Laggard Laos Plays Catch-Up:
Laos, the poorest Southeast Asian state, is expected to expand its economy rapidly and shave poverty substantially over the next five years as it beefs up its infrastructure to turn the landlocked nation into a land-linked one, Prime Minister Thongsing Thammavong said Thursday.
Speaking at the World Economic Forum on East Asia in Bangkok on the theme of “Shaping the Region's Future through Connectivity,” he forecast that Laos could chalk up eight percent economic growth annually in the next five years and slash poverty to less than 10 percent by 2015.
He said the country was banking on boosting its road, railway, and other transportation links with Thailand, China, and other countries— extending eventually to India and Singapore—to gain from the regional economic expansion.
“The Lao PDR attaches great importance to connectivity and we are undertaking the implementation of a policy to transform [Laos] from a landlocked to a land-linked nation with its neighboring countries, in order to contribute to our national social and economic development and poverty eradication,” Thammavong said.
He said the bridges, roads, and railways already built to connect Laos with its neighbors have made “important contributions” to the country’s social and economic development, helping annual economic growth reach 7 percent and reduce the poverty rate from 33.5 percent in 2005 to 26 percent in 2010.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has launched a master plan to build physical, institutional, and people-to-people “connectivity” as China also pours millions of dollars to build an extensive network of roads and railways that will solidify links with the growing region.
Through further connectivity, Laos hopes to overcome its “daunting challenges” and graduate from least-developed country status by 2020, Thammavong said.
But one important factor to closer regional integration will be narrowing economic gaps among Association of East Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries, he said.
“My hope is that in the future we shall do whatever we can to make ASEAN to achieve the goal of narrowing development gaps in all aspects, so that ASEAN is one community with unity and solidarity,” he said.
Aside from Laos, ASEAN comprises Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.
Laos is the most backward of the group’s 10 member states, which have set a goal of creating an integrated ASEAN Economic Community by 2015, transforming the region of 600 million people into a single market and production base.
While Laos, a one-party communist state, moves to step up development, rights groups complain of government repossession of land from the people and other human rights problems, including lack of political freedom, harsh prison conditions, and rampant official corruption.
World Economic Forum
At the Bangkok forum, attended by over 630 participants from 50 countries, Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra stressed in her speech at the opening ceremony that stronger economic ties would help the region through tough times.
"To address the challenges of global economic turmoil, we must continue promoting regional cooperation and integration,” she said, as the current crisis over the euro shakes Asian markets and threatens to slam the brakes on growth.
Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung said connectivity would help Asia weather economic shocks.
“Regional cooperation and connectivity are also a factor in … Asia’s dynamism and helping it build resilience against outside shocks, particularly the 2008-2009 financial crisis and economic slowdown,” Dung said.
He added that current coordination mechanisms in the region “are not efficient and integrated enough.”
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is in Bangkok on her first trip abroad in 24 years, is expected to address the forum Friday.
Reported by Rachel Vandenbrink.
May 31, 2012
Exile Uyghur Leader’s Children Pressured
Exile Uyghur Leader’s Children Pressured:
Officials in China’s northwestern Xinjiang region have forced exile Uyghur leader Rebiya Kadeer’s son to give up the family’s property, an overseas rights group said Wednesday, as Beijing increases the pressure on the activist’s family.
Alim Abdureyim, the imprisoned son of Kadeer, who is World Uyghur Congress (WUC) president, was compelled to sign documents handing over to the government two buildings in the regional capital of Urumqi, the WUC said.
Officials plan to demolish the Kadeer Trade Center, a business center Kadeer built in 1990, and the Akida Trade Center, formerly owned by her daughter Akida Rouzi, in a matter of weeks, relatives told the WUC.
The move comes as another of Kadeer’s sons, Ablikim Abdureyim, was transferred to a high-security prison.
Kadeer, a former businesswoman who came to the U.S. in 2005 after spending six years in jail in Xinjiang for "endangering state security," said she believed officials intended the pressure on her sons as retaliation against her advocacy efforts.
“My sons’ only ‘crime’ is their relationship to me—and because the Chinese government is no longer able to silence me, they are going after my family,” she said.
World Uyghur Congress
Alim and Ablikim Abdureyim were both arrested days after Kadeer was elected president of the World Uyghur Congress in 2006 and later sentenced on charges of tax evasion and “secessionism,” respectively.
Other members of Kadeer’s family who live in Xinjiang, including her children and grandchildren and their spouses, have been subjected to scrutiny by authorities.
Scrutiny on the family members increased following July 2009 ethnic violence that erupted between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, which Beijing accused Kadeer of orchestrating.
The move to demolish the family’s buildings follows the WUC’s biennial general assembly, held in Tokyo earlier this month, that sparked a diplomatic row between China and Japan.
Some 120 Uyghur representatives from diaspora communities around the world gathered in Tokyo for the meeting, which Beijing had told Tokyo not to host, saying that Japanese support for exile Uyghurs amounted to “interference in China’s internal affairs.”
Kadeer compared the pressure on her family to the case of blind Chinese dissident Chen Guangcheng, who arrived in the U.S. this month after fleeing house arrest in northeastern China and remains concerned about retribution against his relatives back in China.
“The time has come for Chinese leaders to end the unlawful, brutal mistreatment of our loved ones,” Kadeer said.
Reported by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Officials in China’s northwestern Xinjiang region have forced exile Uyghur leader Rebiya Kadeer’s son to give up the family’s property, an overseas rights group said Wednesday, as Beijing increases the pressure on the activist’s family.
Alim Abdureyim, the imprisoned son of Kadeer, who is World Uyghur Congress (WUC) president, was compelled to sign documents handing over to the government two buildings in the regional capital of Urumqi, the WUC said.
Officials plan to demolish the Kadeer Trade Center, a business center Kadeer built in 1990, and the Akida Trade Center, formerly owned by her daughter Akida Rouzi, in a matter of weeks, relatives told the WUC.
The move comes as another of Kadeer’s sons, Ablikim Abdureyim, was transferred to a high-security prison.
Kadeer, a former businesswoman who came to the U.S. in 2005 after spending six years in jail in Xinjiang for "endangering state security," said she believed officials intended the pressure on her sons as retaliation against her advocacy efforts.
“My sons’ only ‘crime’ is their relationship to me—and because the Chinese government is no longer able to silence me, they are going after my family,” she said.
World Uyghur Congress
Alim and Ablikim Abdureyim were both arrested days after Kadeer was elected president of the World Uyghur Congress in 2006 and later sentenced on charges of tax evasion and “secessionism,” respectively.
Other members of Kadeer’s family who live in Xinjiang, including her children and grandchildren and their spouses, have been subjected to scrutiny by authorities.
Scrutiny on the family members increased following July 2009 ethnic violence that erupted between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, which Beijing accused Kadeer of orchestrating.
The move to demolish the family’s buildings follows the WUC’s biennial general assembly, held in Tokyo earlier this month, that sparked a diplomatic row between China and Japan.
Some 120 Uyghur representatives from diaspora communities around the world gathered in Tokyo for the meeting, which Beijing had told Tokyo not to host, saying that Japanese support for exile Uyghurs amounted to “interference in China’s internal affairs.”
Kadeer compared the pressure on her family to the case of blind Chinese dissident Chen Guangcheng, who arrived in the U.S. this month after fleeing house arrest in northeastern China and remains concerned about retribution against his relatives back in China.
“The time has come for Chinese leaders to end the unlawful, brutal mistreatment of our loved ones,” Kadeer said.
Reported by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Note on new site of TL President Taur Matan Ruak
Clean new site of TL President Taur Matan Ruak. Even has a working RSS feed. Not sure yet how many stories it will average daily (light, probably), nor what kind of President he will be, but he knew enough to hire someone who could make and (apparently) maintain a useful official site in a country where official (and most unofficial sites) have less than a stellar reputation. Even dares to use English (but not Indonesian) for wide communication at a time when so many TL sites have drifted to Tetun. Portuguese sites on TL seem to be waning (as is Portugal).
http://presidenttimorleste.tl/
http://presidenttimorleste.tl/
Americans Not Highly Focused on European Financial Crisis
Americans Not Highly Focused on European Financial Crisis: Americans are not paying very close attention to the financial situation in Europe, with 49% following it at least somewhat closely. Seven in 10 are concerned about its impact on the U.S. economy, including 31% who are very concerned.
May 30, 2012
Structure of U.S. Presidential Race Shows Little Change So Far
Structure of U.S. Presidential Race Shows Little Change So Far: The race for president is broadly stable, both overall and within demographic groups. Barack Obama and Mitt Romney are tied, 46% to 46%, in May 7-27 interviewing, as they were in the previous three-week period.
Future of Funcinpec Requires a New Vision
Future of Funcinpec Requires a New Vision:
by Pou Sothirak, for the Cambodia Daily, dated 29 May 2012
The political landscape in Cambodia has recently witnessed a latest but not surprised spin-off between FUNCINPCE and Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP). This move marks a political survival instinct from leaders of the splinter royalist groups who were calling for this long- awaited reunification in an attempt to prepare themselves to face off in the national election scheduled for July next year. An agreement to merge the two parties into a party called Funcinpec party was signed on Thursday at the Peace Palace in Phnom Penh with the blessing from the prime minister of Cambodia.
This turn of event reminds me of an interesting encounter. On a trip abroad about 2 years ago, I was asked by a concerned and educated-young Cambodian: ”What will be the future of Funcinpec?” I answered “It depends on the leadership”.
I did not elaborate after that as the question was addressed to me during a public meeting. Later, I met the man who asked the question on the sidelines and quietly told him that the political base of Funcinpec has been shattered due to the ongoing bickering among the leadership and misconduct of the core value of Funcinpec.
After a strong start in the U.N. Transitional Authority in Cambodia-sponsored 1993 elections, Funcinpec continually lost votes in the subsequent elections. From winning the election in 1993 until now, Funcinpec has shrunk nearly to oblivion, a decline from 58 seats in Parliament in 1993 (45.47 percent of the votes), to 43 seats in 1998, 26 seats in 2003, and just two seats in 2008 (5.6 percent of the votes).
Those who are sincere with the future of Funcinpec must find out why this decline occurred, and ultimately draw lessons from the continuous defeats.
The party was not only stained with personality clashes, poor leadership, weak organizational structure and a non-committal attitude toward party’s agenda, but also a good dose of personal interest rather than national interest.
This has taken its toll in nearly destroying Funcinpec and diminishing its vitality as the main political party in the country. The grassroots supporters have started to lose confidence and see the party as a mere political instrument of another party. The watershed split before the 2008 election had further weakened Funcinpec, which in turn led to the creation of the NPR.
Anyone is concerned about the future of the Funcinpec party must address the leadership issue, and restore the founding principle that galvanizes the spirit of Funcinpec. Perhaps it must appear more independent from the coalition arrangement, and having its own vision and sincere commitment to tackle national issues may not be a bad idea. After all, the respect of the monarchy among the Cambodians is still alive, and revitalizing a genuine unification and reconciliation among the royalist camp may give a booth to the resurrection of the party.
It is never too late to recognize the shortfalls so long as Funcinpec leaders remain open-minded, learn from their mistakes and are willing to sacrifice personal interest to regain the composure of being a leading party again.
Only actions from the leadership can tell if the new merger will last, and if it can repair the damages that were done, which in turn will inspire more support for the party in the future. The challenges are many and strong, and it is easy to blame external culprits. But it is vital to look deep internally and take full responsibility to correct the past discrepancies, however painful and difficult they might be.
I consider myself as one of the well-wishers for a successful and long lasting merger. May the future of Funcinpec contribute to a modern Cambodia that has an open society with multi- party political system.
Pou Sothirak is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore
by Pou Sothirak, for the Cambodia Daily, dated 29 May 2012The political landscape in Cambodia has recently witnessed a latest but not surprised spin-off between FUNCINPCE and Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP). This move marks a political survival instinct from leaders of the splinter royalist groups who were calling for this long- awaited reunification in an attempt to prepare themselves to face off in the national election scheduled for July next year. An agreement to merge the two parties into a party called Funcinpec party was signed on Thursday at the Peace Palace in Phnom Penh with the blessing from the prime minister of Cambodia.
This turn of event reminds me of an interesting encounter. On a trip abroad about 2 years ago, I was asked by a concerned and educated-young Cambodian: ”What will be the future of Funcinpec?” I answered “It depends on the leadership”.
I did not elaborate after that as the question was addressed to me during a public meeting. Later, I met the man who asked the question on the sidelines and quietly told him that the political base of Funcinpec has been shattered due to the ongoing bickering among the leadership and misconduct of the core value of Funcinpec.
After a strong start in the U.N. Transitional Authority in Cambodia-sponsored 1993 elections, Funcinpec continually lost votes in the subsequent elections. From winning the election in 1993 until now, Funcinpec has shrunk nearly to oblivion, a decline from 58 seats in Parliament in 1993 (45.47 percent of the votes), to 43 seats in 1998, 26 seats in 2003, and just two seats in 2008 (5.6 percent of the votes).
Those who are sincere with the future of Funcinpec must find out why this decline occurred, and ultimately draw lessons from the continuous defeats.
The party was not only stained with personality clashes, poor leadership, weak organizational structure and a non-committal attitude toward party’s agenda, but also a good dose of personal interest rather than national interest.
This has taken its toll in nearly destroying Funcinpec and diminishing its vitality as the main political party in the country. The grassroots supporters have started to lose confidence and see the party as a mere political instrument of another party. The watershed split before the 2008 election had further weakened Funcinpec, which in turn led to the creation of the NPR.
Anyone is concerned about the future of the Funcinpec party must address the leadership issue, and restore the founding principle that galvanizes the spirit of Funcinpec. Perhaps it must appear more independent from the coalition arrangement, and having its own vision and sincere commitment to tackle national issues may not be a bad idea. After all, the respect of the monarchy among the Cambodians is still alive, and revitalizing a genuine unification and reconciliation among the royalist camp may give a booth to the resurrection of the party.
It is never too late to recognize the shortfalls so long as Funcinpec leaders remain open-minded, learn from their mistakes and are willing to sacrifice personal interest to regain the composure of being a leading party again.
Only actions from the leadership can tell if the new merger will last, and if it can repair the damages that were done, which in turn will inspire more support for the party in the future. The challenges are many and strong, and it is easy to blame external culprits. But it is vital to look deep internally and take full responsibility to correct the past discrepancies, however painful and difficult they might be.
I consider myself as one of the well-wishers for a successful and long lasting merger. May the future of Funcinpec contribute to a modern Cambodia that has an open society with multi- party political system.
Pou Sothirak is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore
Video on PM Yingluck’s Australia visit
Video on PM Yingluck’s Australia visit:
New Mandala readers who have been following Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s visit to Canberra will enjoy this brief report (in Thai) on her time in Canberra. It covers a number of events at Parliament House, a wreath-laying ceremony at the Australian War Memorial and a tree-planting at the National Aboretum. If you watch the video closely you get taken on a “who’s who” tour of Australian and Thai “movers and shakers”. Pictured above is ANU Vice Chancellor Professor Ian Young enjoying the lunch mentioned in Andrew Walker’s recent New Mandala post.
New Mandala readers who have been following Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s visit to Canberra will enjoy this brief report (in Thai) on her time in Canberra. It covers a number of events at Parliament House, a wreath-laying ceremony at the Australian War Memorial and a tree-planting at the National Aboretum. If you watch the video closely you get taken on a “who’s who” tour of Australian and Thai “movers and shakers”. Pictured above is ANU Vice Chancellor Professor Ian Young enjoying the lunch mentioned in Andrew Walker’s recent New Mandala post.
Ambiga and the fate of women leaders in Malaysia
Ambiga and the fate of women leaders in Malaysia:
Gender equality is not a reality in Malaysia, despite recent government assurances. The treatment of Bersih organising committee co-chairperson Ambiga Sreenevasan confirms this.
April was a terrible month for women in the country.
It saw Prime Minister Najib Razak announce that he would be taking over the portfolio of the Minister for Women, Family and Community Development, following the resignation of its Minister, under pressure for corruption.
Local women’s groups were aghast at the move, noting, in a joint statement, that women’s affairs had “languished at the bottom of the pile” when it had previously been located in the Prime Minister’s Office.
Later that month, Bersih organised a series of rallies, collectively known as Bersih 3.0, calling for clean and fair elections, and the government has used the violent turn of events that day as a platform from which to increase its attacks on Ambiga.
Already, Ambiga’s name could scarcely be mentioned amongst government insiders without some measure of vitriol attached to it.
“Who doesn’t know Ambiga. She’s the one who threatened Islam,” Najib reportedly told a crowd in the run-up to the Bersih 2.0 rally last year.
“Awas! Ambiga wanita Hindu yang berbahaya” (“Warning! Ambiga is a dangerous Hindu woman”) read leaflets distributed by Malay rights group Perkasa.
Less than a fortnight after the Bersih 3.0 rally, Ambiga’s critics began to drive home their points – quite literally. Traders apparently upset about alleged loss of income from Bersih 3.0 held a protest outside Ambiga’s house, by setting up a burger stall and giving away free burgers.
A few days later, a group of army veterans turned up on Ambiga’s doorstep to stage their own protest. The protest included having the ex-servicemen turn their backs on her home, and stretch and shake their buttocks as part of an “exercise”. The group warned they would take further action if Ambiga continued to bring more trouble to Malaysia.
Since then, two more groups have attempted to hold protests outside or near her house, with one even handing over a memorandum detailing why Ambiga should leave the country if she did not apologise to all Malaysians.
Ambiga called the veterans’ protest “crude”, and has referred to the protests on her doorstep as an “invasion of privacy.” Her fellow co-chairperson, former national laureate A Samad Said, meanwhile, has raised the question of why he and none of the other members of the organising committee have been targeted in the way that Ambiga has.
Ambiga is unique amongst the committee members in her role as a member from two marginalised positions. “She is an Indian, a non-Muslim. If Ambiga was me, these threats targeting her would not have happened,” Samad said, highlighting how her ethnicity set her apart in the doorstep protests.
But Ambiga is also a high-profile woman leader, having previously received a string of domestic and international honours and titles, including the International Women of Courage Award from US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 2009.
Women leaders across the world have spoken of heightened scrutiny and gendered criticisms as they attempt to do their job, as the assumption that men and women belong in the public and private spheres respectively continues to hold stead.
In Malaysia, prospects for women are not looking any brighter. Sexist stereotypes and innuendos thrive in the political realm. Male politicians from the ruling coalition have in the past been allowed to get away with comparing women with toilets, proposing women try to enjoy being raped, and even discussing the menstrual cycle of their female colleagues in parliament.
A flippant remark from Najib’s predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi – to listen to one’s wife “only when it comes to dressing up – not on policy matters” – is illustrative of the attitude of many of the Malaysian political elite to women: that they are best in a support-role, to either her husband or children (or both).
Crucial here is the condition that women must not be outspoken. Rafidah Aziz was well-known for her direct talk, and for many years her position as the Minister of International Trade and Industry was hailed as an achievement for the status of women in Malaysia.
But a dispute in the media with former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in 2006 saw Rafidah break down in tears at one press conference. The editorial cartoon Senyum Kambing in local government-owned paper Utusan Malaysia mocked the tears of the woman it had a year before jokingly referred to as an “iron lady”.
Rafidah, once a woman known for her strength, had been revealed to be very much a woman, prone to emotional episodes, after all. She’d been broken, and the patriarchal enforcers were delighted.
The veterans’ exercises performed outside Ambiga’s house was a not-so-subtle way of raising the gender politics at play here. A group of men using sexual imagery to attack a woman is not just bizarre. It is a threat, and a reminder of the dominant hold men have over women in a patriarchal environment.
“A dangerous Hindu woman,” warned the Perkasa flyer, immediately warning everyone that the privileged position of those at the top of the gendered pyramid was being threatened by the outspoken woman Ambiga.
“The fate of women in this country is far better as they no longer have to fight for gender equality (like in certain countries),” Najib was quoted as saying earlier this month.
Meanwhile, young girls in Malaysia are watching what is happening to Ambiga, and trying to decide if being a leader is really something worth striving for.
Dahlia Martin is currently doing her PhD on motherhood and Malay Muslim identity at Flinders University.
Gender equality is not a reality in Malaysia, despite recent government assurances. The treatment of Bersih organising committee co-chairperson Ambiga Sreenevasan confirms this.
April was a terrible month for women in the country.
It saw Prime Minister Najib Razak announce that he would be taking over the portfolio of the Minister for Women, Family and Community Development, following the resignation of its Minister, under pressure for corruption.
Local women’s groups were aghast at the move, noting, in a joint statement, that women’s affairs had “languished at the bottom of the pile” when it had previously been located in the Prime Minister’s Office.
Later that month, Bersih organised a series of rallies, collectively known as Bersih 3.0, calling for clean and fair elections, and the government has used the violent turn of events that day as a platform from which to increase its attacks on Ambiga.
Already, Ambiga’s name could scarcely be mentioned amongst government insiders without some measure of vitriol attached to it.
“Who doesn’t know Ambiga. She’s the one who threatened Islam,” Najib reportedly told a crowd in the run-up to the Bersih 2.0 rally last year.
“Awas! Ambiga wanita Hindu yang berbahaya” (“Warning! Ambiga is a dangerous Hindu woman”) read leaflets distributed by Malay rights group Perkasa.
Less than a fortnight after the Bersih 3.0 rally, Ambiga’s critics began to drive home their points – quite literally. Traders apparently upset about alleged loss of income from Bersih 3.0 held a protest outside Ambiga’s house, by setting up a burger stall and giving away free burgers.
A few days later, a group of army veterans turned up on Ambiga’s doorstep to stage their own protest. The protest included having the ex-servicemen turn their backs on her home, and stretch and shake their buttocks as part of an “exercise”. The group warned they would take further action if Ambiga continued to bring more trouble to Malaysia.
Since then, two more groups have attempted to hold protests outside or near her house, with one even handing over a memorandum detailing why Ambiga should leave the country if she did not apologise to all Malaysians.
Ambiga called the veterans’ protest “crude”, and has referred to the protests on her doorstep as an “invasion of privacy.” Her fellow co-chairperson, former national laureate A Samad Said, meanwhile, has raised the question of why he and none of the other members of the organising committee have been targeted in the way that Ambiga has.
Ambiga is unique amongst the committee members in her role as a member from two marginalised positions. “She is an Indian, a non-Muslim. If Ambiga was me, these threats targeting her would not have happened,” Samad said, highlighting how her ethnicity set her apart in the doorstep protests.
But Ambiga is also a high-profile woman leader, having previously received a string of domestic and international honours and titles, including the International Women of Courage Award from US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 2009.
Women leaders across the world have spoken of heightened scrutiny and gendered criticisms as they attempt to do their job, as the assumption that men and women belong in the public and private spheres respectively continues to hold stead.
In Malaysia, prospects for women are not looking any brighter. Sexist stereotypes and innuendos thrive in the political realm. Male politicians from the ruling coalition have in the past been allowed to get away with comparing women with toilets, proposing women try to enjoy being raped, and even discussing the menstrual cycle of their female colleagues in parliament.
A flippant remark from Najib’s predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi – to listen to one’s wife “only when it comes to dressing up – not on policy matters” – is illustrative of the attitude of many of the Malaysian political elite to women: that they are best in a support-role, to either her husband or children (or both).
Crucial here is the condition that women must not be outspoken. Rafidah Aziz was well-known for her direct talk, and for many years her position as the Minister of International Trade and Industry was hailed as an achievement for the status of women in Malaysia.
But a dispute in the media with former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in 2006 saw Rafidah break down in tears at one press conference. The editorial cartoon Senyum Kambing in local government-owned paper Utusan Malaysia mocked the tears of the woman it had a year before jokingly referred to as an “iron lady”.
Rafidah, once a woman known for her strength, had been revealed to be very much a woman, prone to emotional episodes, after all. She’d been broken, and the patriarchal enforcers were delighted.
The veterans’ exercises performed outside Ambiga’s house was a not-so-subtle way of raising the gender politics at play here. A group of men using sexual imagery to attack a woman is not just bizarre. It is a threat, and a reminder of the dominant hold men have over women in a patriarchal environment.
“A dangerous Hindu woman,” warned the Perkasa flyer, immediately warning everyone that the privileged position of those at the top of the gendered pyramid was being threatened by the outspoken woman Ambiga.
“The fate of women in this country is far better as they no longer have to fight for gender equality (like in certain countries),” Najib was quoted as saying earlier this month.
Meanwhile, young girls in Malaysia are watching what is happening to Ambiga, and trying to decide if being a leader is really something worth striving for.
Dahlia Martin is currently doing her PhD on motherhood and Malay Muslim identity at Flinders University.
Sultan of Johor, WWW1 and $165,600
Sultan of Johor, WWW1 and $165,600:
The Sultan of Johor set a record when he paid RM520,000 or approximately US$165,600 for a number plate – WWW1. It is unclear how the Sultan has in his possession such large amounts of disposable wealth.
Like many other Malay royals with a penchant for the ostentious, the Sultan’s indulgence at other times are usually forgiven by his loyal subjects.
But Malaysia is experiencing social change in unprecedented ways due to economic and political upheavals. The Malaysian economy has been stagnating for the past decade and the government has been arguing that Malaysians should tighten their belts as the government struggles to introduce new taxes and cuts subsidies.
While mainstream media paints the Malay royals as adored by their subjects, the reality is likely to be the converse judging by recent developments. Royals are increasingly, albeit inadvertently, caught up in the highly polarised politics of Malay supremacy – in a discourse about the protection of Malay institutions (the Malay race, Islam, Malay Royalty, Malay language, Malay culture, etc) that is used by the ruling party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).
One of the outcomes of these upheavals has been the growing number of Malays who realise that their welfare and happiness are not a function of protecting Malay institutions. In fact, an increasing number of young and educated Malays are arguing the opposite: that calls to protect Malay institutions are nothing more than a ploy to protect the current ruling elites.
If the state of the monarchy in Thailand is anything to go by, Malaysia’s Malay monarchs, if they are not careful, could be facing the same predicament. As an aside, a cursory scan of the web provides ample evidence of the Johor royal families extensive car collection.
The Sultan of Johor set a record when he paid RM520,000 or approximately US$165,600 for a number plate – WWW1. It is unclear how the Sultan has in his possession such large amounts of disposable wealth.
Like many other Malay royals with a penchant for the ostentious, the Sultan’s indulgence at other times are usually forgiven by his loyal subjects.
But Malaysia is experiencing social change in unprecedented ways due to economic and political upheavals. The Malaysian economy has been stagnating for the past decade and the government has been arguing that Malaysians should tighten their belts as the government struggles to introduce new taxes and cuts subsidies.
While mainstream media paints the Malay royals as adored by their subjects, the reality is likely to be the converse judging by recent developments. Royals are increasingly, albeit inadvertently, caught up in the highly polarised politics of Malay supremacy – in a discourse about the protection of Malay institutions (the Malay race, Islam, Malay Royalty, Malay language, Malay culture, etc) that is used by the ruling party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).
One of the outcomes of these upheavals has been the growing number of Malays who realise that their welfare and happiness are not a function of protecting Malay institutions. In fact, an increasing number of young and educated Malays are arguing the opposite: that calls to protect Malay institutions are nothing more than a ploy to protect the current ruling elites.
If the state of the monarchy in Thailand is anything to go by, Malaysia’s Malay monarchs, if they are not careful, could be facing the same predicament. As an aside, a cursory scan of the web provides ample evidence of the Johor royal families extensive car collection.
UNHCR ready to assist newly displaced in Mogadishu
UNHCR ready to assist newly displaced in Mogadishu: In Somalia, UNHCR and our partners stand ready to assist displaced people from Afgooye as they arrive in Mogadishu. Since 22 May, some 14,000 people have been displaced from Afgooye as a result of military...
ISRAEL: Abraham Alu, “We have to move… but there’s nowhere to go”
ISRAEL: Abraham Alu, “We have to move… but there’s nowhere to go”:
 | TEL AVIV, 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - Abraham Alu, a 35-year-old South Sudanese is one of roughly 60,000 African asylum seekers in Israel. He lives in south Tel Aviv where rents are cheap, does odd jobs and scrapes by, but feels constantly threatened. |
Analysis: Battle for “hearts and minds” as Yemen crisis deepens
Analysis: Battle for “hearts and minds” as Yemen crisis deepens:
 | SANA'A, 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - The conflict between Yemeni government forces and the militant Ansar Al Shariah group in southern Yemen has worsened the humanitarian crisis in a country where nearly half of the population is facing food insecurity and almost one million children are acutely malnourished. |
KENYA: Thousands displaced by clashes in west
KENYA: Thousands displaced by clashes in west:
 | BARINGO-NORTH, 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - Clashes between two communities in western Kenya's Rift Valley Province have led to the displacement of thousands of people, the closure of several schools and calls for the government to beef up security. |
PHILIPPINES: Steep rise in gender-based violence
PHILIPPINES: Steep rise in gender-based violence:
 | MANILA, 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in the Philippines are reporting a sharp uptick in the number of gender-based violence cases over the last five years. The World Health Organization described the level of sexual violence in the Philippines as “a serious cause of concern”. |
NIGER: In deep water
NIGER: In deep water:
 | JOHANNESBURG, 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - Right now, people in Niger, Mali and Nigeria could be sipping 50,000-year-old water from a two-aquifer system buried below their feet. But some of it may be contaminated. |
SLIDESHOW: Charles Taylor’s legacy in Sierra Leone and Liberia
SLIDESHOW: Charles Taylor’s legacy in Sierra Leone and Liberia:
 | DAKAR, 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - The recent conviction of Charles Taylor in The Hague for aiding and abetting war crimes in Sierra Leone has been a potent reminder of the role of natural resources in fuelling conflict in West Africa. |
KENYA: Oil, hope and fear
KENYA: Oil, hope and fear:
 | LODWAR/LOKICHAR, 29 May 2012 (IRIN) - Although just a few hundred kilometres from Nairobi, the county of Turkana, where newly-confirmed oil reserves are set to go on stream in the next few years, feels more like a million miles away from the gleaming skyscrapers and concentrations of power and money found in Kenya's capital. |
Court Rejects Activists’ Appeals
Court Rejects Activists’ Appeals:
A Vietnamese court on Wednesday dismissed the appeals of two activists against jail terms imposed on them for spreading “anti-government propaganda,” despite calls for their unconditional release by international rights groups.
Female blogger Ho Thi Bich Khuong, 44, was sentenced to five years in prison and three years of house arrest while Pastor Nguyen Trung Ton, 40, was given two years in jail and two more under house arrest. Both their sentences were meted out last December.
The two had been arrested on November 15 for violating article 88 of Vietnam’s penal code, which forbids “conducting propaganda against the Socialist Republic of Vietnam,” state media said at the time.
Khuong was also accused of slandering the Vietnamese government in interviews with foreign radio stations and of belonging to rights groups with “reactionary” people.
Agence France Presse quoted an official at the court in central Nghe An province who confirmed the rejection of the appeals after a half-day hearing.
"The prison sentences of Ho Thi Bich Khuong and Nguyen Trung Ton were upheld on appeal this morning," the official said on condition of anonymity.
Media controls remain restricted in Vietnam, which New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) has accused of mounting a sophisticated and sustained attack on online dissent, including by detaining and intimidating anti-government bloggers.
Call for release
In a statement released ahead of the appeal hearing, HRW called on the Vietnamese government to free Khuong, who says she was beaten and tortured in jail.
“For the third time in seven years, Ho Thi Bich Khuong is in prison for exercising the right to voice her views,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at HRW.
“The systematic application of article 88 to arbitrarily punish bloggers and critics shows that Vietnam’s disrespect for freedom of expression continues unabated.”
Khuong was previously jailed for two years in 2008 after being convicted of “abusing democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interests of the state.” She was also imprisoned for six months in 2005 for “disrupting public order” under article 245 after filing complaints to the central government against the confiscation of her shops by local authorities.
Robertson also called on the Vietnamese government to investigate allegations by Khuong of most recently being beaten several times by another prisoner while guards looked away and by investigation police during pre-trial detention for one of her earlier jail terms.
“Police continue to systematically torture people in pre-trial detention,” said Robertson.
“The government should conduct a thorough and transparent investigation of Ho Thi Bich Khuong’s serious allegations and hold to account any officials responsible for beating her or tolerating abuse by other prisoners.”
Vietnam is currently drafting a 60-article decree that would make bloggers post their real names and contact details, require government approval for news websites to publish stories, and force site administrators to report any banned online activity.
France-based Reporters Without Borders, which lists Vietnam as an “Enemy of the Internet,” says at least three journalists and 17 bloggers are currently in jail in the one-party state.
Reported by Joshua Lipes.
A Vietnamese court on Wednesday dismissed the appeals of two activists against jail terms imposed on them for spreading “anti-government propaganda,” despite calls for their unconditional release by international rights groups.
Female blogger Ho Thi Bich Khuong, 44, was sentenced to five years in prison and three years of house arrest while Pastor Nguyen Trung Ton, 40, was given two years in jail and two more under house arrest. Both their sentences were meted out last December.
The two had been arrested on November 15 for violating article 88 of Vietnam’s penal code, which forbids “conducting propaganda against the Socialist Republic of Vietnam,” state media said at the time.
Khuong was also accused of slandering the Vietnamese government in interviews with foreign radio stations and of belonging to rights groups with “reactionary” people.
Agence France Presse quoted an official at the court in central Nghe An province who confirmed the rejection of the appeals after a half-day hearing.
"The prison sentences of Ho Thi Bich Khuong and Nguyen Trung Ton were upheld on appeal this morning," the official said on condition of anonymity.
Media controls remain restricted in Vietnam, which New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) has accused of mounting a sophisticated and sustained attack on online dissent, including by detaining and intimidating anti-government bloggers.
Call for release
In a statement released ahead of the appeal hearing, HRW called on the Vietnamese government to free Khuong, who says she was beaten and tortured in jail.
“For the third time in seven years, Ho Thi Bich Khuong is in prison for exercising the right to voice her views,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at HRW.
“The systematic application of article 88 to arbitrarily punish bloggers and critics shows that Vietnam’s disrespect for freedom of expression continues unabated.”
Khuong was previously jailed for two years in 2008 after being convicted of “abusing democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interests of the state.” She was also imprisoned for six months in 2005 for “disrupting public order” under article 245 after filing complaints to the central government against the confiscation of her shops by local authorities.
Robertson also called on the Vietnamese government to investigate allegations by Khuong of most recently being beaten several times by another prisoner while guards looked away and by investigation police during pre-trial detention for one of her earlier jail terms.
“Police continue to systematically torture people in pre-trial detention,” said Robertson.
“The government should conduct a thorough and transparent investigation of Ho Thi Bich Khuong’s serious allegations and hold to account any officials responsible for beating her or tolerating abuse by other prisoners.”
Vietnam is currently drafting a 60-article decree that would make bloggers post their real names and contact details, require government approval for news websites to publish stories, and force site administrators to report any banned online activity.
France-based Reporters Without Borders, which lists Vietnam as an “Enemy of the Internet,” says at least three journalists and 17 bloggers are currently in jail in the one-party state.
Reported by Joshua Lipes.
Activists Detained After Memorial
Activists Detained After Memorial:
Rights activists in the southwestern Chinese city of Guiyang staged a rare public memorial marking the 23rd anniversary of the military crackdown against student-led pro-democracy protests on Tiananmen Square in Beijing, although some were taken out of town by police soon afterwards, ahead of the sensitive June date.
The gathering came just three days after the father of a young man who died during the crackdown hanged himself in protest.
Around 150 people converged on the People's Square in downtown Guiyang on Monday, unfurling banners calling for justice for the victims of the bloodshed.
Photos uploaded to the Internet showed protesters holding banners, one of which called on China's ruling Communist Party to "Pursue the killers and end political oppression!"
"Every year, when it gets close to June 4, I get detained," said event organizer Mei Chongbiao. "This year we are holding our memorial event for June 4 early."
Mei said he fully expected to be detained before the event could take place. "I expected, and have prepared for this, that the state security police and the regular police would detain me today."
But he added: "A strange thing happened; they didn't come."
Calls for an official reappraisal of the events of the spring of 1989 have become increasingly strident among victims' groups, rights activists, and reform-minded intellectuals in recent years.
The victims group Tiananmen Mothers, which is campaigning for publicly awarded compensation to the families of those who died in the crackdown, has said the authorities have tried to offer private compensation deals on condition of silence from families, who have refused them.
On Friday, Ya Weilin, 73, a retired worker of China's No. 2 nuclear research institute, was found in an underground parking garage below his residential complex in Beijing after apparently hanging himself there.
Relatives said his suicide note referred to his death as a form of protest at the lack of justice for his son, Ya Aiguo, 23 years after the crackdown ended weeks of mass protests which had brought Beijing to a standstill and precipitated a leadership crisis among China's ruling elite.
Police action
Fellow activist Li Renke said the authorities, who typically keep a close watch on him around sensitive anniversaries, had also failed to prevent him from attending Mei's event.
"It seems that this year, things are a bit more relaxed than last year," Li said. "The directive ... ordering increased surveillance of [our group] from last year ... is still in effect."
However, a third Guizhou-based activist, Wu Yuqin, said she was being taken on a compulsory out-of-town "vacation" by police ahead of the anniversary.
"We are already under surveillance here, and they have told me that they will pick me up on [Wednesday]," Wu said on Tuesday. "They said that they would take me away because of June 4."
"They even asked me where I wanted to go."
Wu said she knew of "many, many more" activists who were also being taken away on "vacation."
Deadly crackdown
The number of people killed on the night of June 3-4 remains a mystery. China’s official death toll is 241, including 36 students.
The crackdown set off a wave of condemnation across the globe, and for several years China was treated as a near-pariah, as Western governments offered asylum to student leaders fleeing into exile.
The Tiananmen Mothers, which represents all victims of the crackdown who died or were maimed, has repeatedly called for a dialogue with Chinese officials on a reappraisal of the crackdown, and for victims' families to be allowed to pursue legal claims against the government.
The group has also called for a new investigation into the incident, for "reasonable compensation" for victims' families, and for those responsible to be held judicially accountable.
A fourth Guizhou activist, Shen Youlian, said the pressure on the authorities for a reassessment of the events of 1989 would continue to grow.
"The mood of protest among the people will not just go away," he said. "There was a demonstration for the reappraisal of June 4 recently in Hong Kong."
Reported by Hai Nan for RFA's Cantonese service, and by Xin Yu for the Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.
Rights activists in the southwestern Chinese city of Guiyang staged a rare public memorial marking the 23rd anniversary of the military crackdown against student-led pro-democracy protests on Tiananmen Square in Beijing, although some were taken out of town by police soon afterwards, ahead of the sensitive June date.
The gathering came just three days after the father of a young man who died during the crackdown hanged himself in protest.
Around 150 people converged on the People's Square in downtown Guiyang on Monday, unfurling banners calling for justice for the victims of the bloodshed.
Photos uploaded to the Internet showed protesters holding banners, one of which called on China's ruling Communist Party to "Pursue the killers and end political oppression!"
"Every year, when it gets close to June 4, I get detained," said event organizer Mei Chongbiao. "This year we are holding our memorial event for June 4 early."
Mei said he fully expected to be detained before the event could take place. "I expected, and have prepared for this, that the state security police and the regular police would detain me today."
But he added: "A strange thing happened; they didn't come."
Calls for an official reappraisal of the events of the spring of 1989 have become increasingly strident among victims' groups, rights activists, and reform-minded intellectuals in recent years.
The victims group Tiananmen Mothers, which is campaigning for publicly awarded compensation to the families of those who died in the crackdown, has said the authorities have tried to offer private compensation deals on condition of silence from families, who have refused them.
On Friday, Ya Weilin, 73, a retired worker of China's No. 2 nuclear research institute, was found in an underground parking garage below his residential complex in Beijing after apparently hanging himself there.
Relatives said his suicide note referred to his death as a form of protest at the lack of justice for his son, Ya Aiguo, 23 years after the crackdown ended weeks of mass protests which had brought Beijing to a standstill and precipitated a leadership crisis among China's ruling elite.
Police action
Fellow activist Li Renke said the authorities, who typically keep a close watch on him around sensitive anniversaries, had also failed to prevent him from attending Mei's event.
"It seems that this year, things are a bit more relaxed than last year," Li said. "The directive ... ordering increased surveillance of [our group] from last year ... is still in effect."
However, a third Guizhou-based activist, Wu Yuqin, said she was being taken on a compulsory out-of-town "vacation" by police ahead of the anniversary.
"We are already under surveillance here, and they have told me that they will pick me up on [Wednesday]," Wu said on Tuesday. "They said that they would take me away because of June 4."
"They even asked me where I wanted to go."
Wu said she knew of "many, many more" activists who were also being taken away on "vacation."
Deadly crackdown
The number of people killed on the night of June 3-4 remains a mystery. China’s official death toll is 241, including 36 students.
The crackdown set off a wave of condemnation across the globe, and for several years China was treated as a near-pariah, as Western governments offered asylum to student leaders fleeing into exile.
The Tiananmen Mothers, which represents all victims of the crackdown who died or were maimed, has repeatedly called for a dialogue with Chinese officials on a reappraisal of the crackdown, and for victims' families to be allowed to pursue legal claims against the government.
The group has also called for a new investigation into the incident, for "reasonable compensation" for victims' families, and for those responsible to be held judicially accountable.
A fourth Guizhou activist, Shen Youlian, said the pressure on the authorities for a reassessment of the events of 1989 would continue to grow.
"The mood of protest among the people will not just go away," he said. "There was a demonstration for the reappraisal of June 4 recently in Hong Kong."
Reported by Hai Nan for RFA's Cantonese service, and by Xin Yu for the Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.
Lhasa Faces 'Intense' Restrictions
Lhasa Faces 'Intense' Restrictions:
Tibetans in Lhasa mostly stayed indoors amid a security crackdown following the weekend self-immolation of two young Tibetan men in protest against Chinese rule, residents said.
Checkpoints manned by Chinese security forces have been set up at key points near the popular Jokhang temple located on Barkhor Square, the site of Sunday's self-immolations, and Tibetans passing through them are thoroughly screened, they said.
"The restrictions are intense. They have raised check posts at two entry points and are conducting searches on the Tibetans near Jokhang. The checking is as thorough as going through security checks at airports," one caller told RFA.
"I could not see many Tibetans in the Barkhor market and those who walk in the market area are tourists. The area is full of Chinese security forces in different uniforms," the caller said.
"I saw only about 10 who were prostrating before Jokhang Temple. This area will be packed with devotees prostrating before the temple on normal days.”
The self-immolations came as Tibetans marked the auspicious Buddhist month of Saka Dawa commemorating the birth, enlightenment, and death of Buddha. Many had planned to offer prayers at the temple.
On Sunday afternoon, the two Tibetans burned themselves in front of Jokhang Temple—reputedly the ultimate pilgrimage destination for Tibetan pilgrims—but were swiftly bundled away by security forces who arrived in several vehicles and cleared the area within 15 minutes, sources had said.
One of them died and the other was injured, state media reported.
The self-immolations were the first reported in the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region. Nearly all the 35 previous self-immolations by Tibetans pushing for an end to Beijing's rule and the return of the Dalai Lama have been in Tibetan-populated regions of western China.
Cameras had already been installed in the Jokhang temple and surrounding areas as part of security measures following anti-government riots in Lhasa four years ago.
"Those who were caught in the camera on the day of self immolations were detained and called in to the police office for interrogations. Many Tibetans who owned cart shops in front of Jokhang were also detained and interrogated on the self-immolations,” the caller from Lhasa said.
Crackdown on monasteries
Monasteries in Lhasa were also not spared in the security crackdown.
“On Sunday when the self-immolations took place, security forces were immediately dispatched to Sera, Ganden, and Drepung monasteries. The residents in downtown Lhasa could not reach these monasteries and the phone lines were cut,” the caller said.
The family members of Dorjee Tseten, who died in the self-immolation, were making preparations to conduct prayers for him at his home in Gansu province.
“The monks of Labrang monastery in Sangchu county (Xiahe, in Chinese) and other monasteries in the area are also conducting prayers for the self immolators,” according to Sonam, a monk in South India and native of Labrang.
Sonam gave an account of the self-immolations based on contacts in the region, saying the two men had checked in at Lhasa's Taksham Hotel, where they made preparations for the burnings.
"They ran from the hotel, one followed by the other, shouting slogans and setting their bodies on fire," he said.
"The first one reached a huge post in front of Jokhang engulfed in huge flames and the second person took about 15 steps and then fell to the ground," Sonam said.
Both of them were surrounded by security forces in the area who used a firemen's hose to put out the flames, sources said.
Tourist area
One source in Lhasa said security was very tight in the tourist area around the Jokhang Temple and nearby Potala Palace, the former residence of the Dalai Lama, following the self-immolations.
Self-immolation protests, which intensified over the last year, have also sparked demonstrations in Tibetan-populated Chinese provinces criticizing Chinese policies, which Tibetans say are discriminatory and have robbed them of their rights, and calling for greater freedom and for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet.
The Dalai Lama has blamed Beijing's "totalitarian" and "unrealistic" policies for the wave of self-immolations, saying the time has come for the Chinese authorities to take a serious approach to resolving the Tibetan problem.
Chinese authorities however have labeled the self-immolators as terrorists, outcasts, criminals, and mentally ill people, and have blamed the Dalai Lama for encouraging the burnings.
Reported by RFA's Tibetan service. Translated by Karma Dorjee. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.
Tibetans in Lhasa mostly stayed indoors amid a security crackdown following the weekend self-immolation of two young Tibetan men in protest against Chinese rule, residents said.
Checkpoints manned by Chinese security forces have been set up at key points near the popular Jokhang temple located on Barkhor Square, the site of Sunday's self-immolations, and Tibetans passing through them are thoroughly screened, they said.
"The restrictions are intense. They have raised check posts at two entry points and are conducting searches on the Tibetans near Jokhang. The checking is as thorough as going through security checks at airports," one caller told RFA.
"I could not see many Tibetans in the Barkhor market and those who walk in the market area are tourists. The area is full of Chinese security forces in different uniforms," the caller said.
"I saw only about 10 who were prostrating before Jokhang Temple. This area will be packed with devotees prostrating before the temple on normal days.”
The self-immolations came as Tibetans marked the auspicious Buddhist month of Saka Dawa commemorating the birth, enlightenment, and death of Buddha. Many had planned to offer prayers at the temple.
On Sunday afternoon, the two Tibetans burned themselves in front of Jokhang Temple—reputedly the ultimate pilgrimage destination for Tibetan pilgrims—but were swiftly bundled away by security forces who arrived in several vehicles and cleared the area within 15 minutes, sources had said.
One of them died and the other was injured, state media reported.
The self-immolations were the first reported in the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region. Nearly all the 35 previous self-immolations by Tibetans pushing for an end to Beijing's rule and the return of the Dalai Lama have been in Tibetan-populated regions of western China.
Cameras had already been installed in the Jokhang temple and surrounding areas as part of security measures following anti-government riots in Lhasa four years ago.
"Those who were caught in the camera on the day of self immolations were detained and called in to the police office for interrogations. Many Tibetans who owned cart shops in front of Jokhang were also detained and interrogated on the self-immolations,” the caller from Lhasa said.
Crackdown on monasteries
Monasteries in Lhasa were also not spared in the security crackdown.
“On Sunday when the self-immolations took place, security forces were immediately dispatched to Sera, Ganden, and Drepung monasteries. The residents in downtown Lhasa could not reach these monasteries and the phone lines were cut,” the caller said.
The family members of Dorjee Tseten, who died in the self-immolation, were making preparations to conduct prayers for him at his home in Gansu province.
“The monks of Labrang monastery in Sangchu county (Xiahe, in Chinese) and other monasteries in the area are also conducting prayers for the self immolators,” according to Sonam, a monk in South India and native of Labrang.
Sonam gave an account of the self-immolations based on contacts in the region, saying the two men had checked in at Lhasa's Taksham Hotel, where they made preparations for the burnings.
"They ran from the hotel, one followed by the other, shouting slogans and setting their bodies on fire," he said.
"The first one reached a huge post in front of Jokhang engulfed in huge flames and the second person took about 15 steps and then fell to the ground," Sonam said.
Both of them were surrounded by security forces in the area who used a firemen's hose to put out the flames, sources said.
Tourist area
One source in Lhasa said security was very tight in the tourist area around the Jokhang Temple and nearby Potala Palace, the former residence of the Dalai Lama, following the self-immolations.
Self-immolation protests, which intensified over the last year, have also sparked demonstrations in Tibetan-populated Chinese provinces criticizing Chinese policies, which Tibetans say are discriminatory and have robbed them of their rights, and calling for greater freedom and for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet.
The Dalai Lama has blamed Beijing's "totalitarian" and "unrealistic" policies for the wave of self-immolations, saying the time has come for the Chinese authorities to take a serious approach to resolving the Tibetan problem.
Chinese authorities however have labeled the self-immolators as terrorists, outcasts, criminals, and mentally ill people, and have blamed the Dalai Lama for encouraging the burnings.
Reported by RFA's Tibetan service. Translated by Karma Dorjee. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.
Calls to end detention of children in Australia
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Wikileaks founder loses extradition appeal
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Liberia's Taylor given 50-year jail sentence
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Executions reported in Syria
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'Bin Laden doctor' jailed for 'fighter links'
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Mubarak's sons face fresh charges
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Thai web editor sentenced in free-speech case
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Talks under way to end Sudan conflict
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Qatar detains five over mall fire
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Romney clinches US presidential nomination
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UN to issue warning on Flame computer virus
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Somali president unscathed in ambush
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Prime minister's party wins Lesotho elections
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Two arrested in Denmark over 'terror plot'
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World powers expel Syrian diplomats
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DR Congo rebels consider closing ranks
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Philippine senate convicts top judge
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NATO says al-Qaeda No 2 in Afghanistan killed
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Thai woman awaits ruling in royal-insult case
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Annan holds talks with Syrian president
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Egypt protesters storm Shafiq's Cairo office
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May 28, 2012
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UK judge denies bail to Jordanian preacher
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Shafiq and Morsi confirmed for Egypt runoff
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Children killed in Qatar mall blaze
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Libya's first post-Gaddafi vote may face delay
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Kenyan police probe Nairobi blast
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Ban on Thai politicians to be lifted
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Death by self-immolation reported in Tibet
Death by self-immolation reported in Tibet: China's official news agency confirms two incidents of men setting themselves on fire in tightly guarded capital Lhasa.
DR Congo rebels vow to fight to 'last man'
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Mass anti-government protest in Morocco
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Rio slum dwellers run for peace
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Veterans Give Romney Big Lead Over Obama
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UAE: Free Blogger Activist
UAE: Free Blogger Activist:
(Beirut) – Authorities in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) should immediately stop any current deportation proceedings against a UAE blogger and activist, and free him from immigration-related detention, Human Rights Watch said today.
read more
Authorities in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) should immediately stop any current deportation proceedings against a UAE blogger and activist, and free him from immigration-related detention.
read more
Tunisia: Injured of the Uprising Urgently Need Care
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(Tunis) – Many victims of police violence during Tunisia’s 2010-2011 uprising have received neither proper care nor effective government compensation for their injuries, Human Rights Watch said today.
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Many victims of police violence during Tunisia’s 2010-2011 uprising have received neither proper care nor effective government compensation for their injuries.
read more
Egypt: Q&A on the Trial of Hosni Mubarak
Egypt: Q&A on the Trial of Hosni Mubarak:
1. What are the charges against Mubarak?
2. What is the significance of the trial?
3. Why are Mubarak and other high-ranking former government members being tried in ordinary civilian courts while political activists are being tried in military courts?
read more
Hosni Mubarak, his former minister of interior Habib al-Adly, and four assistant ministers of interior, were tried in connection with the killing of hundreds of peaceful anti-government demonstrators from January 25 to 31, 2011. The Q&A includes background on the Mubarak trial, the charges brought, applicable criminal laws and trial procedures, information about related trials, and the trial’s broader political context.
2. What is the significance of the trial?
3. Why are Mubarak and other high-ranking former government members being tried in ordinary civilian courts while political activists are being tried in military courts?
read more
Ethiopia: ‘Special Police’ Execute 10
Ethiopia: ‘Special Police’ Execute 10:
(Nairobi) – An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force summarily executed 10 men during a March 2012 operation in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region.
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An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force summarily executed 10 men during a March 2012 operation in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region. Detailed information on the killings and other abuses by the force known as the “Liyu police” only came to light after a Human Rights Watch fact-finding mission to neighboring Somaliland in April.
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SRI LANKA: Former Tiger fighters battle for a normal life
SRI LANKA: Former Tiger fighters battle for a normal life:
 | BATTICALOA, 28 May 2012 (IRIN) - Three years after Sri Lanka's 26-year civil war ended, thousands of former fighters of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) face an uphill battle in re-establishing themselves, despite government efforts to rehabilitate them. |
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