1991."

In interviews, officials in Banja Luka, the city that serves as the capital of the Serb Republic, said they have no intention of seceding. They defended their efforts to prevent the national government from consolidating power.

"To impose a centralized federal model on this country means only one thing: domination by one group," said Gordan Milosevic, a political adviser to Dodik. "People do not feel comfortable living on a territory where they are a minority unless they have safeguards."

Igor Radojicic, speaker of the Serb Republic's National Assembly, said it is time to end the international oversight of Bosnia and force the country's political factions to work things out on their own.

"The international community is losing patience," he said. "It's even boring to have to explain to them the problems of Bosnia-Herzegovina. It's an old story for many of them, and they are tired of it."

Meanwhile, Bosnia is becoming even more polarized, as Serbs, Croats and Muslims migrate to places where their ethnic groups are in the majority.

Franjo Komarica, the Roman Catholic bishop of Banja Luka, said his predominantly Croat diocese had lost 90 percent of its prewar population.

Komarica estimated that he presides over 50 funerals for every baptism. "It's not so nice to contemplate, but I think we'll become like a group of exotic animals at the zoo," he said.

Sulejman Tihic, president of the Party for Democratic Action, a Muslim political bloc, said he worries that the recent hot rhetoric could easily lapse into violence.

"If we look at the history of this country, we have to keep control and we must not let things fall apart," he said. "I passed through five Serb [concentration] camps during the war. I never want to see that era repeated again."

Iranian Clerics, Lawmakers Criticize Ahmadinejad for Naming 3 Women to Cabinet

By Thomas Erdbrink
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, August 23, 2009

TEHRAN, Aug. 22 -- President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's decision to nominate three women as Iran's first female cabinet members since the 1979 Islamic revolution faced stiff criticism Saturday from clerics and lawmakers, as well as from women's rights activists.

Several prominent clerics said the move was counter to Islamic beliefs and urged parliament to reject the nominations.

"If a woman becomes minister, then she must constantly stay in contact with men and deputies, so she could not carry out her religious duties to the full," Ayatollah Yousef Tabatabaeinejad said during Friday prayers, according to the Khabaronline Web site. "We expect that the parliamentarians should keep their wits and prevent this heresy."

Women's rights activists, most of whom are based in the capital, said they doubted the nominees would work to give Iranian women the same rights as men.

"These women are just like him, only female," said activist Parvin Ardalan, referring to Ahmadinejad. "This is just an act to gain legitimacy among women."

"The damage that such women can do to women's rights issues is much more than any man can inflict," said Nargess Mohammadi, deputy head of the Defenders of Human Rights Center, which is led by Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi. "These female candidates have a traditional mind-set. They will increase bias against women, since they believe the role of women is limited to families."

Iranian laws apply differently to women and men in such areas as divorce, child custody, inheritance and in court, where two female witnesses are counted as one witness. Iranian leaders say that in Islam, women and men are created differently but are equal in essence, and therefore their rights differ.

Ahmadinejad introduced 21 candidates this week for his cabinet, including former generals, old hands and unknown figures. He has defended picking three women: Marzieh Vahid Dastgerdi, 50, a gynecologist, for health minister; Fatemeh Ajorlu, 43, a lawmaker, for minister of welfare and social security; and Susan Keshavars, 44, a high-ranking employee of the Ministry of Education, for that ministry.

"Some may become unhappy as soon as they hear about women," he said. "We do not want to draw a distinction between men and women. We see them as being complementary to one another."

Parliament must give the nominees a vote of confidence, and some lawmakers have expressed reluctance to do so.

"Because of the special Iranian culture, men will not obey women. This will create problems," Salman Zaker, a lawmaker belonging to a clerical faction of parliament, said Saturday on Fardanews.

The head of the faction, Mohammad-Taqi Rahbar, said, "There are religious uncertainties surrounding the limits of women's abilities and their management, which the administration must pay attention to."

Rahbar said two influential grand ayatollahs asked Ahmadinejad to reconsider, but their offices have issued no official statements on the matter.

Neither of the two clerics, who have tens of thousands of followers, has congratulated Ahmadinejad on his June 12 landslide victory, an unusual sign that they disapproved of the chaotic aftermath of the vote.

Special correspondent Kay Armin Serjoie contributed to this report.