Timor-Leste's Language Policy: The Boulder On The Shoe ...

Timor-Leste's Language Policy: The Boulder On The Shoe ...: Written by: RSIS April 14, 2012 -  

Timor-Leste has chosen Portuguese as its official language of government, though Tetum remains the other official language. This language policy, a return to its colonial heritage, has future implications for the state’s development and geopolitical relations in the region.

By Victor R Savage

THE CURRENT presidential election in Timor-Leste has brought international visibility to this rather marginalised state within Southeast Asia. The freedom-fighter generation of Timor-Leste has everything to be proud of in these elections. This is one country which testifies that an irredentist movement that fought for independence could eventually create statehood in the 21st century. It also underscores a moment in Indonesian history when the domestic fervour for reformasi was best symbolised not just in political change in Indonesia but in the granting of independence for East Timor as it was then known.

Challenges Making Portuguese The Official Language


The simmering issue on the ground in Timor-Leste however has less to do with the presidential election. The likely source of future political debate lies in its language policy. The Timor-Leste government has chosen to use Portuguese as its official language of government since 2002 despite the fact that less than five percent of the population spoke the language. According to official sources the government chose Portuguese to safeguard their unique culture and identity, maintain their connections with the former colonial master, Portugal, as well as their privileged ties and friendships with other Portuguese-speaking nations. While the country’s leaders had privately defended keeping the Portuguese language as a matter of heritage, they have also recognised the importance of learning English in schools to survive in a competitive world and to popularise Bahasa Indonesia.

Yet on the ground one gets the feeling that Portuguese has been given priority because it is the language of communication of the political and social elites – in short it is an elitist language in Timor Leste. This language policy has its own challenges.

Firstly, Portuguese is not an international language that will connect the people of Timor-Leste with a globalising world. Besides Portugal, the only Portuguese-speaking heavyweight is Brazil which is thousands of kilometers away. The ability to connect with the rest of the world for trade, tourism and business is likely to be hampered. In Asia, Portuguese is no longer a language of political power that it once was from Goa to Malacca and Macau in the 16th century.

Secondly, Portugal is certainly not a country of economic and political prowess either globally or in the European Union (EU) to warrant the use of its language. Indeed Portugal forms one of the five PIIGS (Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, and Spain) countries of the EU where the governments are saddled with huge debt. Portugal cannot be expected to lend financial support and advice to the Timor-Leste government. As one Timorese researcher said to me: “Portugal is a poor country, Timor-Leste is poor, and the relationship will make Timor-Leste poorer.” When there are so many more economically developed states in Asia, why does the Timor-Leste government need to reconnect with its former colonial master?

Thirdly, the current language situation in Timor Leste is highly diversified – the people are exposed to essentially four main languages and many more dialects: Tetum, the native language, Bahasa Indonesia which is widely spoken, English and finally Portuguese – a language retained by the older generation Portuguese Eurasians in Timor Leste. One can understand the logic that after having won a bloody war of independence with Indonesia, the government wanted to distance itself from Indonesia. Yet, the reality on the ground begs for a more pragmatic political consideration:

Bahasa Indonesia is already the unofficial lingua franca in the country; Timor-Leste cannot separate itself from its geographical links and geopolitical realities of Indonesia. Indonesia is the largest country in Southeast Asia – accounting for 40 percent of the region’s land area, population and GNP. Many Timor-Leste government officials and educational personnel have graduated from Indonesian universities and technical institutes and estimates show about 5000 students are currently enrolled in Indonesian institutions. Indonesia is also currently a rising economy which Timor-Leste cannot afford to ignore and yet could tap into.

Why Not English As The Top Official Language?

If the Timor-Leste government did not want to use Indonesian as its official language, it certainly could have considered English as the official language of priority. This neutral language would be amenable to all citizens and offer far more advantages than Portuguese: i) English is a language of international politics, trade, tourism, and higher education; ii) it is quite widely spoken in the country amongst the informed public and even youths; iii) many students expressed keen interest in learning English rather than Portuguese which they find of no cultural or economic relevance; and iv) if Timor-Leste is interested in joining ASEAN, does it not make more sense to give priority to English which is the operating language of the region? Given that Australia, New Zealand, India, Singapore and the Philippines are all English-speaking neighbouring countries, the use of English will certainly give the government economic and political leverage.

It is noteworthy that a private university in Dili, as a protest against the government’s language policy, decided to conduct its classes in Tetum, Bahasa Indonesia and English – leaving out Portuguese.

One might say the Timor-Leste government is caught between the devil and the deep blue sea in pursuing the Portuguese language: its biggest English-speaking neighbour Australia has been unfriendly and certainly opportunistic with regard to off-shore oil and gas reserves and its Indonesian neighbour is viewed with apprehension and veiled distrust. Yet language forms the foundation and bedrock of a country – language cannot be changed overnight once set in place.

For a fledgling country with limited resources and a low level of development, Timor Leste needs to consider pragmatic, long term and viable educational programmes. The government’s belief that the people of Timor Leste can pursue a multiple-language educational programme (Tetum, Portuguese, English, Bahasa Indonesia) seems flawed since there are few examples of successful bi-lingual much less multi-lingual national programmes regionally or globally. While pre-independence East Timor might have been for Indonesia’s former Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the “pebble in the shoe”, the Portuguese language might be a veritable boulder on the shoe for independent Timor-Leste’s future progress and development.

Victor R Savage is an Associate Professor in Geography at the National University of Singapore and Honorary Vice-President of the Commonwealth Geographical Bureau. This article, specially written for RSIS Commentaries, reflects his personal views.


About the author:

RSIS

RSIS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the author/s are their own and do not represent the official position of the S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU, which produces the Commentaries.

Romney, Obama in Tight Race as Gallup Daily Tracking Begins

Romney, Obama in Tight Race as Gallup Daily Tracking Begins: Mitt Romney is supported by 47% of national registered voters and Barack Obama by 45% in the inaugural Gallup Daily tracking results from April 11-15. Both Obama and Romney are supported by 90% of their respective partisans.

by Frank Newport

PRINCETON, NJ -- Mitt Romney is supported by 47% of national registered voters and Barack Obama by 45% in the inaugural Gallup Daily tracking results from April 11-15. Both Obama and Romney are supported by 90% of their respective partisans.

See all election 2012 data >

These results are the first from Gallup Daily tracking of registered voters' general election preferences, which began on April 11 and will be reported daily on Gallup.com on the basis of continuous five-day rolling averages. This initial report is based on interviews with 2,265 registered voters, and highlights the potential closeness of this year's race, with Romney and Obama essentially in a statistical tie. Gallup's previous general election trial heat, from a national poll conducted March 25-26, showed Obama with a slight 49% to 45% lead over Romney.

Gallup began tracking the general election on Wednesday, April 11, after Rick Santorum suspended his campaign for the Republican nomination, making Romney the all-but-assured GOP nominee.

The race breaks down into the expected patterns by party, with 90% of Democrats supporting Obama, and 90% of Republicans supporting Romney. The Republican results show that despite the rancor and divisiveness of the Republican campaign, the vast majority of Republicans are backing Romney in the head-to-head battle with Obama, as they have in ballot tests earlier this year.

The crucial voting bloc of independents breaks toward Romney by 45% to 39%, giving the GOP challenger his slight overall edge.

Republicans and Democrats Have Similar Certain to Vote Scores

In any close presidential election, motivation and turnout are keys. Gallup will report the projected vote based on the smaller segment of likely voters as the election nears next fall, but in the current tracking has included one "likely voter" question that provides a rough indicator of turnout potential -- asking registered voters to self-report their certainty of voting in the November election.

At this point, there is no statistically significant advantage for either candidate, as 80% of Romney voters and 76% of Obama voters say they will definitely vote next November.

Bottom Line

History shows that the candidates' positioning in the spring of an election year is not necessarily good at forecasting the election outcomes. For example, in an April 20-22, 1992, Gallup poll, incumbent President George H.W. Bush was ahead with 41% of the vote, compared with 26% for Bill Clinton and 25% for Ross Perot. And in an April 11-14, 1980, poll, incumbent President Jimmy Carter led Ronald Reagan by 42% to 34%, with John Anderson receiving 18% support. Both Bush and Carter, of course, ultimately lost their re-election bids.

Still, the current results, and the results that will follow as Gallup tracks the race on a daily basis, provide an excellent, scientific way to understand the dynamics of the election campaign, and the impact of foreseen and unforeseen events in the weeks and months ahead. And, at this point, the results show that the 2012 presidential election is shaping up to be a close race.

Track every angle of the presidential race on Gallup.com's Election 2012 page.

Pulitzer Prizes Announced

Pulitzer Prizes Announced: The Philadelphia Inquirer, Huffington Post, AP and New York Times were among the winners of the 96th annual Pulitzer Prizes.

A Wall Street Journal Roundup

The Philadelphia Inquirer won the Pulitzer Prize for public service for its coverage of pervasive violence in the city's schools.

The Patriot-News in Harrisburg, Pa., won the Pulitzer in local reporting for breaking the Penn State sexual abuse scandal that eventually brought down legendary football coach Joe Paterno.

The Associated Press, meanwhile, won the prize for investigative reporting for a series of stories on a secret New York Police Department program that spied on Muslims.

A second investigative prize was awarded to Michael J. Berens and Ken Armstrong of the Seattle Times for their investigation of how a little known governmental body in Washington State moved vulnerable patients from safer pain-control medication to methadone, a cheaper but more dangerous drug, coverage that prompted statewide health warnings.

The New York Times won two awards. David Kocieniewski was given the prize for explanatory reporting for his series on how the nation's wealthiest citizens and corporations often exploit loopholes and avoid taxes. Jeffrey Gettleman won the prize for international reporting, for his coverage of famine and conflict in East Africa, a neglected but increasingly strategic part of the world.

David Wood of the Huffington Post was given the Pulitzer for national reporting for his exploration of the physical and emotional challenges facing American soldiers severely wounded in Iraq and Afghanistan during a decade of war.

Other website, Politico, received an accolade for its editorial cartooning, with Matt Wuerker winning that prize.

The Pulitzers, administered by Columbia University, are the most prestigious awards in journalism.

Here is a complete list of the prizes awarded Monday:

JOURNALISM

Public service: The Philadelphia Inquirer

Breaking news reporting: The Tuscaloosa (Ala.) News staff

Investigative reporting: Matt Apuzzo, Adam Goldman, Eileen Sullivan and Chris Hawley of The Associated Press, and Michael J. Berens and Ken Armstrong of The Seattle Times

Explanatory reporting: David Kocieniewski of The New York Times

Local reporting: Sara Ganim and members of The Patriot-News Staff, Harrisburg, Pa.

National reporting: David Wood of The Huffington Post

International reporting: Jeffrey Gettleman of The New York Times

Feature writing: Eli Sanders of The Stranger, a Seattle weekly

Commentary: Mary Schmich of the Chicago Tribune

Criticism: Wesley Morris of The Boston Globe

Editorial writing: No award

Editorial cartooning: Matt Wuerker of Politico

Breaking news photography: Massoud Hossaini of Agence France-Presse

Feature photography: Craig F. Walker of The Denver Post

ARTS

Fiction: No award

Drama: "Water by the Spoonful" by Quiara Alegría Hudes

History: "Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention" by the late Manning Marable (Viking)

Biography: "George F. Kennan: An American Life" by John Lewis Gaddis (The Penguin Press)

Poetry: "Life on Mars" by Tracy K. Smith (Graywolf Press)

General nonfiction: "The Swerve: How the World Became Modern" by Stephen Greenblatt (W.W. Norton and Co.)

Music: "Silent Night: Opera in Two Acts" by Kevin Puts, commissioned and premiered by the Minnesota Opera in Minneapolis on Nov. 12, 2011

World Bank Officially Selects Kim as President

World Bank Officially Selects Kim as President: The World Bank’s 25-member executive board elected Jim Yong Kim, a global health expert and the president of Dartmouth College, as the institution’s next president.

By ANNIE LOWREY

WASHINGTON — The World Bank on Monday named as its next president Jim Yong Kim, a global health expert and the president of Dartmouth College, in a widely expected appointment that continues the longstanding tradition of an American leading the Washington-based development institution.

Dr. Kim, 52, will take over on July 1 after the current president, Robert B. Zoellick, steps down at the end of his five-year term.

While the selection of Dr. Kim by the bank's 25-member executive board was no surprise, the board had, for the first time, considered more than one candidate, a reflection of the increasing clout of emerging-market nations on the global stage.

‘‘The old order has triumphed yet again, but this may be its last hurrah,’’ said Eswar S. Prasad, a professor of trade policy at Cornell University. ‘‘The tradition of carving up the top jobs at the major international financial institutions among nominees of advanced countries has become untenable and unjustifiable.’’

Numerous African countries had rallied around Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the Nigerian finance minister and former World Bank managing director. José Antonio Ocampo, the former Colombian central banker and United Nations official, was also a candidate, though he withdrew from the race and threw his support behind Ms. Okonjo-Iweala on Friday.

Ms. Okonjo-Iweala and Mr. Ocampo always faced long odds, given the composition of the World Bank board: Europe, the United States and Japan control about half of the voting shares. But their candidacies reignited a debate over Washington’s continued control of the institution.

The bank itself has granted more power recently to countries like China, Brazil and India, as these cash-rich and fast-growing economies are called on to finance development programs and multilateral institutions, not just to receive financing from them. In 2010, the World Bank increased the relative voting share of emerging economies. It also committed to an open, transparent and merit-based presidential selection process.

But those changes have not yet resulted in a non-American rising to the top of the organization. Traditionally, an American oversees the World Bank, which finances a wide variety of private and public development projects, while a European heads the International Monetary Fund.

A number of prominent development and aid groups had criticized the race for remaining unfairly skewed to the American nominee’s benefit. The two candidates from emerging-market countries had also critiqued the selection process.

‘‘It is clear that the process is shifting from a strict merit-based competition, in which my candidacy stood on strong grounds, into a more political-orientated exercise,’’ Mr. Ocampo said in his statement withdrawing from the race.

In a statement, the World Bank’s board said that each of the nominees had ‘‘received support from different member countries, which reflected the high caliber of the candidates.’’ But they did not indicate whether any of the 25 board members had pressed for Ms. Okonjo-Iweala or Mr. Ocampo, rather than supporting Dr. Kim. Traditionally, the board comes to a decision by consensus.

After the White House nominated Dr. Kim in March, he went on an around-the-world “listening tour” to rally support for his candidacy. Dr. Kim ultimately won the support of countries including Canada, Mexico, South Korea, Japan and Russia.

In a recent interview, Dr. Kim stressed that he wanted to make the bank as inclusive as possible, while achieving its mission of eradicating poverty and supporting economic development.

He also said he wanted to make the bank’s programs more data-driven. “There’s no one-size-fits-all. There’s no big idea that will lead to economic growth for everybody,” he said. “I think we must be evidence-based and evidence-driven, and we must pay attention to local contexts.”

Dr. Kim is a lauded global health expert, a physician and anthropologist by training. He is a founder of Partners In Health, a nonprofit that runs community-focused health programs in poor countries. He also worked at Harvard University and the World Health Organization, where he spearheaded a program to deliver antiretroviral treatments to people living with H.I.V./AIDS. Since 2009, he has been the president of Dartmouth College.

Dr. Kim is also the first World Bank president to come from a developing economy. His family emigrated to the United States from an impoverished and war-torn Korea.

‘‘I’ve worked for years trying to help countries achieve the same economic growth I saw in Korea,’’ Dr. Kim said. ‘‘What I bring to the bank, which is a very special bank, is this unshakable optimism that countries can go down the same path I saw Korea go down.’’

‘‘Jim has seen poverty and vulnerability first-hand, through his impressive work in developing countries,’’ Mr. Zoellick, the bank’s current president, said in a statement. ‘‘His rigorous, science-based drive for results will be invaluable for the World Bank Group as it modernizes to better serve client countries in overcoming poverty.’’

The White House selected Dr. Kim for his hands-on experience in poor countries. Senior administration officials said President Barack Obama was drawn to him as a practitioner, rather than a foreign-policy hand or a banker, like previous World Bank presidents.

‘‘Dr. Kim has a lifetime of experience solving complex problems,’’ the United States Treasury secretary, Timothy F. Geithner, said in a statement. ‘‘His deep development background coupled with his dedication to forging consensus will help breathe new life into the World Bank’s efforts to secure fast economic growth that is widely shared.’’

The World Bank board made its decision in advance of its spring meetings, held jointly with the International Monetary Fund later this week.

A golden welcome in a changing country - Vancouver Sun

A golden welcome in a changing country - Vancouver Sun:

A golden welcome in a changing country Vancouver Sun All this is easing, evidenced by events like Canada's Foreign Affairs Minister visiting Myanmar or, as it is known here, Burma. In 1989 the country was renamed The Union of Myanmar. While this was accepted by the United Nations, some countries, ...

Photograph by: Alena Yakusheva , Getty Images/iStockphoto

The chanting of young voices fills the air as early morning light filters through the shutters of Htee Thein Monastery.This could be a dream but no, I am awakening to the sounds of novice Buddhist monks performing their morning ritual. It is 5:30 a.m. but I already have a smile on my face. In many ways, this trip to Myanmar is a dream – a dream of a trip.

Along with 13 others, I’m on a two-week adventure with World Expeditions. Our diversified group – most are Australian, there are two other Canadians and one American – all had the desire to explore this country that has been under a military government and mostly shut off from the world for decades.

It is now in the midst of change since a civilian-run government came into power in the fall of 2010. Subsequently hundreds of political prisoners were released, including 1991 Nobel Peace Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi, who heads the Democratic Party. Little wonder that when I visited in February, 2012, there was excitement as the national heroine, who had been imprisoned 15 out of the last 21 years (some under house arrest) had been granted permission to run in the April 1st election.

Fast forward to April when Suu Kyi and 39 other democrats were elected and world leaders are acknowledging that Myanmar, at last, is a country in transformation.

Until now, visitors to this country of roughly 55 million, faced an ethical dilemma as coming here could be seen as support for the corrupt government and a disregard for the sanctions many countries, Canada included, have placed upon it. All this is easing, evidenced by events like Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister visiting Myanmar or, as it is known here, Burma. In 1989 the country was renamed The Union of Myanmar. While this was accepted by the United Nations, some countries, including Canada, refer to it as Burma.

No matter what you choose to call it, prepare to be impressed. Rudyard Kipling’s said it best: “This is Burma. It is quite unlike any place you know about.” I’ve explored most of Southeast Asia yet was unprepared for this country’s impressive offerings and I only saw the highlights that I’ll share here.

We began and ended our trip in Yangon, formerly known as Rangoon, a bustling city where office buildings, new and old, meld with ancient Buddhist temples and vast markets. I wandered through the National Museum (you need your passport to purchase a ticket) and although there is poor lighting and signage, the gold, jewel-encrusted Lion Throne was my first clue of the grandeur that I would see.

The piece de resistance in Yangon is the Shwedagon Paya, an amazing collection of gold gilded spires and stupas, decorative alcoves, bejewelled Buddha and dazzling, marble walkways all dominated by a massive, golden, sky-reaching dome.

The most sacred Buddhist site in Myanmar, in February, the Shwedagon Festival honoured its 2600 years.

The walkway to the Pagoda burgeoned with vendors offering everything from bowls of Mohinga to cellphones; a cacophony of voices and music, and the aroma of spicy food tinged the dusty, hot air. It was wild, especially at the booth selling Aung San Suu Kyi T-shirts and blasting the anthem of the National League for Democracy. Robbie, our guide, (whose Burmese name is Than Win Htut) speaks reverently about “our Lady” and assures us that his people are all working toward change.

Even when there is no festival, crowds swarm here, especially at day’s end. Chattering families, young and old Buddhist monks, and weary travellers, all barefoot, gather to watch the sun perform its last brilliant act of the day. Watching sunsets from glorious settings proved to be a theme on this trip.

We were fortunate to have Robbie, as our guide. As well as taking us to major attractions, like the huge reclining Chaukhtatgyi Buddha and explaining the details of these historic monuments, he led us down back alleys where the locals shopped (boar’s head, anyone?) and set us loose in Bogyoke Aung San Market, the city’s largest with more than 2,000 shops.

Interesting that despite its horrific past, we felt safe and I never saw soldiers other than at a few military posts.

Myanmar is full of surprises. Vehicles are right-hand drive but are driven on the right side of the road. Locals, mostly women and children, wear thanakha, a yellowish paste on their faces from the bark of a tree by the same name. It is said to improve and protect skin. Chewing betel nut seems to be a national pastime, so don’t be surprised by red stained teeth.

It is common for men to wear longhyi, the traditional skirt that wraps between their legs.

While the Burmese are welcoming to tourists, smiling even though most don’t speak English, this is not yet a country set up for tourism. Credit cards are not accepted, the few ATMS do not take foreign cards and you must arrive with fairly new, unmarked US bills. There are few places to change money (bank exchange rates are apparently atrocious and it is a slow procedure).

We changed money in a backroom at our hotel. When you convert say $100 (US) to Kyat (pronounced ‘chat’) you have a wad that would choke a horse. Prices, especially in cities, are quoted in both Kyat and dollars but don’t be surprised if a pristine looking $20 (US) gets turned down because of a small mark on it as happened to me more than once.

However, any inconveniences are overshadowed by what you see and experience every day. From Yangon, we took a hop, skip and jump around the country, sometimes flying, other times in a comfortable van or bus.

If ‘the road to Mandalay’ conjures up exotic images, you won’t be disappointed.

I was mesmerized as oxen pulled carts heaped high with produce and people along a dusty road bordered by tall trees. Fields of sunflowers, watermelon, wheat and sesame flourished in the backdrop completing the perfect rural picture. Everywhere in Myanmar the air is hazy, probably due to the burning of bamboo for everything. However, it gives scenes a mystical, surreal quality.

A visit to this Buddhist country is a visit to temples so “shoes off please,” was a repeated phrase from Robbie and dirty feet were unavoidable. In Mandalay, one of the many places we de-shod was the Mahamuni Paya where the 2000-year-old Buddha is so laden with gold leaf, he has lost his shape. Being a woman, I had to be content to view it through a portal as only men are allowed in this Buddha’s presence.

Building Buddha is big business — we visited a street where carvers shape the effigy in every size and shape. Mandalay is renowned for its crafts; we also observed woodcarving, silk weaving and gold leaf production using techniques that are unchanged for centuries.

Nearby we visited ancient cities, crossing the Irrawaddy River by boat to Mingun to be dazzled by the beauty of the white Hsinbyume Paya and the 1808 Mingun bell, the world’s large bonze bell. In Amarapura, at the Maha Ganayon Kyaung Monastery we observed some 1,000 monks, in two long, silent lines heading to their dining hall. However, this is one of the few places frenetic with tourists — mostly busloads of German and French – so what should have been a rather reverent experience felt more like, well, a tourist attraction.

One camera-clad man even walked through the line of monks, a no-no. Tacky tourism, but then I heard a cellphone ring and saw one of the older monks answer it!

Nearby, we walked the rickety looking U Bein’s Bridge, at 1.2 km, it is the world’s longest teak footbridge; it crosses a shallow lake where fishermen cast huge nets and is surrounded by lush peanut crops. Later we returned at sunset to take a boat and view the startling sight of the stilted bridge and parade of monks and villagers silhouetted against a scarlet glow — one of my many remarkable Myanmar memories.

From Mandalay we drove southwest, through far-between, tiny villages, stopping occasionally for a market or temple to arrive at Mount Popa Resort, a classy retreat on the lush slopes of the volcano, with arguably one of the world’s best views. It looks out upon a 740-metre high, steep finger of land formed at the last eruption some 250,000 years ago. Atop sits a collection of temples – think fairy-tale and you’ve got it. It’s much more enjoyable looking across at this from the resort’s restaurant than climbing the 777 steps of the shrine.

If Myanmar has only one must-see (truly, it has many) it is Bagan where myriad temples (some books say as many as 3300) are sprinkled throughout the gentle valley.

Known as Myanmar’s first kingdom, it is believed more than 10,000 Buddhist temples and pagodas existed between the 9th and 13th centuries. Today we visit a 42-square kilometre archaeological zone. Suffice to say that we were shoeless often and the more rugged roads and lanes we followed the more we saw. Highlight? Climbing the precipitous steps to perch on Shwesandwo Pagoda and watch the sun set over the temple-rich valley and the Irrawaddy River.

We spent two days in Bagan and while all the accommodation we stayed in on this World Expeditions trip was excellent, Thazin Garden Hotel deserves mention. A 13th century pagoda adorned the garden-set restaurant plus this was one of the few places with reliable Internet access.

We flew north then drove to the hill station of Kalaw, cooler weather and once a summer retreat during the colonial era. Every day we saw mind-boggling sights — here it was a visit to Shwe Oo Min Cave Pagoda. A vast, natural cavern with more than 8000 Buddha, in all shapes and sizes, some being maintained by donors from all over the world.

From a village near Kalaw, we set out on a two-day hike to Inle Lake. This is the Shan Plateau, a quilt of golden and green crops backed by forested hillsides renowned for its outdoor activities and its rich cultural aspect as you hike among tucked away villages of the hill tribes. (Myanmar has 135 different ethnic groups; tribes are recognizable by their traditional clothing.) Thanks to our accompanying porters, we didn’t have to carry full packs, a relief as the temperature hovered around 34 C.

Heat aside, I found it idyllic and here’s why. You walk a foreign landscape through tiny villages where lustrous skinned oxen rest and children rush out to jabber and wave; you amble, often by yourself, through fields where tribal people in colourful headdress smile and wave, you trudge uphill in rich, red soil, pass huge Blue Agave plants and join your group to rest in the shade of a massive fig tree. Each day’s walk of four to five hours covered between 10 to 14 kilometres; the overnight was at a monastery. It was rustic, like camping indoors but we loved the company of young boys who come from the surrounding villages to be schooled by the monks. It was fun when they saw a video of themselves on a friend’s computer.

As well as the remarkable countryside, it was a bonus to have lunch in local homes. At Kone HLA village, we flopped on the floor of the main room of a stilt house and admired the family pictures on the bamboo walls while enjoying a delicious noodle meal prepared by our porters. The chief of this Danu tribe sat nearby smiling; Abba played in the background. Through Robbie, we thanked him and Bill, from Seattle, who had thoughtfully brought used glasses and had the Chief try several pairs. Suddenly his weathered face lit up and he told Robbie that he would now be able to read something at his grandson’s wedding. It was one of those feel good moments. (World Expeditions contributes toward these villages.)

The last hour of the hike was a rugged rocky descent but we were constantly agog at the pedestrian traffic going uphill as villagers trotted by us with huge bundles of rice, bananas, hay, vegetables and more.

Exploring the marshy, 21-kilometre-long Inle Lake that is dotted with 17 stilted villages and floating gardens is done by boat.

We viewed the lifestyle of the amazing Intha tribe, who clear weeds and sludge from the lake, by hand, to build islands where they grow crops of vegetables and fruit that they live on and take to market. We explored this unique world for two days, cruising beside water buffalo, disembarking on wharfs to visit ancient temples and small ‘factories’ where threads are woven into fine fabrics; we saw cigars being made, and lacquer and silver products produced.

To me, Inle Lake, well perhaps all Myanmar, is a treasure trove of travel experiences but then it was time to go home.

Goodbye to the wonderful lake days viewing unique culture, so long hill tribes and picturesque valleys, adios amazing temples and golden Buddha.

Hello clean feet.

China in Rare Criticism of Pyongyang

China in Rare Criticism of Pyongyang: Beijing takes the rare step of strongly condemning North Korea's defiant rocket launch at the U.N. Security Council.

AFP PHOTO/KCNA VIA KNS

Missiles are displayed during a parade commemorating the 100th birthday of North Korea's founding president Kim Il Sung in Pyongyang, April 15, 2012.

China joined other members of the U.N. Security Council Monday in strongly condemning North Korea's defiant but unsuccessful rocket launch last week and warning the rogue nuclear state of further action if it conducts another nuclear test.

It is rare for the council to reach a swift unanimous decision on North Korea. China's decision especially to join the other 14 members of the key U.N. panel in reprimanding its close ally could have reflected its anger over Pyongyang's defiance.

"The Security Council strongly condemns the April 13, 2012 launch by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)," according to a text of the U.N. Security Council statement.

North Korea had said that the rocket was intended to launch a weather satellite, but the council said "any launch that uses ballistic missile technology, even if characterized as a satellite launch or space launch vehicle, is a serious violation of U.N. resolutions."

"The Security Council deplores that such a launch has caused grave security concerns in the region."

In another blow to North Korea, the council moved to tighten sanctions against the nuclear-armed and reclusive state.

It asked the a U.N. panel monitoring sanctions against Pyongyang to make preparations to add new firms and individuals to its sanctions blacklist within 15 days as well as additional goods that North Korea would be banned from importing.

If the panel fails to do so, the council itself will take action within five days to expand the sanctions list, according to the statement.

The statement concluded with a warning of further action if Pyongyang carries out another missile launch or nuclear test, demanding that it "abandon all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner."

"The Security Council expresses its determination to take action accordingly in the event of a further DPRK launch or nuclear test," it said.

'Clear message'

U.S. envoy to the United Nations Susan Rice, the council president for April, said the swift and unanimous adoption of the strong statement "shows that the international community is united in sending a clear message to North Korea that such provocations are serious and totally unacceptable."

The statement "is stronger and more explicit than the one the Security Council adopted in 2009 in reaction to North Korea’s last launch," she told reporters in New York, according to remarks provided by the U.S. Mission to the United Nations.

"It was also adopted with unprecedented speed."

Rice warned that any new nuclear test by North Korea would be "met with determination".

"I'm not going to comment on intelligence matters but there is the fact of history that in 2006 a launch was followed by a nuclear test; the same was true in 2009," she said.

According to recent South Korean intelligence, satellite imagery indicated that Pyongyang is excavating a new tunnel at its Punggye-ri test site, in the northeast of the country, where the two previous tests were carried out in October 2006 and May 2009.

The information shows what looks like preparations for a third nuclear test, analysts said.

In 2009, the Security Council took weeks to agree on a response to North Korea's nuclear test, as it did last year when the hardline communist state was accused of sinking a South Korean warship.

"China has sent a strong message to its close ally by signing up to this statement now and so quickly," one Security Council diplomat told Agence France-Presse, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Following the council decision, China's official Xinhua news agency said Beijing wants more dialogue and consultations over the issue.

"It has been proven that dialogue and consultations are the only correct way to solve problems," Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Weimin said.

Liu said the Security Council statement was a result of consultations by all members of the UN Security Council and reflects the basic consensus of the international community.

Reported by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.

Bo Xilai Crime Charges 'Likely'

Bo Xilai Crime Charges 'Likely': Word of the disgraced official's fate may come before a change of China's leaders later in the year.

AFP

Bo Xilai at the closing ceremony of the National People's Congress in Beijing, March 14, 2012.

Ousted Chinese politician Bo Xilai, who was once seen as a strong contender for a top Chinese leadership job, is being held at a "remote" location and will likely face criminal charges that are at least as serious as those leveled at former mayors of Beijing and Shanghai, according to Chinese political sources.

Bo, who was suspended last week from high-ranking positions in China's ruling Communist Party following his ouster as Party secretary in the southwestern city of Chongqing, has already been targeted by commentaries in China's state media.

The scandal surrounding his high-profile crime campaigns and his wife's linking to the murder of a British national continues to widen, according to Chinese political sources.

Official media have said Bo is under investigation for "serious" violations of Party discipline, but have so far made no mention of judicial procedures against him.

A source in mainland China familiar with Party disciplinary procedures said he thinks Bo's fall from power will have far wider implications for Chinese politics than the sacking and subsequent jailing of former Beijing mayor Chen Xitong and former Shanghai Party secretary Chen Liangyu.

"This is even more serious than that," the source said. "We will have to see what they decide [Bo's crime is]."

He said Bo was being held under house arrest in a "remote" location. "It's pretty far away."

The source added that Bo's former right-hand man and police chief Wang Lijun had warned Bo in a spirit of friendship that his wife, Gu Kailai, was implicated in the murder of British national Neil Heywood last November, but had underestimated how strongly his boss would react.

"Actually, Wang [and Bo] were really on the same side," the source said. "He told him to be helpful, but once it was out there, Bo's only option was to pursue [Wang] to the death."

"Now, [the authorities] just want to calm everybody down and make sure everyone is on message."

'A dangerous game'

Wang's Feb. 6 flight to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu, during which he revealed evidence incriminating Bo and his family is believed to have been sparked by that meeting between the two men, according to documents leaked online, purportedly from high-level Party meetings.

Meanwhile, a source familiar with Chinese politics at the highest level agreed that Bo's case would have more political implications than those of the two Chens.

"The Bo affair is much, much bigger," the source said. "Nobody can stop talking about it; they are all enjoying themselves, too."

Meanwhile, a veteran Chinese journalist working directly for the central government said that Bo's ouster was bigger news by far than the trials of either Chen Xitong or Chen Liangyu.

"Everyone is avidly talking about the Bo affair, and in particular [how it will affect] the highest levels of leadership," he said.

"Everyone wants some kind of influence over who will be the next generation of leaders."

He said recent media commentaries had made it clear that Bo would be charged with a crime.

"The signs are there if you look at the Xinhua headlines and the commentaries in the People's Daily," he said. "Bo will go the way of the two Chens."

"Politics is a pretty dangerous game."

Public confirmation

A Beijing-based official familiar with Bo's investigation said he expects some kind of public confirmation of Bo's fate ahead of a crucial leadership meeting later in the year, where the administration of President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao is set to hand over the reins of power to the next generation of Chinese leaders.

"There should be some kind of decision before the 18th Party Congress," the official said.

As discussion and speculation grip the nation, further evidence is emerging to support claims that Bo's campaign against organized crime during his tenure in Chongqing was a "red terror" akin to the worst excesses of the political turmoil of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).

Li Zhuang, a former defense attorney for Chongqing banking official Gong Gangmo, who was found guilty of corruption and was also accused of links to the city's criminal gangs, confirmed recent claims by former Chongqing businessman Li Jun that Bo had presided over a reign of terror in the city.

"A few dozen defendents in the Gong Gangmo case were taken to an army reserve training camp in Tiesanping, strung up, and beaten," Li told RFA's Cantonese service. "This was worse than terrorism."

"These sorts of methods were very common in Chongqing [at that time], and would be used in any criminal case, whether it had links to the mafia or not," Li said.

"They would beat up anyone they detained, then force them to confess, and get them to sign their name to a document that had been prepared well in advance."

He said that some had died in police custody, but that it had proved too difficult to find evidence proving their cause of death.

Businessman poisoned?

On Monday, Reuters reported sources close to the Heywood investigation as saying that the businessman was poisoned after he threatened to expose a plan by Gu to move money abroad, suggesting for the first time a specific motive for Heywood's murder.

It said Gu had "become outraged" after Heywood demanded a larger cut of the money than she had expected due to the size of the transaction, and hatched a plan to kill him.

Gu is currently in police custody on suspicion of committing or arranging Heywood's murder, though no details of the motive or the crime itself have been publicly released.

"Heywood told her that if she thought he was being too greedy, then he didn't need to become involved and wouldn't take a penny of the money, but he also said he could also expose it," one source told Reuters.

Police suspect Heywood, 41, may have been poisoned by a drink, and that he may have been killed at the Nanshan Lijing Holiday Hotel, a secluded hilltop retreat on the outskirts of the city.

The sources said Gu and Heywood, who had lived in China since the early 1990s, shared a long and close personal relationship, but were not romantically involved, the agency said.

Heywood reportedly got to know the powerful family when Bo Xilai was mayor of Dalian in the 1990s. Heywood helped with getting the couple's son, Bo Guagua, into Harrow, an exclusive British boarding school.

Bo Guagua, now a student at Harvard University, has been taken away by U.S. officials, possibly for his own protection, while Heywood's wife has requested a visa to flee China to the U.K., media reports said on Monday.

Reported by Qiao Long for RFA's Mandarin service, and by Hai Nan and Wen Yuqing for the Cantonese service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

From Scrap Dealer to Entrepreneur

From Scrap Dealer to Entrepreneur: A young Vietnamese woman describes how she forged a thriving business out of scrap metal.

AFP

A woman walks with metal she bought as scrap iron for recycling in Hue, May 8, 2002.

In a rare rags-to-riches story, Duong Thi Tuyet toiled for nearly a decade as one of Vietnam’s scrap metal collectors before securing a loan to own and operate her own bronze casting facility. Today, she is an entrepreneur who owns a three-story building and advises her former colleagues on how they can turn their labor into a successful business opportunity.

But Tuyet, 37, was barely able to make ends meet when she started out as a scrap dealer who had to leave school at the age of 14 to help earn money for her poor household in northern Vietnam’s Nam Dinh city.

Tuyet said that both her mother and grandmother before her worked as scrap buyers for their entire lives. At the age of 15, she was already following in their footsteps, carrying bamboo baskets to villages near and far to search for scrap.

“This trade has existed for a long time…. My village's trade was casting pots—pots for cooking rice. Bronze rice cookers were used a long time ago…. The scrap buyers were already around when I was very young. They were farmers who would stop dealing in scrap in time for planting and harvesting,” she said.

“All year round, they work in the fields. Some families plant several 360 square meter (430 square yard) plots, some plant a whole hectare (2.5 acres), but they still work as scrap buyers. Farming only takes one or two months a year. After that, they go to buy and sell scrap.”

After marrying and starting a family of her own with two children, she continued her work selling scrap, while her husband toiled at one of the city’s many bronze-casting facilities.

“I got married, but still had to work as a scrap iron dealer for several years, even after having two children. The job was too hard for me,” she said.

“Each day I could only earn enough to buy vegetables for my family. I had to ride my bike dozens of kilometers each day, but I still could not make enough, let alone have any money to save. I was sad and disappointed. My children were very small then.”

Tuyet knew her husband was skilled in bronze casting and dreamed they would one day own their own bronze-casting shop.

In 1998, she borrowed 500,000 dong (U.S. $24) from a liability financing institution to fund her scrap iron work, allowing her to expand her operation so that she could save money for her future.

In 2000, her parents borrowed 2 million dong (U.S. $96) from a bank, using their house as collateral, to help her start a bronze foundry and hire a worker.

New challenges

Tuyet described the challenges she faced in launching her new business casting incense burners, flower vases, and statues as part of the local craft tradition.

“It was hard. Material back then was not as expensive as it is today—less than 100,000 (U.S. $5) for 1 kilogram (2.2 pounds) of bronze,” Tuyet said.

“But I did not have many clients, and sales were low. I had to go to all the shops in the area to market my products,” she said.

“I didn’t make much capital, so it was not easy to conduct business. Sometimes I couldn’t sell my products and I had to borrow money from relatives and friends to keep my company going.”

After two years, Tuyet’s business started to grow. She learned how to cast bronze and began helping her husband. In 2004, she borrowed 10 million dong (U.S. $480) from the business and built a home and a new facility.

Today, Tuyet’s business and home make up a three-story building and she has hired eight full-time workers. During the peak business season, she has 10 workers on staff. Her monthly revenue ranges between 50 million and 70 million dong (U.S. $2,400 to $3,360), and her business nets a profit of more than 10 million dong (U.S. $480) per month.

In 2008, Tuyet was named Microfinance Entrepreneur of the Nation and in 2011 she was internationally recognized by France-based Planet Finance as an International Microfinance Entrepreneur, becoming the first Vietnamese woman to win the award. She received the prize at a ceremony in Paris last December.

“I was surprised to hear that I won the prize. I never thought I would receive such an honor. I was awarded one prize before—National Microfinance Entrepreneur—and I had thought that was the most I would ever receive.”

Philippe Tavernier, general director of Sogeti—a partner of Planet Finance—said Tuyet had set an example for other entrepreneurs seeking microfinance loans.

“With a small loan, this Vietnamese craftswoman has created wonderful products through her labor and love. What she did deserves to continue to develop in the future,” he said.

Tuyet said she hopes other scrap iron dealers will borrow microloans to start their own businesses so that they won’t have to toil as scrap iron dealers.

“If they can keep their business going and pass it on to their children, this will create a very stable lifestyle.”

Reported by Viet Ha for RFA’s Vietnamese service. Translated by Viet Ha. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

Dalai Lama Slams Beijing for Burnings

Dalai Lama Slams Beijing for Burnings: Tibet's spiritual leader says China's 'totalitarian' policies sparked Tibetan self-immolations.

Photo courtesy of the Dalai Lama's office.

Students perform a cultural dance to greet the Dalai Lama on his arrival in Honolulu, Hawaii, April 13, 2012.

Tibet's spiritual leader the Dalai Lama has blamed Beijing's "totalitarian" and "unrealistic" policies for the wave of self-immolations among Tibetans, saying the time has come for the Chinese authorities to take a serious approach to resolving the Tibetan problem.

He called on the Chinese leadership to adopt a "holistic view" in resolving the Tibetan crisis instead of a "self-centered" approach backed by power and wealth to suppress the Tibetans.

Thirty-three Tibetans have set themselves on fire since February 2009, challenging Beijing's rule in Tibetan-populated areas and calling for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet.

The burnings triggered protests by Tibetans questioning Chinese policies which they say are discriminatory and have robbed them of their rights.

The Dalai Lama, who is currently visiting Hawaii to speak about tolerance and peace, described as "very sad" the self-immolations by the mostly young Tibetans.

"I think this problem is not created by Buddhism, not created by Tibetan Buddhism culture [which is] very peaceful, very compassionate," the Dalai Lama said in an interview with Taiwanese broadcasting station Next TV.

"This problem started from totalitarian, blind sort of unrealistic policy. So, the people who create that policy must think seriously about this—that's my response," he said when asked about the self-immolations in the interview recorded before his Hawaii trip.

'Holistic view'

He asked Beijing not to take a "self-centered and short-sighted" approach but a "holistic view" in dealing with the Tibetan question.

He did not elaborate on the approach but said Chinese authorities should not use its immense power to "control the people."

This is "very short-sighted, very foolish thinking, totally lacking a holistic view."

The latest self-immolation occurred on March 30 when two monks set themselves on fire in Barkham (in Chinese, Ma'erkang) city in the Ngaba (Aba) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan.

The two subsequently died of serious burns, bringing to 25 the number of self-immolating Tibetans who have succumbed to their burns so far.

Contrary

Chinese authorities have labeled the self-immolators as terrorists, outcasts, criminals, and mentally ill people, and have blamed the Dalai Lama for encouraging the burnings which run contrary to Buddhist teachings.

The self-immolation protests have resulted in a Chinese security clampdown in the Tibetan-populated provinces of Sichuan, Qinghai and Ganzi, as well as in the Tibet Autonomous Region.

Aside from detaining hundreds of monks from monasteries, Chinese authorities have jailed scores of Tibetan writers, artists, singers, and educators for asserting Tibetan national identity and civil rights, exile sources said.

Reported by RFA's Tibetan service. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.

Human Rights Watch Annual World Report

Human Rights Watch launched the 22^nd annual edition of its World Report in Cairo on Sunday. The introductory essay (below), by Executive Director Kenneth Roth, addresses the international response to the momentous “Arab Spring.” 

The 676-page book highlights human rights conditions in more than 90 countries around the globe and underscores the most important trends. The World Report 2012 reflects our researchers’ extensive field investigations, undertaken during the past year, often in close partnership with local human rights activists.

It includes information on Mexico’s military abuses, Somalia’s warring factions, Pakistan’s dire human rights situation, and the United States’flawed counter-terrorism policies.

You can download the World Report 2012 for free online (PDF, 4MB), orpurchase a soft-cover copy for $30.

Indonesia: From Vigilantism to Terrorism in Cirebon

Asia Briefing N°13226 Jan 2012

OVERVIEW

Anti-vice raids and actions against non-Muslim minorities are becoming a path to more violent jihadism in Indonesia. The 2011 suicide bombings of a police mosque in Cirebon, West Java and an evangelical church in Solo, Central Java were carried out by men who moved from using sticks and stones in the name of upholding morality and curbing “deviance” to using bombs and guns. They show how ideological and tactical lines within the radical community have blurred, meaning that counter-terrorism programs that operate on the assumption that “terrorists” are a clearly definable group distinguishable from hardline activists and religious vigilantes are bound to fail. They also mean that the government must develop a strategy, consistent with democratic values, for countering clerics who use no violence themselves but preach that it is permissible to shed the blood of infidels (kafir) or oppressors (thaghut), meaning government officials and particularly the police.

These men represent a generational shift from the jihadis trained abroad or who got their first combat experience a decade ago in the two major post-Soeharto communal conflicts in Ambon, Maluku and Poso, Central Sulawesi. They are less skilled, less experienced and less educated than the Afghan and Mindanao alumni, most of them coming from poor backgrounds and relying on petty trade for their livelihood. Most of them were members of the Cirebon branch of the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia, MMI) and Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), two organisations led by Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, Indonesia’s most prominent radical cleric, now imprisoned, before leaving to form their own group.

This does not mean that the threat from other groups has disappeared. JAT has active cells in Poso and elsewhere, and the arrest outside Jakarta in July 2011 of Abu Umar, the Mindanao-trained leader of a Darul Islam splinter group, exposed the existence of a large jihadi organisation with a presence in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. There are other potential problems from disaffected or isolated members of older groups like Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) that have moved away from violence; fugitives from earlier operations; former high-risk prisoners or men they recruited inside; younger siblings of slain or detained terrorism suspects; and individuals, including from JAT, who have taken part in Islamist military training (tadrib) and want to test their skills. But the Cirebon men represent a path to jihadism that may become the common pattern.

Its members not only absorbed the teachings of radical clerics like Ba’asyir and the even more radical Halawi Makmun, a preacher who argues that the Indonesian government is a legitimate target for attack. They also shared the widespread anger in the radical community over the arrests and deaths of suspected terrorists that arose in the aftermath of the breakup of the training camp in Aceh in February 2010. It is hard to overemphasise the impact these operations had or the desire for revenge they engendered. Because so many people were involved in the camp, from Sumatra, Java and points east, nearly every radical group in the country had a connection to someone who took part or was involved in trying to help fugitives or raise money for the families of those detained or killed. Anger at the police reached new heights, and Ba’asyir’s arrest in August 2010 pushed it further. In Solo, a group called the Hisbah Team (Tim Hisbah) evolved from vigilantism to jihadism as a direct result of anger over post-Aceh police operations.

The fusion of religious vigilantism in the name of upholding morality and orthodoxy with jihadism vastly complicates the government’s counter-radicalisation task. While most people are willing to condemn terrorism, hardline vigilantes often have support from officials in government and quasi-government institutions like the Majelis Ulama Indonesia, especially at a local level.

If the radicalisation of groups like the Cirebon men is to be halted, the government needs to develop a strategy that builds a national consensus on what constitutes extremism; directly confronts “hate speech”; and promotes zero tolerance of religiously-inspired crimes, however minor, including in the course of anti-vice campaigns.

Jakarta/Brussels, 26 January 2012

Source page - http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/b132-indonesia-from-vigilantism-to-terrorism-in-cirebon.aspx

Full report - http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/B132%20Indonesia%20-%20From%20Vigilantism%20to%20Terrorism%20in%20Cirebon.pdf