Jan 17, 2011

Iran's fuel blockade strains relations with Afghanistan, prompts protests

By Pamela Constable
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, January 17, 2011; A07

KABUL - A protracted fuel blockade by Iran sparked protests in Afghanistan for the second day in a row Sunday as tensions rose between the Islamic neighbors, who share a long border and a complicated history.

Afghan demonstrators in the western border city of Herat threw eggs and stones at the Iranian consulate, protesting the six-week border blockade of fuel tankers passing through Iran that has caused prices of gasoline and winter heating fuel to rise between 35 and 60 percent across the country.

Afghanistan's commerce minister, Anwar ul-Haq Ahady, said at a news conference in the capital Sunday that the government was "not happy" with Iran, marking the first public criticism of the actions by Afghan officials. He said the Afghan government had not received any plausible explanation for the blockade, which has left up to 2,000 fuel trucks stranded on the border. "Whatever reason they have given is not acceptable to us," Ahady said.

Iranian officials said they were stopping the fuel transports because the government suspects the product ends up with NATO - and perhaps U.S. - forces in Afghanistan. "We have news that fuel transited through Iran is handed over to NATO forces. We are extremely worried about this," Fada Hossein Maleki, Iran's ambassador to Afghanistan, told the official Islamic Republic News Agency on Jan. 5.

"We will provide fuel for the people, but no one has the right to give it to the military of a country who will use it against the interests of the nations of Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan," he said.

NATO officials here have repeatedly denied that the fuel was being sold to U.S. and NATO troops fighting Taliban insurgents in Afghanistan.

Ahady said that until early December, about 2,400 tons of fuel per day had been entering Afghanistan through Iran, most of it coming from Iraq. That had supplied almost half the nation's domestic fuel needs, he said, but once it stopped, a poorly regulated system of private fuel importation had left the country without a plan to manage the crisis. He pledged that Afghanistan would import 200,000 tons of fuel through other routes in the coming month.

Afghan news media reported this week that Iran had reacted angrily to a series of protests outside its embassy in Kabul and its consulate in Herat, calling in the Afghan ambassador in Tehran and demanding that the protest organizers be arrested.

Maleki told the news agency that, after the protests in front of his embassy, Iran had demanded the arrest of the "key elements of this suspicious act." If that happens, he said, "the Islamic Republic of Iran might reconsider the fuel transit."

But some Afghan officials and many civilians have complained that Iran has no right to dictate to its government.

The crisis has added a new chapter to the tense and contradictory relationship between the two countries. Iran has long served as an economic and wartime safety valve for millions of Afghan refugees, while Afghan rivers provide a steady flow of water to Iran under a 60-year-old agreement. Iran, the wealthier and more powerful neighbor, has also been providing financial support to Kabul, some of it in the form of cash payments to President Hamid Karzai.

Yet many Afghans suspect that Tehran wants to weaken their country, undermine its alliance with the West and increase Shiite Muslim influence in their Sunni-dominated society. There are periodic reports of covert Iranian activities in Afghanistan, and constant tensions along the border where thousands of Afghans cross back and forth.

A recent series of violent border incidents involving Afghan job seekers has added to the tensions. Afghan human rights and political activists said Iranian border guards regularly abuse Afghans who try to cross illegally in search of jobs, beating many and fatally shooting several in recent months.

"Iran wants Afghanistan to be weak and unstable, and their cruelty has caused a serious crisis for poor Afghans, but our government remains silent," said Najibullah Kabuli, an Afghan legislator and TV channel operator who organized several of the recent anti-Iran rallies here.

The fuel crisis has put Karzai's government in an awkward position on several fronts. It is caught between the widening domestic anger at Iran and its historic dependence on Tehran for help with fuel, refugees, jobs and trade. At the same time, it is hosting tens of thousands of American and other NATO troops to help fight Taliban insurgents, while trying to preserve cordial relations with a neighbor that is a sworn enemy of the United States.

Ahady, Afghanistan's commerce minister, declined to comment on Iran's relationship with his government, and Karzai, who is politically beholden to several former Shiite militia leaders with ties to Iran, has said almost nothing about the current crisis. Last month Vice President Mohammed Fahim Khan visited Tehran and reportedly appealed to Iranian officials to halt the blockade. Since then, Iran has been letting a trickle of 30 to 40 tankers a day cross the border, while thousands more sit idle.

The halt of fuel transports coincided with an overhaul in the way state subsidies are handed out in Iran, prompting a sharp increase in the price of gasoline and other staples.

Before the plan started on Dec. 20, the Iranian government had been stocking up on fuel in case the changes led to unrest or shortages. Although Iran praises itself for exporting gasoline and petrochemical products to neighboring countries while it faces international trade sanctions, some have speculated that the stopped tankers on the border are serving as a possible backup in case the fuel is needed inside Iran.

"Iran is our neighbor and we share the same religion, but it is always creating problems for us," said Jamshid Khan, a construction company administrator who was waiting in a line of cars at a Kabul gas station Saturday. "If they don't let the tankers go soon, I am going to have to start riding a bicycle to work."

Correspondent Thomas Erdbrink in Tehran contributed to this report.
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Lebanon prepares for 'the toughest week ahead'

By Leila Fadel
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, January 17, 2011; A06

BEIRUT - The head of the militant Shiite Hezbollah movement on Sunday defended the decision to bring down Lebanon's government, arguing that the move was necessary to protect the country from the consequences of indictments expected soon from a controversial United Nations tribunal.

The comments from Hassan Nasrallah - his first public remarks since the government's collapse - set the stage for what are likely to be lengthy negotiations on forming a new government that will stall Lebanese institutions and frustrate the nation.

Hezbollah and its allies resigned from the government Wednesday to protest Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri's refusal to renounce the work of a U.N. tribunal investigating the 2005 killing of Hariri's father, former prime minister Rafiq al-Hariri. The move follows a long standoff over the tribunal that has paralyzed the country, pitting Hariri, backed by the United States and Saudi Arabia, against Hezbollah, which is backed by Syria and Iran.

Parliamentarians are expected to meet Monday to nominate a new prime minister for this tiny coastal nation of Sunni and Shiite Muslims and Christians that has long been a regional battleground for influence.

Political leaders here are deeply divided, and choosing a new government will prove difficult if a compromise is not reached. Nasrallah vowed that members of the March 8 alliance, led by Hezbollah, would not back Hariri, who is now serving as a caretaker prime minister. Instead, the group and its allies are trying to gather the parliamentary support they need to select someone for the position.

"It was our moral and patriotic duty to make this government fall in order to open a door to form a strong government," Nasrallah said in his address on the Hezbollah television channel Al Manar. "This step was constitutional, legal and civilized. We did not go to the streets or use weapons."

Sealed draft indictments in the 2005 assassination will be sent soon to the pre-trial judge at the tribunal, and they are widely expected to implicate several of Hezbollah's members. The group has staunchly denied involvement in the killing of Rafiq al-Hariri and 22 others and has demanded that the government stop cooperating with the tribunal.

"They could not make a plan to deal with the indictments," Nasrallah said, adding that the Hariri-led administration "exposed" the country and had become "incompetent." He added, "We exercised our beliefs for the sake of our country."

Both the pending indictments and the related political crisis are sensitive issues in a nation that on the surface seems calm but is, in fact, deeply divided by religion and sect and often teeters somewhere between peace and conflict.

On the radio in Beirut, one weekend news bulletin summed up things in just four words: "The toughest week ahead."

Nasrallah asked why the "world is interfering" in an internal issue, referring to Western and Arab countries that have rallied behind Hariri. Before signing off, he warned Hariri that the deposed dictator in Tunisia, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, was an ally to the West, but those friends quickly turned on him, and no Western airport opened its doors after his people ousted him from power.

"There is a huge responsibility tomorrow on the members of parliament to decide the destiny of the country," he said.

Such uncertainty is the norm in Lebanon, whose institutions have been stalled intermittently since the 2005 killing.

Most people here agree that an internal war will not engulf Lebanon. Many say they don't want to fight, and only one party is strong enough to win, the armed Shiite movement of Hezbollah, founded nearly 30 years ago when Israel invaded Lebanon. In 2008, Hezbollah showed its military might when it took to the streets and briefly took control of parts of the city.

"They could have kept the city, they could have taken it all, but they didn't. They just wanted to show that all of this is a play," said Ahmed Waheed, 45, as he hawked meat pies on the side of the road in the northern city of Tripoli. "We want the truth but these politicians have taken us into a dark tunnel, and we don't know where we are anymore."

Around him, banners graced the bridges and traffic circles of this city. "Whoever betrays Saad Hariri, betrays Lebanon," reads one in the center of the mostly Sunni city where Hariri has wide support.

"They fight with each other so they can get paid from the outside," Waheed said. Most months, the Sunni man can't make his rent. He steals his electricity because he can't pay for it, and every time there is a crisis, food prices rise. His wife holds a master's degree, but she can't get a job. "We want to protest, but there is no government to protest."

Waheed's frustrations are echoed across the country.

In south Beirut, the Shiite heartland of the Lebanese capital, Hassan Ramadan squeezed fresh juice for his customers Sunday. The front of his store was adorned with a picture of Nasrallah.

He and his family had a store in Tarik al Jadida, a Sunni district of Beirut where sectarian skirmishes were most fierce in 2008. Sunni men from the neighborhood destroyed his store because it was Shiite-owned. He still hasn't reopened. The time to do that is not now, he said, because the sectarian tensions are too high.

"Lebanon is always in a crisis," Ramadan said. "When the leaders sit together and agree, the people will calm down and everything will be okay. The politicians decide the safety of the streets."

"Lebanon is a battlefield for the whole world," added his customer, Mohammed Srour, as he dipped his plastic spoon into a cup of sliced fruit and fresh juice.

fadell@washpost.com Special correspondent Moe Ali Nayel contributed to this report.
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Officials try to regain order in Tunisia


By Bouazza Ben Bouazza and Elaine Ganley
Monday, January 17, 2011; A06

TUNIS - Major gun battles erupted outside the palace of Tunisia's deposed president, in the center of the capital, in front of the main opposition party headquarters and elsewhere on Sunday as authorities struggled to restore order and the world waited to see whether the North African nation would continue its first steps away from autocratic rule.

Police arrested dozens of people, including the top presidential security chief, as tensions appeared to mount between Tunisians buoyant over Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali's departure and loyalists in danger of losing major perks.

There were cheers and smiles in much of Tunis, the capital, as residents tore down the massive portraits of Ben Ali, some of them several stories high, that hung from lampposts and billboards and were omnipresent during his 23-year reign.

Prime Minister Mohammed Ghannoushi said on state TV that a new national unity government will "most certainly" be announced Monday "to open a new page in the history of Tunisia." There are three legal opposition parties that could be included in the government Ghannoushi has been directed to form by the interim president, Fouad Mebazaa. Negotiations are advanced, Ghannoushi said Sunday night.

Worries among Tunisians, however, grew with the violence and worsening shortages of essentials such as milk, bread and fresh fish.

"We're starting to feel it now," said Imed Jaound at the Tunis port, which has been closed since Friday, when Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia.

A gun battle broke out around the presidential palace late Sunday afternoon in Carthage on the Mediterranean shore, about 10 miles north of Tunis. The army and members of the newly appointed presidential guard fought off attacks from militias loyal to Ben Ali, said a member of the new presidential guard. Helicopters were surveying the zone.

The militias emerged from a forest to charge, the guard member said by telephone. He said the militia are "numerous" and are using various kinds of arms but gave no further details. He spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to be publicly named.

Residents of Carthage - a center of power in ancient times but now a Tunis suburb popular with tourists - said they have barricaded themselves inside their homes amid the shooting. Many soldiers were in the palace, but it was unclear whether any of the interim government's leaders were.

One Carthage resident said she saw four men in a taxi speed through a military checkpoint at the end of her street and toward the palace nearby. Soldiers shot at the taxi and the men inside returned fire.

The resident, who asked not to be named because of security concerns, said her neighbors saw other armed men break through checkpoints in civilian cars. The gun battle lasted about four hours before calm returned in the evening, she said.

Other gunfights broke out near the PDP opposition party headquarters and a two-hour-long gun battle raged behind the Interior Ministry, long feared during Ben Ali's reign as a torture site. Residents of the city center heard constant volleys of gunfire throughout much of the afternoon; they were ordered to stay away from windows and keep their curtains closed.

The prime minister said Sunday night that police and the army have arrested numerous members of armed groups, without saying how many.

"The coming days will show who is behind them," Ghannoushi said. He added that arms and documents have been seized from those arrested.

"We won't be tolerant towards these people," the prime minister said.

The security chief, Ali Seriati, and his deputy were charged with a plot against state security, aggressive acts and "provoking disorder, murder and pillaging," the TAP state news agency reported.

- Associated Press
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Glacier melt in Peru becomes more than a climate issue

By Heather Somerville
Sunday, January 16, 2011; 11:39 PM

HUARAZ, Peru - Glacier melt hasn't caused a national crisis in Peru, yet. But high in the Andes, rising temperatures and changes in water supply over the last 40 years have decimated crops, killed fish stocks and forced villages to question how they will survive for another generation.

Without international help to build reservoirs and dams and improve irrigation, the South American nation could become a case study in how climate change can destabilize a strategically important region, according to Peruvian, U.S. and other officials.

"Think what it would be like if the Andes glaciers were gone and we had millions and millions of hungry and thirsty Southern neighbors," said former CIA Director R. James Woolsey.

Peru is home to 70 percent of the world's tropical glaciers, which are also found in Bolivia, Ecuador and Chile. Peru's 18 mountain glaciers, including the world's largest tropical ice mass, are critical to the region's water sources for drinking, irrigation and electricity.

Glaciers in the South American Andes are melting faster than many scientists predicted; some climate change experts estimate entire glaciers across the Andes will disappear in 10 years due to rising global temperatures, creating instability across the globe as they melt.

If Peru and its allies don't fund and create projects to conserve water, improve decrepit water infrastructure and regulate runoff from glaciers within five years, the disappearance of Andean glaciers could lead to social and economic disaster, said Alberto Hart, climate change adviser at Peru's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

"This will become a problem for the United States," he said. "When you have a dysfunctional country, you have a problem for the entire region."

The United States spent $30 million on climate change assistance in Peru in fiscal year 2010, according to documents provided by the State Department. The funding, allocated as part of the 2009 Copenhagen Accord, went mostly to preserving the Amazon rainforest in Peru.

Peruvian officials would hardly turn away money to preserve the Amazon. But the immediate problem is adaptation to rapid glacier melt, Hart said.

The U.S. Agency for International Development, which administers the majority of climate funds, recently received a $1.25 million grant to work with The Mountain Institute, a Peruvian non-profit organization, through 2012 and assist mountain communities in adapting to glacier melt.

"It will take more resources than are currently available . . . but the trend is going in the right direction," said Steve Olive with USAID in Peru.

The Peruvian government is asking Washington and other allies for at least $350 million every year through 2030 to build reservoirs and dams, and improve irrigation, said Hart.

Japan, Australia and Switzerland also have offered assistance for climate change, Hart said. The World Bank is also working in Peru to monitor water supplies and implement drought-resistant agriculture, part of a larger climate change project that includes several Andean nations, according to Walter Vergara, a World Bank engineer who started the project in 2004.

But Peruvian officials say the United States has a majority share of the responsibility to help Peru, because of the close trade alliance between the two nations, and because the United States is the world's second-largest emitter of greenhouse gases.

"We are knocking on many doors, and obviously the U.S. is one big door we are knocking on," said Hart.

Bolivia and Ecuador are also threatened by glacier melt and Colombia's costal and riverside cities are being wiped out by floods and landslides - disasters that are only expected to get worse, according to a study by the Pew Center on Climate Change.

Climate change is "a significant threat" to the region, and the United States must "really come to terms" with the security challenges it poses, Assistant Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere Arturo Valenzuela said recently.

Its ice is melting, but the majesty of Huascarán Mountain hasn't diminished. Its white peak still pierces the clouds on an overcast day in the Cordillera Blanca, part of the Andes range that stretches through Peru's northwest region of Ancash.

Communities revere Huascarán, Peru's tallest mountain, for its beauty and its water that allows them to survive the extreme terrain. But over the last 20 years, they've watched Huascarán's glacier diminish.

"It used to take you two or three hours walking to reach the ice. But now you have to walk five, six hours to reach ice," said Maximo Juan Malpaso Carranza, a farmer in Utupampa, a small community high in the Cordillera Blanca.

"We all get water from there," he said, pointing to Huascarán. "But if the ice disappears, there won't be any more water."

More than 2 million people, stretching from the Andes to the coastal cities, get their drinking water and irrigation from rivers fed by glacier runoff from Cordillera Blanca. But research by Cesar Portocarrero, the Peruvian government's lead glacier scientist, shows the Cordillera Blanca has lost 30 percent of its glaciers since 1970.

Most of Peru's agriculture is fed by water from the Andes. Glacier-fed rivers also support the nation's largest hydroelectric plants. Lima, the world's second-largest desert city, is almost totally dependent on Andean rivers from the Cordillera Central, where some mountains have lost more than 60 percent of their glaciers in the last 40 years.

Water conflicts have been frequent in southern Peru over the last few years, and glacier melt will create even more across the country, and, in extreme cases, spreading to neighboring countries, said retired Maj. Gen. Luis Palomino Rodriguez, head of Peru's National Civil Defense Institute, in an interview.

The Pentagon is starting to address the impacts of climate change. It gave the Southern Command, in charge of Latin America, $600,000 to develop a mapping tool that will allow Latin America and the United States to share information about climate change risks. It is also spending $1.4 million to study the climate change effects on foreign military bases.

SouthCom will release a new environmental security strategy in the next couple months, but the military is far from integrating its climate change studies into operations.

"We have a lot to do," said Myrna Lopez, environmental security expert with SouthCom. "We're not there yet where we have a complete buy-in from the DoD that this is a core military role."

Peru has taken steps, but lacks resources. It created a national strategy on climate change in 2003 and has set up a Ministry of Environment with oversight of climate change programs. Officials are working with USAID and non-profit organizations to build reservoirs in Andean communities and monitor water flow from the glaciers.

"We may think that current wait-and-see policies are adequate to the task," said Chad Briggs, Minerva Chair for Energy and Environmental Security with the U.S. Air Force. "Peru may be a looming example of how that is not the case."

This article is part of the "Global Warning" series on the national security implications of climate change produced by the National Security Reporting Project at Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism.
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Jan 16, 2011

Overthrow delivers a jolt to Arab region

By Liz Sly and Leila Fadel
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, January 16, 2011; A11

BAGHDAD - Moments after Tunisian president Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali was ejected from his palace, tweets began flying across a region that was at once enthralled and appalled by the specter of an Arab leader being overthrown by his own people.

"Today Ben Ali, tomorrow Hosni Mubarak," gloated one tweeter, referring to Egypt's long-serving president. "Come on Mubarak, take a hint and follow the lead," urged another.

And prominent Egyptian blogger Hossam el-Hamalawy observed: "Revolutions are like dominos."

On Saturday, a day after Tunisia's president was forced into exile by massive street demonstrations, the Middle East was still reeling, with calls for copycat protests reverberating across the Internet, in cafes and on street corners as far afield as Jordan and Yemen. For the first time in the history of a part of the world long calcified by autocratic rule, a dictator had been forced from office by a popular revolt, and it was all broadcast live on television

Leaders braced for the fallout. Elites analyzed the potential for the revolution to spread. Ordinary people celebrated, marveled, gossiped and wondered: Will it happen here? What can we do? And, perhaps most important, who will be next?

Only one certainty stood out: The turmoil in tiny Tunisia, long ignored as a sleepy outpost of relative stability on the fringe of a volatile region, will have profound ramifications for the rest of the Arab world.

"Things will not be the same any longer," predicted Labib Kamhawi, a political analyst in the Jordanian capital of Amman. "2011 will witness drastic change, and it is long overdue."

The rumblings are already there. Jordan, Algeria and Libya have all seen violent protests in recent weeks, spurred by rising prices, unemployment and anger at official corruption - much the same issues that precipitated the snowballing street protests in Tunisia a month ago.

As the ousted Ben Ali flew into exile in Saudi Arabia on Saturday, the Saudi government issued a statement that seemed designed to forestall unwelcome comparisons between the new guest and the ruling Saudi monarchy.

"The government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia announces that it stands fully behind the Tunisian people," it said.

Almost no government in the region is immune from the combustible combination of grievances that sparked the uprising in Tunisia. Inflation, joblessness and the hopelessness of living in a country where opportunity is the preserve of a tiny ruling elite are steadily fueling frustrations from Algiers to Amman, from Tripoli to Sanaa and Damascus.

With the exception of Lebanon, whose democratically elected government also collapsed last week, for reasons related to Lebanon's own complicated sectarian politics, and Iraq, still battling the scourge of a lingering insurgency, every country in the region is ruled by some form of undemocratic autocrat.

"We could go through the list of Arab leaders looking in the mirror right now and very few would not be on the list," said Robert Malley, who heads the Middle East and North Africa program at the International Crisis Group. Rumblings in Egypt


Perhaps nowhere do the lessons of Tunisia resonate more loudly than in nearby Egypt, where Mubarak has been president since 1981, six years longer than his toppled Tunisian counterpart. Egypt, like Tunisia, is grappling with the challenges of a rapidly growing population, limited job opportunities and deep resentment of the entrenched privileges of a ruling clique.

In a possible foreshadowing of what may lie ahead, police broke up an attempted demonstration outside the Tunisian Embassy in Cairo on Saturday night and blocked all but a few dozen protesters from reaching the site of another planned protest.

"It is our turn," chanted a small crowd of about 70 activists who managed to break through the police cordon. "Revolution is coming, by any means."

But it is far from certain that what happened in Tunisia will be replicated in other parts of a region whose governments have a practiced record of suppressing dissent. Tunisia was at once better and worse off than other Arab nations, in that its government had both allowed the development of a free economy in which many citizens prospered and ruthlessly repressed the emergence of any form of Islamist opposition.

"What is happening in Tunisia is Tunisia-specific," said Christopher Alexander, a Tunisia specialist and director of the Dean Rusk International Studies Program at Davidson College in North Carolina. "Each country is struggling with its own political, social and economic challenges. But just because some of the challenges are similar doesn't mean that trouble erupting in one place will spread to another."

If it did, the trouble might take a very different form.

In Egypt, the most potent opposition movement is the Muslim Brotherhood, whose supporters are dedicated to imposing Islamist rule on a country with a long secular tradition. Islamists are also the most vocal opponents of the regimes in Saudi Arabia and Jordan, which, like Egypt, are key U.S. allies, as well as in Syria, which is not.

"Change could come not for the better but for the worse, if fundamentalist forces succeed in taking over," said Kamhawi, the Jordanian analyst. "Tunisia was not that important at the end of the day. But what if a more important ally, such as Egypt or Saudi Arabia, was at stake? Would the Americans risk serious change in a more important country?"

The experience of 2005, when the region witnessed a somewhat similar moment, suggests that they would not. Powerful calls for democracy by the Bush administration had seemed to herald a new mood, encouraged by Iraq's first democratic election and the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon, in which hundreds of thousands of protesters forced the departure of occupying Syrian troops.

But the moment quickly faded. The United States backed off after strong showings by Islamists in regional elections, and Lebanon's revolution foundered in the face of the country's fierce sectarian rivalries and waning U.S. interest.

In a speech in the Qatari capital of Doha last week, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton delivered a measured critique of Arab regimes, emphasizing the need for leaders to reform their economies and stamp out corruption rather than outright political change. Unknown change ahead


Yet the upheaval in Tunisia may herald the stirrings of another new moment for the Middle East, one in which the United States perhaps becomes irrelevant, analysts say. U.S. officials noted that at no point did the protests in Tunis turn anti-American, despite U.S. support for the dictator they were seeking to dislodge.

Claire Spencer, who heads the Middle East department at the London-based Chatham House think tank, detects the beginnings of a new form of opposition among what she called the "post 9/11 generation," one that is as alienated from Islamic extremism as it is from its own governments.

"Tunisia has kick-started the region's imagination," she said. "There's a lot of frustration out there that could unleash change of some sort, though what it will look like, we still don't know."

Fadel reported from Beirut. Staff writer Joby Warrick in Washington, correspondent Sudarsan Raghavan in Dubai, and special correspondents Sherine Bayoumi in Cairo, Ranya Kadri in Amman and Ali Qeis in Baghdad contributed to this report.
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A Sudanese 'lost boy' brings his dreams home

By Sudarsan Raghavan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, January 16, 2011; A10

IN JUBA, SUDAN Abraham Akoi strolled confidently through a door marked with a sticker that read: "Secession."

The tall, rail-thin D.C. resident walked up the stairs of the Ministry of Finance here in southern Sudan, entering a world he had never expected to enter.

As he walked into his office, another man smiled and declared: "Separation!" Hazy sunlight glinted on the man's purple-shaded thumb, a sign that he had just voted.

That morning, Akoi, too, had taken part in Sudan's historic week-long referendum, which ended Saturday. He had voted for the south to secede from the north, as most people in this region were expected to do.

For Akoi, it was the latest stop in an extraordinary journey. It began with a dangerous walk across mountains and deserts when as a child he fled a civil war. It stretched to refugee camps and prestigious American universities and now unfolds back here amid great hope and trepidation over what could soon become the world's newest country.

"I still can't believe that I am here," said Akoi, 31.

Ten years ago, Akoi stepped off a plane in Atlanta, one of several thousand "lost boys" whose hardship and escape from Sudan's brutal 22-year conflict captured the imagination of Americans. Thousands of southern Sudanese were resettled in the United States, and most struggled to blend into their adopted communities. But many, like Akoi, excelled.

Akoi earned a degree in history and economics from the University of the South in Tennessee, then a master's degree in government and an MBA from Johns Hopkins University. He had internships at the Carter Center in Atlanta and with Rep. Donald M. Payne (D-N.J.), who has championed causes in Africa.

Today, Akoi's life has come full circle. Southern Sudanese living in the United States could have voted in several U.S. cities. But Akoi and many other "lost boys" chose to return to their homeland to vote and help propel it into its next era.

"It is a fulfillment of a mission we for so long have yearned to accomplish," said Valentino Achak Deng, whose own journey was portrayed in the novel "What Is the What." "It is a day when I feel like someone has finally given me my voice. It was important for us to be here, to be on this soil." 'Thinking about the past'


The day Akoi voted, the memories flooded back: fleeing his village at the age of 11. Walking, hungry and tired, to neighboring Ethiopia. Fleeing militias and bombers. Then returning to southern Sudan, only to flee again to a refugee camp in Kenya. Learning that his father and three brothers had died in the war.

As he stepped up to the cardboard booth to cast his vote, his hands shook.

"I was thinking about the past, all that we've been through," Akoi said. "I voted on behalf of all who lost their lives. I voted for my brothers."

He paused and added: "I looked at the ballot for a few seconds, as if it would fly away, and then I dropped it into the box."

In a couple of weeks, he'll know whether his dreams of secession will come true. If the referendum passes, as expected, southern Sudan will declare its independence in July.

On a recent day, Akoi drove through Juba. He noted how much the capital has improved since his first visit back, in 2009.

A few years ago, "this road was not paved," he said with pride.

He pointed at a sign for a local relief agency: "That was started by Sudanese in the U.S.," he said.

Akoi knows that significant challenges lie ahead. So many key issues dictating the relationship between north and south remain unresolved. Will the oil-producing border region of Abyei, contested by both sides, erupt into war? Will revenue from Sudan's massive oil reserves, the majority in the south, be shared equitably?

"Our political and financial institutions are weak," he said. "Civil liberties are not strong. There are no good hospitals and no good supply of medicines.

"And only 15 percent of south Sudanese know how to read and write. That's not very good for democracy."

Like most southern Sudanese, Akoi blamed Sudan's government, which is dominated by an Arab elite, for the region's woes. For decades, the Khartoum government sought to repress the south. Akoi noted how the vast majority of universities were located in the north. "We can't have good governance if the institutions of higher learning are not there," he said.

Akoi has already begun playing a role in shaping his homeland. He has declined to seek the six-figure salaries in the United States that come with earning an MBA. Instead he has chosen to live here and work with the government. His current job in the Ministry of Finance is to make sure government ministries and departments spend money efficiently and according to the annual budget. Water and mangoes


It's a delicate balancing act. The government is led by and filled with former rebels who have little experience. Corruption is rife; jobs are often handed out based on tribal allegiances. And despite his history, many perceive Akoi as an outsider.

"How do I tell them what to do without them thinking that I am some guy from the U.S. talking big? It's a very tough job," he said.

A few months ago, as global oil prices fell, he told officials they had to cut spending.

"They were not happy, but I had to do it," Akoi said. "They didn't understand that the oil revenues were based on market prices. They thought they would always get the same price."

Salva Kiir Mayardit, south Sudan's president, has tapped Akoi to become the deputy director of administration and finance - a sign that the government is reaching out to qualified technocrats in the diaspora. Many of southern Sudan's educated professionals, including lawyers, doctors and economists, died in the war or fled the region.

Akoi vowed not to be influenced by corrupt bureaucrats.

"I have a commitment and integrity to do the right thing for south Sudan," he said. "Our biggest challenge is creating a system that is bigger than one person, to create a system that will stand the test of time."

On most weekends, Akoi walks along the banks of the Nile, which snakes through Juba. When he looks at the lush mango trees, he sees the potential for southern Sudan to export their fruit. When he looks at the brown waters, he sees the potential to harness hydropower to light up the electricity-starved region.

"When I look at the water and the mangoes, they are indicators of how beautiful south Sudan is," Akoi said. "This is a place where people should not go hungry. If you plant anything here, it will grow."
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Bull market? No, sheep are the newest commodity.


By Anthony Faiola
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, January 16, 2011; A01

IN WINDERMERE, ENGLAND The rolling hills of the English Lake District, home to the stories of Peter Rabbit and endless acres of misty farms, seem the last place on Earth for a crime wave. But farmer, beware: Thieves are stalking the puffy white gold of the British countryside.

"They want our sheep," said Andrew Allen, 46, surveying his flock, now thinned after the recent theft of 45 head.

Allen is one of 19 farmers to fall prey to sheep rustlers in the majestic lake region over the past 12 months, with the thefts here only one part of a bizarre surge in rural crime that has seen incidents of sheep rustling skyrocket across Britain.

The culprit? Globalization.

The ovine crime wave began, insurance company and farm union officials say, after global food prices started jumping again. With bouts of bad weather in major producers such as Russia, Argentina and Australia and increasing demand in Asia, the price for many grains is now busting through the record highs they set in 2008. But meat prices have also surged, particularly for lamb.

Because of escalating world demand and scaled-back production in such nations as New Zealand, a farmer's price per pound for lamb here is now about 35 percent higher than in 2008. The 45 head of sheep stolen from Allen in late September, for instance, were worth $6,400 - or twice the price they would have fetched five years ago.

Rising prices have fueled what authorities here describe as a thriving black market for lamb and mutton, with stolen animals butchered in makeshift slaughterhouses before their meat is illegally sold to small grocery stores, pubs and penny-wise consumers.

But farmers here are counting more than lost sheep. Britain is also witnessing a surge in the theft of tractors and other farm machinery, with authorities blaming organized crime rings smuggling the stolen equipment into Eastern Europe - where farmers are rushing to cash in on high grain prices by cultivating more and more land.

Local authorities in Britain are racing to beef up "farmwatch" programs, with some ranchers in the picturesque countryside long used to sleeping with their doors unlocked and with keys in their tractors now installing video surveillance equipment on their properties.

"I'd see people parked at the roadside and looking at the lambs, and I'd chat with them, quite proud of the sheep myself," said Paul Taylor, 31, whose farm in High Legh, a small village in northwest England, was burgled of 100 sheep worth $16,000. But "nothing is innocent anymore. Now when people drive past, you take their license plate numbers down." Soaring value of lamb


The rural crime wave in Britain underscores the ways in which high food prices are rippling across the world. Although sky-high prices in 2008 eased during the Great Recession, they have shot up again, in part because of bad weather, climbing oil prices and resurgent demand as the global economy recovers.

This month, the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization said that its food price index - which includes wholesale costs for such commodities as wheat, corn, sugar, dairy products and meat - had climbed to a record high.

In 2008, high food prices sparked bloody riots in Africa and Asia, and even contributed to bringing down the government in Haiti. In recent weeks, food prices have again contributed to fresh bouts of unrest in Tunisia and Algeria, with some analysts fearing more riots.

Nevertheless, other experts say that abundant harvests in Africa this year, and the still relatively low prices of some grains, including rice, may prevent a more serious wave of violence from recurring this year.

"We are alarmed by the surge, but we do not yet think we have reached the point of a new crisis," said Abdolreza Abbassian, senior economist at the FAO. "Some of the conditions that existed in 2008, like poor harvests in Africa, are not true now,"

Still, high food prices are having other kinds of side effects, such as the resurgence of sheep rustling.

With lamb prices increasing, authorities from Australia to Turkey to Spain are also warning of thieves. But few places have taken as much notice of the surge as Britain, where sheep are as much a part of cherished country life as fresh-baked scones and clotted cream.

"We have been watching what's happening in Britain in amazement, and wondering, frankly, why it isn't happening yet in the United States since lamb prices are at record highs," said Judy Malone, director of industry information at the American Sheep Industry Association in Englewood, Colo. "But I think it has a lot to do with the fact that lamb is so much more popular in Britain than it is in the United States. Everybody there follows the price closely." An economic blow


In Britain, the crime wave is hitting sheep farmers just as their fortunes were beginning to turn. Reduced subsidies have made it less lucrative to raise sheep here in recent years, and though Britain is still the largest lamb producer in Europe, flock numbers have fallen by 21 percent since 2000. Now, just as prices are high, sheep farmers have been hit with a rash of thefts, with more than 10,000 head reported stolen in 2010, double the figure a year earlier.

"There is no doubt that this is directly related to food prices," said Tim Price, spokesman for the National Farmers Union Mutual, Britain's largest agricultural insurer. "The prices went up, and so did the thefts."

Police, however, say their limited resources in the countryside have made it difficult to break up sheep theft rings. Nevertheless, given how difficult it is to round up the animals, many think that rogue farmers or slaughterhouse operators may be involved.

In Windermere, where local gift shops celebrate sheep with stuffed toys, mugs, even milk chocolate "sheep droppings," Allen said he was devastated when he noticed that his flock had shrunk. "I was going to give 'em their delousing dip, you know, everyone likes a good bath, when I noticed they were a bunch of them missing," he said.

How could he tell in a field of 600 sheep?

"Because," he said, "a farmer knows."

Special correspondent Karla Adam contributed to this report.
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Returning to public, with more caution


By Philip Rucker and David A. Fahrenthold
Washington Post Staff Writers
Sunday, January 16, 2011; A01

LAS VEGAS - When Rep. Shelley Berkley decided to hold a "Congress on Your Corner" event here Friday, her plan was to prove that fear hadn't changed the way Congress works. She wound up proving the opposite.

Berkley's event in a small office building off the Strip featured a folding table, two flags and 60 constituents.

And at least 10 police officers.

"I hope this isn't the wave of the future," the Democrat said as she arrived and saw the officers. She hadn't asked for that level of protection: The Las Vegas police decided she needed it. "This should not be the way we have to do business in this country."

This week, it was.

The shooting of Rep. Gabrielle Giffords (D-Ariz.) in Tucson a week earlier left the powerful on Capitol Hill grappling with a very human fear: Just how risky, they wonder, is a life spent shaking hands with strangers?

For members of Congress, it was a week spent reassuring family members and making emergency plans with their staffs. Whose job is it to call 911? Who knows CPR? They read old hate mail, replayed memories of threats. Should we have reported that guy?

A few members talked about arming themselves. One suggested encasing the House's public galleries in Plexiglas.

By the end of the week, a handful started putting on their smiles and going out in public again. Politics is built in part on illusions, but this was a hard one: Do something that was previously utterly routine - and pretend it still was.

"I thought it was very important to send a signal to my constituents and let them know we're open for business," said Berkley, a congresswoman as loud and pugnacious as her city.

In addition to the police, a man stood behind Berkley as she met small groups of residents. It was her son Sam, 25, who had decided she needed him, too.

Historically, the most dangerous part of a lawmaker's job has been not violence, but travel. At least 29 members of Congress have died in accidents involving planes, automobiles and ships. One, Rep. Larry McDonald (D-Ga.), was killed when a Soviet fighter jet shot down his airliner in 1983.

Historians count six lawmakers who have been killed by strangers. They include a Republican congressman shot down in Arkansas in 1868, a House member from Texas who died in a riot in 1905 and two senators, Huey P. Long (D-La.) and Robert F. Kennedy (D-N.Y.), who were assassinated. Rep. Leo Ryan (D-Calif.) was killed in 1978 by members of the Jonestown cult in Guyana. Another lawmaker while fighting in the Civil War.

Other attacks have occurred, including one in 1954 when Puerto Rican nationalists shot five members from the House gallery. All survived. In 1998, a gunman killed two Capitol Police officers near an entrance to the building.

Congress members say they knew - at least in theory - that their job might put them in danger. To lower their risk, they used little tricks: Hold town hall meetings in churches or schools, where people are socialized to behave. When someone goes on a wild-eyed rant, start your answer by thanking them. It lowers their temperature.

This week, however, it occurred to some that they might not have understood the dangers after all.

On Thursday, Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D-N.Y.) sat down with her staff to talk about the Jan. 8 shootings in Tucson. She got a shock: One aide opened a drawer and pulled out a folder of letters, received in recent years, that they had never shown to the congresswoman.

One said, "You will soon be assassinated." Another said, "They know where you and your family members live." A third said, "It is time for the patriot movement to take things into their hands."

Freshman Rep. Rick Berg's wife and mother called to ask about his safety. "This has been a real transition in our life," he said. "I'd never considered this, and I don't think they'd ever considered this, a life-threatening job."

Berg's biggest fear is that constituents will be too frightened to attend public events featuring members of Congress, saying that the killing of 9-year-old Christina Taylor Green in Tucson will give pause to anyone considering taking a child to a civic activity such as a town hall meeting.

"As a parent, I'd think twice about it, certainly if I were going to one in a big city," said Berg (R-N.D.).

This week, the House's sergeant-at-arms urged members to contact law enforcement officers in their districts. He also suggested installing a "panic button" at local offices so staff members could call police without picking up a phone.

Other members thought of more drastic measures. Rep. Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah) said he would consider carrying his Glock 23 more often so that, if necessary, he could shoot back. "I'd hate to be in a situation where I don't have the tool to do what needs to be done," he said.

Although the Capitol is protected by roadblocks, metal detectors and hundreds of armed police, Rep. Dan Burton (R-Ind.) wants another layer. An aide said Burton plans to reintroduce a bill that would enclose the House's public galleries in something like Plexiglas, the kind of arrangement that shields liquor-store clerks.

Some members - concerned about protecting themselves and the constituents who come out to meet them - have sought advice from freshman Rep. Michael G. Grimm (R-N.Y.), who worked as an undercover agent for the FBI.

Grimm already views the world as though he were a hunted mobster: He sits facing the door, looks for emergency exits and notices when people tug at their waistlines. Too much, and they could be carrying a gun. But, after the Tucson shootings, Grimm thought his staff needed more preparation.

He asked one staff member, a retired New York police detective, to lead quarterly classes in which people are assigned roles in a disaster.

"Know what your function is," Grimm said: These could include performing CPR, calling 911 or making detailed mental notes of an attacker's height and hair color. The detective could try to calm a potential attacker. "And know multiple functions - in case one of the victims, God forbid, is the retired detective."

Members said their families began calling in the hours after the attack, pressing them: Could this happen to you?

"I don't tell them when I receive threats. I don't want them to worry," said Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.). But this week, the conversation was unavoidable: Besides the Giffords shooting, there were news reports about a 2009 case in which a man threatened to attack Lofgren on the street.

"Most of this is not to be taken seriously," the congresswoman told her family. "But, you know, when you say that . . . they're thinking, 'Gabby got shot on Saturday.' "

On Capitol Hill, the week passed in a foggy suspension. There was some talk of gun control: Carolyn McCarthy (D-N.Y.), whose husband was killed in a shooting rampage in 1993, said she plans to introduce a bill that would ban high-capacity gun magazines.

Only at the end of the week did lawmakers begin to talk about other political issues, as Republicans planned for a vote on repealing the new health-care law.

And, as the days passed, a few lawmakers ventured out again for public events. In fact, members said they heard constituents worrying about them.

"They're thanking me and telling me to keep safe," Lofgren said. "That's new."

Security precautions varied. In Silver Spring on Saturday morning, Rep. Donna F. Edwards (D-Md.) didn't alert police before she made an appearance during a food drive at a Giant grocery store. Edwards arrived with only two of her staff members, chatted and playfully bagged groceries for an hour, then left.

In Minneapolis, Rep. Keith Ellison (D-Minn.) drew about 100 people to his own "Congress on Your Corner" event. As he sat at a wooden table and took questions, two police officers stood a few feet away.

"I'm very insistent that we have visible, strong security," said Ellison, one of two Muslim members of Congress, who has received threats and angry letters. "Not for myself, I don't think I need any. I think people need to feel safe and be safe."

Ellison said that, for now, a visible security presence made people feel at ease. "We will remain vigilant, but the necessity to have two uniformed people there may not exist in a month or two," he said.

In Las Vegas, Berkley's constituents waited in folding chairs, then went in to see her alone or in small groups. They wanted to talk about foreclosures, taxes, Medicare benefits, or just to have their picture taken.

"After the tragedy in Arizona, we've got to show support for these people," said Cliff Arnold, 67, a retired hard-rock miner who had come to ask Berkley's advice about a problem with the Internal Revenue Service. He thanked her for holding the event. "They're just as vulnerable as a soldier in Iraq. It takes a lot of courage to do this work."

Berkley said she was glad she held the event. Talking to one constituent, she said, "We're going to do another one of these."

Then she turned to the plainclothes officers standing around her. "Sorry, guys," she said.

ruckerp@washpost.com fahrenthold@washpost.com

Fahrenthold reported from Washington. Staff writers Paul Kane, Ben Pershing, Lois Romano and Sandhya Somashekhar in Washington and Nia-Malika Henderson in Minneapolis contributed to this report.
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Dixie and D.C. region drift farther and farther apart

By Steve Hendrix
Sunday, January 16, 2011; A01

Dixie Liquor stands alone. The Georgetown shop, which has been casting its neon glow across M Street NW for more than 50 years, is the only business in Washington and one of the few left in the region with the word "Dixie" in its name.

And it's not just the D-word. The region's Southern accent is also becoming measurably less pronounced, linguists say. The Confederate flag doesn't fly much in these parts anymore. Korean barbecue has taken its place alongside the Southern pit-cooked variety in many neighborhoods, and the "sweet tea line" that once stretched across Virginia has gotten blurry.

In all, according to academics and cultural observers, the Washington area's "Southernness" has fallen into steep decline, part of a trend away from strongly held regional identities. In the 150th anniversary year of the start of the Civil War, the region at the heart of the conflict has little left of its historic bond with Dixie.

"The cultural Mason-Dixon line is just moving farther and farther south as more people from other parts of the country move in," said H. Gibbs Knotts, a professor at Western Carolina University who, with a colleague, conducted a survey of Dixie-named businesses as a way to measure the shifting frontiers of the South. (The Mason-Dixon line, which set the border between Maryland and Pennsylvania, was the symbolic divider between North and South in the Civil War era.) "From what we're finding, D.C. and Virginia are not appearing very Southern at all these days," Knotts said of the survey, published last year.

The trend has been decades in the making, of course. But some observers say the evolution is nearly complete, in good part because of the stepped-up migration of Northerners and immigrants into the Washington area.

"I do think we've reached a critical mass of some kind - we're not a real Southern state anymore," said former Virginia state senator Russell Potts, 71, a longtime lawmaker from Loudoun County and an independent gubernatorial candidate in 2005. "I happen to believe that southern Virginia now actually starts down near Richmond. You can't even say that Fredricksburg is Southern."

That's about right, said Sharon Ash, a University of Pennsylvania linguist and co-author of the 2005 Atlas of North American English. A 1941 study placed the Washington area in the South for pronunciation purposes. But her atlas now draws that line about 45 miles north of Richmond, which was the capital of the Confederacy.

"We put Washington and the northern part of Virginia in what we call the Midland, which also includes Philadelphia and Pittsburgh," Ash said. "Migration patterns are changing things everywhere." No clear boundaries


With all due respect to 18th-century surveyors Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, drawing hard lines around a cultural region is always an imprecise exercise, said Harry Watson, director of the Center of the Study of the American South at the University of North Carolina, which last month published several papers on the subject. Pockets of Southernness pop up far from the 11 states that made up the Confederacy, Watson said, from the Eastern Shore of Maryland to Bakersfield, Calif.

"We are never going to get any hard and fast answers on exactly where the South is unless, God forbid, there's another Southern nation with fortified borders," Watson said.

But the frontiers of the core South are clearly shifting away from Northern Virginia and Washington, he said.

"That whole area feels more metropolitan than it does Southern," said Watson, who is based in another evolving corner of the South: Chapel Hill, N.C. "Down here, we make jokes about occupied Northern Virginia."

To northbound Interstate 95 lovers of Southern food, Northern Virginia used to mark the "sweet tea line," beyond which diners could no longer expect to find the hyper-sugared version of the South's national beverage.

A researcher, looking at where McDonald's franchisees stopped offering sweet tea, once mapped the line just north of Richmond. But the chain took sweet tea across the country in 2008 and it is now available nationwide.

In his own attempt to quantify the shifting sands of regional identity, Knotts and a colleague last year reproduced a 1970s study that looked at what names businesses choose for themselves (they excluded the widespread Winn-Dixie grocery stores so as not to skew the sample). The "Dixie" that once proudly figured on signs throughout the region has largely receded to a pocket of the old South in Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana.

"I would have been shocked to find much identification with Dixie in places like Northern Virginia," Knotts said. "And we didn't."

The Old Dominion received a "D score" of 0.03, which means that three Dixie names were found for every 100 with the word "American." Overall, the study ranked Virginia - along with Florida, Oklahoma and West Virginia - as "Sorta Southern," the least Southern of three categories. Richmond saw its embrace of Dixie business names cut in half since 1976, from 0.12 then to 0.05 last year.

In the District, the D score was never very high, Knotts said. The Georgetown liquor store was the only Dixie business in town both in 1976 and today.

Whether Washington should be defined as a Southern city has been a debate since the Civil War, when it was the seat of the Northern government but a hotbed of rebel sympathy. In modern times, the question has been more cultural than political. Washington's split personality was forever summarized by John F. Kennedy's worst-of-both-worlds description of it as a"city of Southern efficiency and Northern charm." Different perspectives


As the hub of the nation's government, Washington is always home to thousands of newcomers, some of whom cling to their hometown identities. Those who arrive from the North often see the area as Southern, and those from the South feel a Northern vibe.

But Greg Carr, who grew up in Nashville, sees Southern markers here. Carr, chairman of Afro-American Studies at Howard University, said he recognizes the fading signs of the Old South in this region.

"For black folks, this is still very much a Southern city," Carr said. "D.C. has very little in common with a stereotypical Northern city."

Carr cited the presence of an entrenched black elite in Washington as a characteristic of Southern cities, along the lines of Atlanta and Charlotte. Its still-living history of sharply segregated neighborhoods is another sign, as well as the paucity of white ethnic neighborhoods, such as Italian or Irish sections of Baltimore, New York and Boston.

"Even the architecture is more Southern," Carr said. "You have no concrete canyons in Washington."

Even as black residents from other states and countries move to Washington in greater numbers, the cultural feeling of African American communities remains Southern, he said.

"Anacostia, that's the South over there," Carr said. "Folks with their shirts off washing their cars, waving at you as you pass by. That's Southern."

And at least one major retailer still views Washington as a Southern market. Although Safeway has no stores in the deep South, the supermarket chain says its cluster of stores between Culpeper, Va., and Frederick, Md., posts the company's biggest sales of such regional offerings as fried chicken, ham hocks and other "country meats," collard greens and sweet potatoes, spokesman Greg TenEyck said.

Adrienne Carter, 66, is a big buyer of such ingredients. Along with her husband, Alvin, Carter owns the Hitching Post, a soul food restaurant on Upshur Street NW. To her, Washington remains Southern, but the feeling is fading.

Although never as common in Washington as in other Southern cities, the number of neighborhood places serving fried chicken, fish, macaroni and cheese, greens and other Southern delicacies has declined in recent decades.

"I remember my father going to places up and down Ninth and U" streets, Carter said. "Now they call that area Little Ethiopia."

Jan 5, 2011

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Selected Anthropology Learned Societies

Museum of Kent LifeImage via Wikipedia
Museumof Kent Life (BM)

National Associations

AAA, American Anthropological Association
http://www.aaanet.org

AAC-LMK, Asociación de Antropología de Castilla y León “Michael Kenny”
http://www.antropologiacastillayleon.org

AAI, The Anthopological Association of Ireland
http://www.anthropologyireland.org/

AISEA The Italian Association for Ethno-Anthropological Sciences
http://www.aisea.it/

AAS, Australian Anthropological Society
http://www.aas.asn.au/

ABA, Associação Brasileira de Antropologia
http://www.abant.org.br

AFA, Association Française des Anthropologue
http://www.afa.msh-paris.fr/

Anthropological Association of Greece
http://www.aee.gr/

APA, Associação Portuguesa de Antropologia
http://www.apantropologia.net

ASA, Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth
http://www.theasa.org/

APRAS, Association pour la Recherche en Anthropologie Sociale
http://web.mae.u-paris10.fr/apras/

ASA, Anthropology Southern Africa
http://www.asnahome.org/

ASAA/NZ, The Association of Social Anthropologists of Aotearoa/ New Zealand
http://asaanz.rsnz.org/

CASCA, Canadian Anthropology Society
http://casca.anthropologica.ca/

CEAS, Colegio de Etnólogos y Antropólogos Sociales AC, Mexico
http://www.ceas.org.mx/

FAAEE, Federación de Asociaciones de Antropología del Estado Español
http://www.ankulegi.org/castellano/asociacion/index.html

Croatian Ethnological Society
http://www.hrvatskoetnoloskodrustvo.hr

Dansk Etnografisk Forening
http://etnografiskforening.dk/

DGV, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Völkerkunde
http://www.dgv-net.de/

JASCA, Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology
http://wwwsoc.nii.ac.jp/jasca/

Kula - Slovene Ethnological and Anthropological Association
http://www.kula.si

Malta Anthropology Society
http://soc.um.edu.mt/anthropology/

Mannfræðifélag Íslands
http://www.akademia.is/mi/

MCSS. Masaryk Czech Sociological Association, Section of Social Anthropology
http://www.ceskasociologicka.org/?en=

PAAA, Pan African Anthropological Association
http://www.upe.ac.za/paaa/

SEG | SSE, Schweizerische Ethnologische Gesellschaft| Société Suisse d'Éthnologie
http://www.seg-sse.ch/de

Slovene Anthropological Society
http://www.drustvo-antropologov.si

SSAG, Svenska Sällskapet för Antropologi och Geografi
http://www.ssag.se

Suomen Antropologinen Seura R.Y. / The Finish Anthropological Society
http://www.antropologinenseura.fi/en/home/

Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze (Polish Etthnological Society)
http://ptl.free.ngo.pl

SANT, Swerdish Antropologo Association
http://sverigesantropologforbund.blogspot.com/

NAF Norsk Antropologisk Forening, Norwegian Antrhopology Association
http://www.antropologi.org/

Other Networks and Associations

AEGIS, Africa-Europe Group for Interdisciplinary Studies
http://aegis-eu.org/

CIRS, International Center for Scientific Research
http://www.cirs-tm.org

ESfO, European Society for Oceanists
http://www.esfo-org.eu/

InASEA, The International Association for Southeast European Anthropology
http://www-gewi.kfunigraz.ac.at/inasea/

Indian Anthropological Association
http://www.indiananthropology.org/

IMA, Instituto Madrileño de Antropología
http://www.ima.org.es/index.html

AFS American Folklore Society
http://www.afsnet.org/

MASN, Moving Anthropolgy Student Network
http://www.movinganthropology.de/

MASN-Poland
http://www.masn.poland.prv.pl

MASN-Austria
http://www.movinganthropology.org/http://www.masn-austria.org

SIEF, International Society for Ethnology and Folklore
http://www.siefhome.org/

Society for the Anthropology of Europe
http://www.h-net.org/~sae/sae/index.html

WCAA, World Council of Anthropological Associations
http://www.wcaanet.org/

Antropologi.info
http://www.antropologi.info/

RAI, The Royal Anthropological Institute
http://www.therai.org.uk/
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