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Jul 6, 2012
Global: 140 Countries Pass Counterterror Laws since 9/11
Global: 140 Countries Pass Counterterror Laws since 9/11:
(New York) – More than 140 countries have passed counterterrorism laws since the attacks of September 11, 2001, often with little regard for due process and other basic rights, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
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More than 140 countries have passed counterterrorism laws since the attacks of September 11, 2001, often with little regard for due process and other basic rights, Human Rights Watch said in its 112-page report, "In the Name of Security: Counterterrorism Laws Worldwide since September 11."
read more
Syria: Torture Centers Revealed
Syria: Torture Centers Revealed:
(New York) – Former detainees and defectors have identified the locations, agencies responsible, torture methods used, and, in many cases, the commanders in charge of 27 detention facilities run by Syrian intelligence agencies, Human Rights Watch said in a multimedia report released today.
read more
Former detainees and defectors have identified the locations, agencies responsible, torture methods used, and, in many cases, the commanders in charge of 27 detention facilities run by Syrian intelligence agencies.
read more
Yemen: Enduring Conflicts, Threatened Transition
Yemen: Enduring Conflicts, Threatened Transition: Flawed as it is, Yemen’s political settlement avoided a potentially devastating civil war and secured President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s resignation, but now the challenge is to address longstanding political and economic grievances.
Jun 22, 2012
Jihadists' Twitter presence grows
Jihadists' Twitter presence grows: How Twitter is becoming an invaluable tool for Islamic radicals
Timor-Leste: the parliamentary campaign begins
Timor-Leste: the parliamentary campaign begins:
Author: Michael Leach, Swinburne University of Technology
In Timor-Leste campaigning has begun for the parliamentary elections scheduled for 7 July.
Under the country’s semi-presidential system, where executive power is overwhelmingly weighted toward the prime minister, this is the most critical of the three elections scheduled for 2012. Eighteen parties and three coalitions will hit the hustings, competing for seats in the 65-seat national parliament. Barring a sensational performance from one of the major parties, Timor-Leste’s proportional electoral system makes a post-electoral coalition the likely outcome.
Much is riding on a peaceful election. If all goes well, both the UN police and the Australian-led International Stabilisation Force will withdraw from the country late in 2012. A successful and widely accepted result in the parliamentary elections will be the key to democratic consolidation. The successful conduct of the two-round presidential elections in March and April, which saw the former military-resistance commander and retired defence chief Taur Matan Ruak become the new president, was a significant and positive outcome.
Since 2007 Timor-Leste has been governed by the Parliamentary Majority Alliance (AMP), a coalition of parties headed by the current prime minister, Xanana Gusmão. The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin), which formed the first post-independence government in 2002, currently serves as the opposition. Though there is little in the way of polling, the major election issues are clear: management of the country’s US$10 billion petroleum fund, development policies, and preserving peace and stability.
Though it finished second in the 2007 elections, Xanana Gusmão’s National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) has been the lead party in the governing coalition — alongside a smaller coalition of the Timorese Social Democratic Association and the Social Democratic Party (the ASDT-PSD) and the Democratic Party (PD). The CNRTs electoral strengths include its high profile leader, the relative peace and stability the country has enjoyed since 2008, and the active support it gave the popular new president during his own campaign.
Fretilin — still the largest single party — has a lot at stake in this election, but is not without some advantages, including a well-organised district structure and a committed membership base. A level of popular disaffection with limited development progress in the rural areas and clear tensions within the AMP coalition could also work in Fretilin’s favour.
The wild card in the election is the former president and leader of the diplomatic front, José Ramos-Horta. Capitalising on his reputation as a bridge builder, Ramos-Horta expressed his support for PD, led by the president of the parliament and former clandestine resistance leader Fernando ‘Lasama’ de Araujo. The PD’s support base includes a younger generation of independence supporters educated in the Indonesian era. Yet the party underperformed in 2007, receiving 11 per cent of the vote, and is hampered by divisions between key leaders from the east and west of the country.
Although Ramos-Horta’s support has boosted the PD, he has not joined their list of candidates — nor has he joined the party. In fact, Ramos-Horta has also lent active campaign support to ASDT, and has publicly signalled his desire to have Fretilin included in the next government as a means of unifying the east and west of the country. It seems reasonably clear that Ramos-Horta’s strategy is to help build up both PD and Fretilin — along with ASDT — to increase the chances of forging a coalition against CNRT. Either way, given Ramos-Horta’s personal following, if PD can reconcile their internal differences then they could perform well in this election, emerge as the new ‘third party’, and potentially become the kingmakers in July.
Given Timor-Leste’s proportional system, it is most unlikely that any party will secure a majority of 33 seats, and this raises the issue of coalition building. With party dispositions far less certain than in 2007, there are three possibilities.
The first is a new rendition of an AMP coalition based around CNRT and smaller parties. The second is a coalition based on Fretilin, which could involve the ASDT and others. Lastly, there is the outlier possibility of a grand coalition between Fretilin and CNRT. All the talk about brokering elite post-electoral deals should not be a source of concern; rather, the fact that a range of coalition options are being actively discussed is a good sign of mature political negotiations in a critical election for the East Timorese state.
In the wake of this election Timor-Leste’s often-fractious political elites will have to play the long game because once the UN departs for the second time, another crisis cannot be contemplated. Some parties are asking for votes on the basis of their ability to guarantee peace and stability, but stability should be guaranteed regardless of whether they are voted into office. For at least one of the main parties, 2012 will bring defeat. It will fall upon whoever ends up in opposition to assist in setting the tone for democratic consolidation after the UN era. And there is little doubt that the new president will play a key role in emphasising these points after 7 July.
Michael Leach is Associate Professor in Politics at Swinburne University of Technology.
A version of this article was first published here on Inside Story.
Author: Michael Leach, Swinburne University of Technology
In Timor-Leste campaigning has begun for the parliamentary elections scheduled for 7 July.
Under the country’s semi-presidential system, where executive power is overwhelmingly weighted toward the prime minister, this is the most critical of the three elections scheduled for 2012. Eighteen parties and three coalitions will hit the hustings, competing for seats in the 65-seat national parliament. Barring a sensational performance from one of the major parties, Timor-Leste’s proportional electoral system makes a post-electoral coalition the likely outcome.
Much is riding on a peaceful election. If all goes well, both the UN police and the Australian-led International Stabilisation Force will withdraw from the country late in 2012. A successful and widely accepted result in the parliamentary elections will be the key to democratic consolidation. The successful conduct of the two-round presidential elections in March and April, which saw the former military-resistance commander and retired defence chief Taur Matan Ruak become the new president, was a significant and positive outcome.
Since 2007 Timor-Leste has been governed by the Parliamentary Majority Alliance (AMP), a coalition of parties headed by the current prime minister, Xanana Gusmão. The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin), which formed the first post-independence government in 2002, currently serves as the opposition. Though there is little in the way of polling, the major election issues are clear: management of the country’s US$10 billion petroleum fund, development policies, and preserving peace and stability.
Though it finished second in the 2007 elections, Xanana Gusmão’s National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) has been the lead party in the governing coalition — alongside a smaller coalition of the Timorese Social Democratic Association and the Social Democratic Party (the ASDT-PSD) and the Democratic Party (PD). The CNRTs electoral strengths include its high profile leader, the relative peace and stability the country has enjoyed since 2008, and the active support it gave the popular new president during his own campaign.
Fretilin — still the largest single party — has a lot at stake in this election, but is not without some advantages, including a well-organised district structure and a committed membership base. A level of popular disaffection with limited development progress in the rural areas and clear tensions within the AMP coalition could also work in Fretilin’s favour.
The wild card in the election is the former president and leader of the diplomatic front, José Ramos-Horta. Capitalising on his reputation as a bridge builder, Ramos-Horta expressed his support for PD, led by the president of the parliament and former clandestine resistance leader Fernando ‘Lasama’ de Araujo. The PD’s support base includes a younger generation of independence supporters educated in the Indonesian era. Yet the party underperformed in 2007, receiving 11 per cent of the vote, and is hampered by divisions between key leaders from the east and west of the country.
Although Ramos-Horta’s support has boosted the PD, he has not joined their list of candidates — nor has he joined the party. In fact, Ramos-Horta has also lent active campaign support to ASDT, and has publicly signalled his desire to have Fretilin included in the next government as a means of unifying the east and west of the country. It seems reasonably clear that Ramos-Horta’s strategy is to help build up both PD and Fretilin — along with ASDT — to increase the chances of forging a coalition against CNRT. Either way, given Ramos-Horta’s personal following, if PD can reconcile their internal differences then they could perform well in this election, emerge as the new ‘third party’, and potentially become the kingmakers in July.
Given Timor-Leste’s proportional system, it is most unlikely that any party will secure a majority of 33 seats, and this raises the issue of coalition building. With party dispositions far less certain than in 2007, there are three possibilities.
The first is a new rendition of an AMP coalition based around CNRT and smaller parties. The second is a coalition based on Fretilin, which could involve the ASDT and others. Lastly, there is the outlier possibility of a grand coalition between Fretilin and CNRT. All the talk about brokering elite post-electoral deals should not be a source of concern; rather, the fact that a range of coalition options are being actively discussed is a good sign of mature political negotiations in a critical election for the East Timorese state.
In the wake of this election Timor-Leste’s often-fractious political elites will have to play the long game because once the UN departs for the second time, another crisis cannot be contemplated. Some parties are asking for votes on the basis of their ability to guarantee peace and stability, but stability should be guaranteed regardless of whether they are voted into office. For at least one of the main parties, 2012 will bring defeat. It will fall upon whoever ends up in opposition to assist in setting the tone for democratic consolidation after the UN era. And there is little doubt that the new president will play a key role in emphasising these points after 7 July.
Michael Leach is Associate Professor in Politics at Swinburne University of Technology.
A version of this article was first published here on Inside Story.
Syrian fighter pilot uses jet to defect to Jordan
Syrian fighter pilot uses jet to defect to Jordan:
BEIRUT — A Syrian pilot defected to Jordan on Thursday, flying his MiG-21 fighter jet south across the border and seeking asylum at a Jordanian air base in the first such case involving a plane since the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad’s rule began 15 months ago.
Read full article >>
BEIRUT — A Syrian pilot defected to Jordan on Thursday, flying his MiG-21 fighter jet south across the border and seeking asylum at a Jordanian air base in the first such case involving a plane since the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad’s rule began 15 months ago.
Read full article >>
Alexandria man admits plot to bomb the Capitol
Alexandria man admits plot to bomb the Capitol:
A Moroccan man pleaded guilty in federal court Friday to a plot to carry out a suicide bombing at the Capitol earlier this year.
Amine Mohammed El Khalifi, 29, of Alexandria, entered the plea to a charge of attempting to use a weapon of mass destruction as part of a deal with prosecutors. Under the agreement, Khalifi’s sentence will be fixed at between 25 and 30 years in prison.
Read full article >>
A Moroccan man pleaded guilty in federal court Friday to a plot to carry out a suicide bombing at the Capitol earlier this year.
Amine Mohammed El Khalifi, 29, of Alexandria, entered the plea to a charge of attempting to use a weapon of mass destruction as part of a deal with prosecutors. Under the agreement, Khalifi’s sentence will be fixed at between 25 and 30 years in prison.
Read full article >>
Taliban Fighters Storm Afghan Resort
Taliban Fighters Storm Afghan Resort: Taliban insurgents stormed a popular lakeside resort outside Kabul, using assault rifles and rocket-propelled grenades to kill 18 people at a retreat used primarily by Afghan families.
Could Egypt's Military Still Accept a Muslim Brotherhood President? - TIME
Could Egypt's Military Still Accept a Muslim Brotherhood President? - TIME:
TIME | Could Egypt's Military Still Accept a Muslim Brotherhood President? TIME By delaying the announcement of presidential election results that had been expected on Thursday, Egypt's ruling military junta may have signaled that it faces ... Egypt military blames Muslim Brotherhood for woesMiamiHerald.com Egypt's Brotherhood urges fast election resultsFox News all 6,992 news articles » |
Yogya’s Southern Beaches: Grasping Business Opportunities while Taking Care of Nature
Yogya’s Southern Beaches: Grasping Business Opportunities while Taking Care of Nature:
By: Sri Rahmawati & Vatsya Mallayana
Photos by: Dorothea Gecella Putri Lestari
8 a.m. and we started our trip to explore some beaches in Gunung Kidul, the most mountainous part of Yogyakarta. It took us over two hours by car to get there from Yogyakarta City, not only to take pleasure in its natural beauty, but also to talk business and to learn how people there take care of their beaches.
Our mouths could not stop gaping until a child surprised us with a splash on the surface of the turquoise water. Later, the heat of the sun that had totally burnt our faces could not stop us from creating footprints across the warm, white sand. Strips of giant rocks on the western end of this beach seemed to want to make us believe that we were the subjects of a famous painting.
Big-scale businesses on Indrayanti, Sundak, and Ngandong beaches began sprouting when capital started flowing from outside the area. Investors from Yogyakarta have developed lodging, dining, and amusement facilities which in turn have been handled by locals. It is a mutually advantageous relationship. The investors get a run for their money while the local people can work at these facilities, or even develop their own businesses as the area is now becoming more crowded, especially on weekends.
To manage the beaches, locals have formed a community for each beach. Indrayanti has Komunitas Usaha Masyarakat Kawasan Indrayanti (Business Communities of the People of Indrayanti/KOMPAK). KOMPAK controls the safety on the beach and the number of people who work there. This community has some regular activities such as cleaning the beach together every Friday morning and conducting regular meetings. Members of KOMPAK chip in money each week to pay those who clean the beach on a daily basis. They even have a special green card for those working in Indrayanti.
“Indrayanti is not the real name of this beach. It’s actually Pulang Sawal. People called it Indrayanti because the first restaurant on this beach was named Indrayanti,” said Edo, a KOMPAK member we met outside a motel by the shore.
Motel Indrayanti is the only motel with the most complete facilities around here. One can rent the whole motel by paying Rp. 3 million per night. It has three rooms complete with beds, cupboards, bathrooms, TV in each room and free breakfast. Each room can accommodate five to seven people. The private kitchen can be used anytime. It also has a meeting room, a barbeque spot and, the most important thing, the best view of Indrayanti Beach. Nevertheless, visitors can also rent one room by paying Rp. 750,000 per night.
Locals have also grasped the opportunity to rent out umbrellas on this beach. They only work on Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays. For Rp. 20,000, you can get an umbrella and a plaited mat for sitting idly on the beach. When not renting out umbrellas, the same people sell fish.
For those who work as parking attendants, the area has six parking areas, but they have to let the local government run five of them. The area that the people manage is larger, and the parking fare is more expensive. It costs Rp. 5,000 to park a car here, Rp. 2,000 for a motorbike and Rp. 15,000 for one bus. Buses cannot be parked in the government-managed area due to size. Each parking attendant in the privately managed area gets around Rp. 75,000 a day on a busy day.
If Indrayanti has KOMPAK, Sundak has SADARWIS, which stands for Sadar Wisata (Tourism Awareness). Unlike the first, SADARWIS allows just about anyone to sell their merchandise on Sundak. The community has a bi-weekly beach cleaning program. Those who clean this beach get paid by the government once every three months.
Sundak, which has the longest sand strip compared with the other beaches, is only 10 minutes away by car from Indrayanti. However, Sundak is not as crowded. There are not that many differences between Sundak and Indrayanti. People around this place also work renting out umbrellas, selling food, and managing the parking area. Food stall owners earn around Rp. 2 million a day on a busy day. On regular days, they only make about Rp. 500,000 per day. The most crowded time on the Islamic holiday of Idul Fitri, when a food stall owner can make up to Rp. 5 million.
Our last destination is Ngandong beach. On foot, it is only five minutes away from Sundak to the west. Ngandong is a good spot for snorkeling and watching cute little fish swim between seaweeds. On this beach visitors can meet locals who work as seaweed collectors. We were also quite surprised when we realized that this was the only beach that had any foreigners on it.
“I choose this beach because it is the most beautiful beach and not too crowded like Indrayanti,” a woman said after we approached her. She also said that Ngandong was the best place to put up a tent for camping because, unlike Indrayanti and Sundak, the distance between the sea and the road left a wide enough area for it, and it is safe.
Indrayanti, Sundak, and Ngandong each have their own distinct charm. Not just because of their natural qualities, but also because of the good relationship between the investors and the local people who take care of the beaches. What use is natural beauty if it slowly gets ruined by human hands? The people on these southern beaches seem to know this well, and try their best to keep a good balance between running business and preserving nature.
By: Sri Rahmawati & Vatsya Mallayana
Photos by: Dorothea Gecella Putri Lestari
8 a.m. and we started our trip to explore some beaches in Gunung Kidul, the most mountainous part of Yogyakarta. It took us over two hours by car to get there from Yogyakarta City, not only to take pleasure in its natural beauty, but also to talk business and to learn how people there take care of their beaches.
Our mouths could not stop gaping until a child surprised us with a splash on the surface of the turquoise water. Later, the heat of the sun that had totally burnt our faces could not stop us from creating footprints across the warm, white sand. Strips of giant rocks on the western end of this beach seemed to want to make us believe that we were the subjects of a famous painting.
Big-scale businesses on Indrayanti, Sundak, and Ngandong beaches began sprouting when capital started flowing from outside the area. Investors from Yogyakarta have developed lodging, dining, and amusement facilities which in turn have been handled by locals. It is a mutually advantageous relationship. The investors get a run for their money while the local people can work at these facilities, or even develop their own businesses as the area is now becoming more crowded, especially on weekends.
To manage the beaches, locals have formed a community for each beach. Indrayanti has Komunitas Usaha Masyarakat Kawasan Indrayanti (Business Communities of the People of Indrayanti/KOMPAK). KOMPAK controls the safety on the beach and the number of people who work there. This community has some regular activities such as cleaning the beach together every Friday morning and conducting regular meetings. Members of KOMPAK chip in money each week to pay those who clean the beach on a daily basis. They even have a special green card for those working in Indrayanti.
“Indrayanti is not the real name of this beach. It’s actually Pulang Sawal. People called it Indrayanti because the first restaurant on this beach was named Indrayanti,” said Edo, a KOMPAK member we met outside a motel by the shore.
Motel Indrayanti is the only motel with the most complete facilities around here. One can rent the whole motel by paying Rp. 3 million per night. It has three rooms complete with beds, cupboards, bathrooms, TV in each room and free breakfast. Each room can accommodate five to seven people. The private kitchen can be used anytime. It also has a meeting room, a barbeque spot and, the most important thing, the best view of Indrayanti Beach. Nevertheless, visitors can also rent one room by paying Rp. 750,000 per night.
Locals have also grasped the opportunity to rent out umbrellas on this beach. They only work on Saturdays, Sundays, and holidays. For Rp. 20,000, you can get an umbrella and a plaited mat for sitting idly on the beach. When not renting out umbrellas, the same people sell fish.
For those who work as parking attendants, the area has six parking areas, but they have to let the local government run five of them. The area that the people manage is larger, and the parking fare is more expensive. It costs Rp. 5,000 to park a car here, Rp. 2,000 for a motorbike and Rp. 15,000 for one bus. Buses cannot be parked in the government-managed area due to size. Each parking attendant in the privately managed area gets around Rp. 75,000 a day on a busy day.
If Indrayanti has KOMPAK, Sundak has SADARWIS, which stands for Sadar Wisata (Tourism Awareness). Unlike the first, SADARWIS allows just about anyone to sell their merchandise on Sundak. The community has a bi-weekly beach cleaning program. Those who clean this beach get paid by the government once every three months.
Sundak, which has the longest sand strip compared with the other beaches, is only 10 minutes away by car from Indrayanti. However, Sundak is not as crowded. There are not that many differences between Sundak and Indrayanti. People around this place also work renting out umbrellas, selling food, and managing the parking area. Food stall owners earn around Rp. 2 million a day on a busy day. On regular days, they only make about Rp. 500,000 per day. The most crowded time on the Islamic holiday of Idul Fitri, when a food stall owner can make up to Rp. 5 million.
Our last destination is Ngandong beach. On foot, it is only five minutes away from Sundak to the west. Ngandong is a good spot for snorkeling and watching cute little fish swim between seaweeds. On this beach visitors can meet locals who work as seaweed collectors. We were also quite surprised when we realized that this was the only beach that had any foreigners on it.
“I choose this beach because it is the most beautiful beach and not too crowded like Indrayanti,” a woman said after we approached her. She also said that Ngandong was the best place to put up a tent for camping because, unlike Indrayanti and Sundak, the distance between the sea and the road left a wide enough area for it, and it is safe.
Indrayanti, Sundak, and Ngandong each have their own distinct charm. Not just because of their natural qualities, but also because of the good relationship between the investors and the local people who take care of the beaches. What use is natural beauty if it slowly gets ruined by human hands? The people on these southern beaches seem to know this well, and try their best to keep a good balance between running business and preserving nature.
Turkish fighter jet goes missing near Syria
Turkish fighter jet goes missing near Syria: Rescue operation under way for two pilots amid reports F-4 plane was shot down by Syrian forces over the Mediterranean.
The Endangered Languages Project: Supporting language preservation through technology and collaboration
The Endangered Languages Project: Supporting language preservation through technology and collaboration: The Miami-Illinois language was considered by some to be extinct. Once spoken by Native American communities throughout what’s now the American Midwest, its last fluent speakers died in the 1960s. Decades later, Daryl Baldwin, a citizen of the Miami Tribe of Oklahoma, began teaching himself the language from historical manuscripts and now works with the Miami University in Ohio to continue the work of revitalizing the language, publishing stories, audio files and other educational materials. Miami children are once again learning the language and—even more inspiring—teaching it to each other.
Daryl’s work is just one example of the efforts being made to preserve and strengthen languages that are on the brink of disappearing. Today we’re introducing something we hope will help: the Endangered Languages Project, a website for people to find and share the most up-to-date and comprehensive information about endangered languages. Documenting the 3,000+ languages that are on the verge of extinction (about half of all languages in the world) is an important step in preserving cultural diversity, honoring the knowledge of our elders and empowering our youth. Technology can strengthen these efforts by helping people create high-quality recordings of their elders (often the last speakers of a language), connecting diaspora communities through social media and facilitating language learning.
The Endangered Languages Project, backed by a new coalition, the Alliance for Linguistic Diversity, gives those interested in preserving languages a place to store and access research, share advice and build collaborations. People can share their knowledge and research directly through the site and help keep the content up-to-date. A diverse group of collaborators have already begun to contribute content ranging from 18th-century manuscripts to modern teaching tools like video and audio language samples and knowledge-sharing articles. Members of the Advisory Committee have also provided guidance, helping shape the site and ensure that it addresses the interests and needs of language communities.
Google has played a role in the development and launch of this project, but the long-term goal is for true experts in the field of language preservation to take the lead. As such, in a few months we’ll officially be handing over the reins to the First Peoples' Cultural Council (FPCC) and The Institute for Language Information and Technology (The LINGUIST List) at Eastern Michigan University. FPCC will take on the role of Advisory Committee Chair, leading outreach and strategy for the project. The LINGUIST List will become the Technical Lead. Both organizations will work in coordination with the Advisory Committee.
As part of this project, research about the world’s most threatened languages is being shared by the Catalogue of Endangered Languages (ELCat), led by teams at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa and Eastern Michigan University, with funding provided by the National Science Foundation. Work on ELCat has only just begun, and we’re sharing it through our site so that feedback from language communities and scholars can be incorporated to update our knowledge about the world’s most at-risk languages.
Building upon other efforts to preserve and promote culture online, Google.org has seeded this project’s development. We invite interested organizations to join the effort. By bridging independent efforts from around the world we hope to make an important advancement in confronting language endangerment. This project’s future will be decided by those inspired to join this collaborative effort for language preservation. We hope you’ll join us.
Posted by Clara Rivera Rodriguez and Jason Rissman, Project Managers, The Endangered Languages Project
Daryl’s work is just one example of the efforts being made to preserve and strengthen languages that are on the brink of disappearing. Today we’re introducing something we hope will help: the Endangered Languages Project, a website for people to find and share the most up-to-date and comprehensive information about endangered languages. Documenting the 3,000+ languages that are on the verge of extinction (about half of all languages in the world) is an important step in preserving cultural diversity, honoring the knowledge of our elders and empowering our youth. Technology can strengthen these efforts by helping people create high-quality recordings of their elders (often the last speakers of a language), connecting diaspora communities through social media and facilitating language learning.
The Endangered Languages Project, backed by a new coalition, the Alliance for Linguistic Diversity, gives those interested in preserving languages a place to store and access research, share advice and build collaborations. People can share their knowledge and research directly through the site and help keep the content up-to-date. A diverse group of collaborators have already begun to contribute content ranging from 18th-century manuscripts to modern teaching tools like video and audio language samples and knowledge-sharing articles. Members of the Advisory Committee have also provided guidance, helping shape the site and ensure that it addresses the interests and needs of language communities.
Google has played a role in the development and launch of this project, but the long-term goal is for true experts in the field of language preservation to take the lead. As such, in a few months we’ll officially be handing over the reins to the First Peoples' Cultural Council (FPCC) and The Institute for Language Information and Technology (The LINGUIST List) at Eastern Michigan University. FPCC will take on the role of Advisory Committee Chair, leading outreach and strategy for the project. The LINGUIST List will become the Technical Lead. Both organizations will work in coordination with the Advisory Committee.
As part of this project, research about the world’s most threatened languages is being shared by the Catalogue of Endangered Languages (ELCat), led by teams at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa and Eastern Michigan University, with funding provided by the National Science Foundation. Work on ELCat has only just begun, and we’re sharing it through our site so that feedback from language communities and scholars can be incorporated to update our knowledge about the world’s most at-risk languages.
Building upon other efforts to preserve and promote culture online, Google.org has seeded this project’s development. We invite interested organizations to join the effort. By bridging independent efforts from around the world we hope to make an important advancement in confronting language endangerment. This project’s future will be decided by those inspired to join this collaborative effort for language preservation. We hope you’ll join us.
Posted by Clara Rivera Rodriguez and Jason Rissman, Project Managers, The Endangered Languages Project
Boat tragedies on Lake Malawi, off Indonesia underscore risks for migrants, asylum seekers
Boat tragedies on Lake Malawi, off Indonesia underscore risks for migrants, asylum seekers: It was with sadness that UNHCR learned yesterday of the drownings of some 47 Ethiopians in a boat capsizing incident on Lake Malawi. The exact number of deaths has not been determined. According to the...
Somali displaced continue to move, seeking safety and assistance
Somali displaced continue to move, seeking safety and assistance: A new UNHCR population assessment of the Afgooye corridor west of the Somali capital Mogadishu has found a significant reduction in the number of displaced people living there.
From data collated in May...
From data collated in May...
Widespread Condemnation for Assad in Neighboring Countries
Widespread Condemnation for Assad in Neighboring Countries:
Even though many would like to see Assad out of office, there is no consensus on taking action to dislodge him from power. There is limited support for tougher international economic sanctions or Arab military intervention, and very little support for Western military action.
These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted from March 19 to April 20, prior to the May 25 massacre in Houla, Syria, as well as other recent acts of violence against civilians by pro-Assad forces.
About nine-in-ten Lebanese Sunni Muslims (92%) express a negative opinion of Assad, as do 66% of the country’s Christians. However, almost all Shia Muslims (96%) have a favorable view of Assad, who is a member of the Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shia Islam.
The widespread desire for Assad to step down does not translate, however, into support for economic sanctions or military action against Syria. Tunisia is the only country in which a majority approves of tougher sanctions on Syria.
Similarly, Tunisia is the only nation polled in which most would support military intervention by Arab states to remove Assad from power.
And there is no country in which a majority favors military intervention by Western countries. About four-in-ten Tunisians (38%) endorse this idea, while fewer than a quarter in Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon support Western military action.
Survey Report
With the uprising against him showing no signs of abating, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is widely unpopular in neighboring countries. And the vast majority of Jordanians, Egyptians, Tunisians and Turks would like to see him step down. In Lebanon, however, views differ sharply along sectarian lines, with Shia Muslims overwhelmingly expressing support for the Assad regime.Even though many would like to see Assad out of office, there is no consensus on taking action to dislodge him from power. There is limited support for tougher international economic sanctions or Arab military intervention, and very little support for Western military action.
These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted from March 19 to April 20, prior to the May 25 massacre in Houla, Syria, as well as other recent acts of violence against civilians by pro-Assad forces.
Few Have Positive View of Assad
Large majorities hold an unfavorable opinion of Assad in Jordan, Tunisia, Egypt and Turkey. In Lebanon, which was occupied by Syrian forces for three decades before they withdrew in 2006, about six-in-ten (59%) express an unfavorable view of Assad, but opinions of him vary dramatically across the country’s major religious communities.About nine-in-ten Lebanese Sunni Muslims (92%) express a negative opinion of Assad, as do 66% of the country’s Christians. However, almost all Shia Muslims (96%) have a favorable view of Assad, who is a member of the Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shia Islam.
Assad Should Go, But No Consensus on Taking Action
Nearly nine-in-ten say Assad should step down in Jordan, Egypt and Tunisia, and two-thirds agree in Turkey. Again, views in Lebanon reflect sectarian divisions: 80% of Sunnis and 67% of Christians want Syria’s autocratic ruler to leave office, compared with just 3% of Shia Muslims.The widespread desire for Assad to step down does not translate, however, into support for economic sanctions or military action against Syria. Tunisia is the only country in which a majority approves of tougher sanctions on Syria.
Similarly, Tunisia is the only nation polled in which most would support military intervention by Arab states to remove Assad from power.
And there is no country in which a majority favors military intervention by Western countries. About four-in-ten Tunisians (38%) endorse this idea, while fewer than a quarter in Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon support Western military action.
Analysis: Intervention options in northern Mali
Analysis: Intervention options in northern Mali:
BAMAKO, 21 June 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) and ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) have been taking a dual-track approach in Mali in recent weeks - diplomatic negotiations with the rebels and Islamist groups who have taken over the north, while calling on the UN Security Council to draft a resolution and approve a military mission. Analysts question whether either option is likely to work, and if so, which? |
KENYA: IDP law in the works
KENYA: IDP law in the works:
NAIROBI, 22 June 2012 (IRIN) - Election-related violence and the displacement of people are regular occurrences in Kenya, and thousands of families are affected by it every five years. But a bill tabled in parliament on 13 June seeks to compel the government to protect internally displaced persons (IDPs). |
MALI: Students flee Sharia in northern schools
MALI: Students flee Sharia in northern schools:
BAMAKO, 22 June 2012 (IRIN) - Strict Sharia, or Islamic religious laws, imposed by the Islamist rebels controlling vast swathes of northern Mali are driving thousands of students out of schools. Dress codes have been imposed, boys and girls are forced to learn separately, and subjects deemed to promote “infidelity” have been struck off the curriculum. |
INDONESIA: Asylum seekers take to boats out of frustration
INDONESIA: Asylum seekers take to boats out of frustration:
PUCAK, 22 June 2012 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers in Indonesia, many of whom fled persecution and conflict in their home countries, say they are being driven to get on boats for Australia out of frustration with the resettlement process. |
DRC: Understanding armed group M23
DRC: Understanding armed group M23:
JOHANNESBURG, 22 June 2012 (IRIN) - To the layman the emergence of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) armed group M23 might be seen as of little significance - just another band of gunmen controlling a few square kilometres of turf in a country the size of western Europe. |
Iran: Reveal Fate of Arab Minority Prisoners
Iran: Reveal Fate of Arab Minority Prisoners:
(New York) – Iranian authorities should immediately provide information regarding the whereabouts and well-being of seven men from the country’s ethnic Arab minority who are known to be in Iranian custody.
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Iranian authorities should immediately provide information regarding the whereabouts and well-being of seven men from the country’s ethnic Arab minority who are known to be in Iranian custody. Human Rights Watch is concerned that prison authorities in the southwestern city of Ahvaz may have executed at least four of the seven men in recent days, and have so far refused to hand over the bodies to their families. Iranian authorities should immediately suspend use of the death penalty.
read more
South Sudan: Arbitrary Detentions, Dire Prison Conditions
South Sudan: Arbitrary Detentions, Dire Prison Conditions:
(Juba) – Flawed processes, unlawful detentions, and dire conditions in South Sudan’s prisons reflect the urgent need to improve the new nation’s fledgling justice system, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
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Flawed processes, unlawful detentions, and dire conditions in South Sudan’s prisons reflect the urgent need to improve the new nation’s fledgling justice system.
read more
Iraqi Kurdistan: ‘Insulting’ Religion Bill Threatens Free Speech
Iraqi Kurdistan: ‘Insulting’ Religion Bill Threatens Free Speech:
(Erbil) – Members of Parliament in the Kurdistan Regional Government should oppose the Draft Law to Protect Sanctities because it clearly restricts the right to free expression, Human Rights Watch said today. The draft bill prescribes up to 10 years in prison and closing a publication for vaguely worded offenses such as “portraying the prophets inappropriately.”
read more
Members of Parliament in the Kurdistan Regional Government should oppose the Draft Law to Protect Sanctities because it clearly restricts the right to free expression. The draft bill prescribes up to 10 years in prison and closing a publication for vaguely worded offenses such as “portraying the prophets inappropriately.”
read more
Jun 21, 2012
Bali bombmaker sentenced to 20 years in jail
Bali bombmaker sentenced to 20 years in jail: Indonesian court finds Umar Patek, accused of assembling explosives for 2002 attack on nightclub, guilty on all counts.
BN may retain 137 parliamentary seats
BN may retain 137 parliamentary seats: The Barisan Nasional (BN) is likely to retain the 137 parliamentary seats it now holds with five percent margin on either side, but not enough to reach two-thirds majority, according to a research and detail analysis by the Centre of Strategic Engagement (CENSE). The recently concluded research pointed out that much would still depend on [...]
Bahasa, Mandarin, Tamil or Manglish- let’s all look at the BIG PICTURE
Bahasa, Mandarin, Tamil or Manglish- let’s all look at the BIG PICTURE: Moaz Nair Like it or not, as Malaysians, let’s first unite ourselves through a common language. Geographically, Malaysia is situated within the vast stretch of the Malay Archipelago. The lingua franca of which is mainly the Malay language and its other acceptable variants. Every nation, for that matter, has its definitive language, be it China, [...]
Malaysia: Tier 2 Watch List for Human Trafficking, Again
Malaysia: Tier 2 Watch List for Human Trafficking, Again: Writeup on Malaysia from the Trafficking in Persons Report 2012.
Umno in disarray, top leaders scared stiff of losing power after 55-yrs of hegemony
Umno in disarray, top leaders scared stiff of losing power after 55-yrs of hegemony:
In this day and age every President or Prime Minister lives under a never-ending barrage of scrutiny. He won’t engage in any form of activity without the public knowing all of the most intimate details. After all, his schedule has been planned for the whole year in advance.
But sometimes the details made public are only what the press has been instructed to report - in other words, what the public should be told and not what the public should know.
And this is the basis for why an alternative media has sprung, telling a different version of the same event, and allowing the public to use its own common sense to make its own judgment and conclusion.
Despite controlling the media, Najib failed to convince the people
So far, there have been news reports and snap shots of the various political events in the mainstream media, which is all government-controlled - the chief reason why Malaysia has been accused of not having a free press. And by and large, it is in the alternative press that the moves made and the scenarios involving all parties, including the Opposition and the NGOs, have been well publicized rather than in the MSM.
Currently, with the 13th general election looming, the greatest coverage has been on UMNO and Prime Minister Najib Razak. And from the myriads of information, it can be gleaned that the overall picture in Malaysia is not very encouraging and the future is uncertain, despite the ton of overly rosy reports churned out by the mainstream press. Why is it so that despite controlling an awesome channel of newspapers, tabloids, TV and radio stations, Najib and UMNO are seen as corrupt and ineffective?
Indeed, it cannot be denied that Malaysia's alternative media and pro-opposition websites have been extremely effective. The better-funded ones tend to veer towards the UMNO-BN but still give Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim and his Pakatan Rakyat opposition due space. The pro-opposition ones work on shoe-string budgets that are often best described as non-existent. Nevertheless, these have been very effective due to individual talent and the ability to pick issues that knock the breath out of Najib and BN, wiping out their credibility.
The combined pressure of the alternative and pro-opposition press has often forced Najib into a corner - in fact, on almost all the issues that have cropped up since he took over as PM in April 2009. The glare has made the public conscious that not everything the PM and his ruling UMNO party proposes are good for the country.
Already worse than Badawi
Najib has now flipped-flopped on so many occasions that pundits say he makes Abdullah Badawi look like a person with firm convictions! Badawi is of course his predecessor who has been nicknamed Malaysia's Sleeping Beauty PM for a tenure marked by mediocrity, which Najib may have already surpassed and many predict will end up with an even more hollow legacy than Badawi.
Nothing that Najib has planned and implemented has been on track or have not stalled half way. After taking over from Badawi, the social, political, economic situations plus the law and order in the country have worsened. For this, Najib has to take the blame as he crystallized the public's doubt over the integrity of judiciary with the Perak power grab.
At this late stage, for a first-term PM not to have already called for a general election really speaks volumes about the support he enjoys. Despite surveys that paint him as the only popular spot in BN, walk into a coffee shop and ask around. Most people will shake their heads and acknowledge that Najib is not the one to lead Malaysia out of the woods.
Within Umno, the bickering, infighting, backstabbing and sabotaging is worsening especially now that Najib appears to have decided to hold GE-13 only after the UMNO internal election. UMNO is in disarray and it has reached the stage where it cannot be covered up anymore.
Every prominent UMNO leader has come to make statements that contradict each other in a bid to steal the limelight. Of this group, none has been more conspicuous as former premier Mahathir Mohamad, who is now regarded as Malaysia's de-facto prime minister. Without Mahathir's support in UMNO, Najib will be out of a job before the year is over.
UMNO leaders striking out for themselves
Even Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yasin has contradicted Najib on several issues, like being a Malay first and Malaysian second. UMNO Youth Chief Khairy Jamaluddin has no qualms making Najib look like a coward for not taking up a challenge to a public debate with Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim.
On his own initiative, Khairy has been debating with PKR director for strategy Rafizi Ramli. He has done it twice - the first in London and the second in KL on PTPTN. These debates which allow the public to evaluate the leadership quantum and quality of the contestants has inadvertently diverted all eyes to Najib and why he keeps saying 'no' to Anwar.
Rais Yatim, in trying to down play the huge gathering at BERSIH 3.0 rally for clean elections, made a fool of himself when he announced that based on the techniques used by the BBC, the number of demonstrators was only 22,741 when the actual was around 250,000.
And someone in UMNO must have instructed the pro-government media to state a crowd of 100,000 attendees to UMNO's 66th anniversary when the actual was less than 50,000.
The video clip shown on the government TV channel portraying BERSIH 3.0 participants as being violent has become such an object of ridicule it has been ignored by the public who prefer to watch 'un-doctored' footage easily available on Youtube, which reveals shocking widespread police brutality against the civilian protesters.
Even UMNO's famed RM300,000 per month cyber troopers have gone quiet. The UMNO ulamas (religious scholars) are also playing dumb, weighed by the burden of trying to make UMNO seem Islamic when the sex and corruption scandals of its leaders are so rampant. Shafie Apdal won't be able to convince many people he did not splurge millions of ringgit on starlet Zahida Rafik.
Najib not only has to live down the scandal of his future in law, Maira Nazarbayev, who purportedly 'stole' a US$20mil super luxury condo from her ex-husband, the spectre of being dragged to testify in the French courts for allegedly having taken a 114mil euros or RM570mil bribe to agree buy 2 Scorpene submarines from DCNS must be ever present in Najib's mind.
Across the nation and in the states too
Ahmad Shabery, who organized the Million Youth Gathering in Putrajaya recently, wasting at least RM20 mil of the tax payers money to create a false impression of UMNO's popularity, is not doing so well either.
Instead of being hailed, Shabery was slammed by incredulous Malaysians who want to know how he could be so irresponsible as to spend RM2 mil to bring in a K-pop group (Korean band) just to ensure that youths did attend the event. When a car drag race was marred by an accident killing 17 onlookers, Shabery did what the ostriches do best - bury his head in the sand!
Meanwhile, FT minister Raja Nong Chik is still at logger heads with fallen Women's minister Shahrizat Jalil. UMNO stalwart Rafidah Aziz is still looking for political opportunities and poking fire although she is now in her early 70s. Rafidah tried to take advantage of Shahrizat's disgrace of the RM250mil NFC corruption debacle by asking her to resign as the Wanita UMNO chief, but Shahrizat managed to persuade Najib to support her.
This has prompted speculation Shahrizat has a 'hold' on Najib and it was most likely to do with a RM1.7mil apartment bought in Kazakhstan allegedly as a wedding gift for Najib's daughter and Maira's son.
Idris Jusoh the ex-Menteri Besar of Terengganu is still busy sabotaging Ahmad Said the current chief minister whenever there is half a chance to do so. In Selangor, UMNO has no suitable candidate for the Menteri Besar position with Mohd Zin the BN election director rejected by Selangor UMNO members, along with the likes of other wannabes such as Noh Omar and Ezam Mohd Noor.
Najib's own cousin and Home Minister Hishamuddin Hussein is not even confident of contesting in Semberong, where chances are high he will be defeated.
Ghani Othman the Johore Menteri Besar has been holding the post for far too long and several UMNO leaders are now squabbling to topple him, hence the heightened party infighting in the state.
In Perak, the unpopular Zambri Kadir has not been able to give any assurances that the state will remain under BN after GE-13. If he did, he would only incur sarcasm and rude sniggers.
Sarawak is under the full control of Chief Minister Taib Mahmud and Najib can’t do anything to control him at all. On the contrary, it is Najib who is at Taib’s mercy. While in Sabah, Pakatan Rakyat has been making inroads that they are keeping under wraps until GE-13 is announced on fears that the BN will use money to dismantle their alliances with the local politicians.
Mahathir building a case for violence?
Mahathir has also been actively pointing fingers. He has said that BN is weak now because of Badawi, but that may be because he is prejudiced against Badawi while protective of Najib, whom he feels will serve his vested interests better.
Based on the above scenarios and many more that would take up too much space and time to mention, the chances for BN to win in the GE-13 are drastically reduced even though pro-UMNO analysts insist that the ruling coalition will easily retain the 137 parliamentary seats it holds.
The fact is becoming more apparent UMNO-BN could even be defeated. Disgraced ex-Selangor MB Khir Toyo is confident Selangor, Penang, Kelantan, Kedah and Perak will once again fall to the Pakatan and does not discount the possibility that more states would also be won by Pakatam.
Mahathir is only half-right when he said BN lost five states and saw its majority reduced, NOT because the Opposition is strong but because BN is weak. But affter four years, the public can see for themselves that the Opposition has grown much stronger while UMNO-BN much weaker.
Hence the recent threats by both Mahathir and Najib that there might be violence if there was a regime change. Basically, UMNO has no real plan of its own to stay in power.
So far, it has placed all its eggs with the Election Commission and the police to force a favorable electoral outcome but given the huge response to the Bersih rallies by the Malaysian people and international community, civil servants including the cops are no longer that keen to cheat for the sake of keeping UMNO and BN in power. Nobody wants to be blamed or be caught for cheating when the impending disaster for UMNO is becoming nlearer by the day.
Of course UMNO will still cheat and make the GE-13 the most dirty general election ever. But that can no longer guarantee UMNO-BN victory, hence Najib's flip-flopping over the timing of the GE-13.
Coming to grips with the possibility of losing and making exit plans
So it is that UMNO has to face the prospect of losing. It was an extra 'burden' for UMNO's ruling elite to plan an exit strategy, but they have done so. The first thing they have grabbed is, of course, the CASH. Pundits point to the slew of deals hammered out to Syed Mokhtar, the billionaire crony whom it is believed UMNO is privatizing national assets at a sharp discount, allegedly so that he can keep the money for them!
Since UMNO has the experience of instigating the May 13, 1969 racial riots, it is not impossible it will try to use the same tactic again to stay in power. But the people are by now savvy enough to read UMNO's outdated racial games.
Make no mistake. May 13 is a huge risk for Najib. Mahathir may encourage it but it is Najib who as PM will have to take responsibility if the riots go out of control. For sure, he will destroy his own legacy and family name if he tries to use force as in the Perak crisis.
Malaysian people have shown through Bersih 2.0 and 3.0 they are not to be toyed with, and will stand up to the BN regime if it tries to be extreme.
Eventually, it is the people who will gently force UMNO-BN to leave Putrajaya. The signs are already clear and UMNO is learning the hard way that this is a decision they have to respect. Most Malaysian have already made up their minds to go for change and will vote for the Pakatan.
In the end, Najib and UMNO have only themselves to blame. It is in their hand to decide the sort of action they wish to take, but chances are they will come to their senses, dump Mahathir who appears intent on violence to protect himself and his family's huge wealth, and pass over the reins in a peaceful manner.
Malaysia Chronicle
Wither English, wither the nation
Wither English, wither the nation: — Thomas Fann The Malaysian Insider Jun 21, 2012 JUNE 21 — The title of this article is inspired by a presentation I heard at an English language conference I attended recently. It was a gathering of educators involved in the teaching of English in schools and people who are committed to raising the standard [...]
Chan
Chan:
By: Thomas Weber Carlsen
Thomas Weber Carlsen is a Danish architect who has been living in Cambodia with his Cambodian wife and their two children for over 10 years now. Apart from designing and building his own house, he has been working with humanitarian projects, worked as a tour leader and made video documentaries about the Khmer Rouge and indigenous people under the influence of globalization.
His first literary work Third World Man (Out of Denmark) is the personal account of his journey from Denmark to Cambodia and the various impacts it has had on his life. It is also a critical comment to the divided and unsustainable world we live in today. Thomas is now looking to have Third World Man (Out of Denmark) published in hard form and/or as an e-book. This article, “Chan”, is based on the second chapter of the book and is the first in a series of three articles, all taken from chapters in the book, to be presented on Latitudes.nu in the near future. “Chan” relates the story of how Thomas met his wife, how their fates intertwined, and what happened then.
My marriage with Chan is a typical third world affair. She wanted something and I wanted something and so we struck a deal. That is not to say that we don’t like each other and these days we are even attempting to love each other.
She comes out of a family with eleven children, born on the threshold to the national holocaust, the disastrous rule of the Khmer Rouge. Through the following decades of war and turmoil she and her family survived by sticking together and making ends meet one way or another and, with the combined effort of everyone at hand, they succeeded in that.
This is how I see her in my mind: a young girl with a large tray on her head from which she sells fruit and things on the street while smiling all the while. A busy bee, in many ways the pride and certainly the main asset of her family, and in that sense it is no coincidence that it was her I met at the market in Battambang those many years ago when I walked in there with my trousers torn looking for somewhere to fix them. She was there in her family’s flower shop and characteristically the only one around who spoke any English, which is why she could guide me to the nearest seamstress, and while the job was being done we – me with a scarf wrapped around me – started getting to know each other. I guess it is fair to say that we are still in that process.
Chan has told me that she once saw a young Cambodian thief being burned alive by the Thais just across the border in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge regime. They stuck him inside a car tire filled with gasoline and let him burn to death in front of a large crowd of Cambodians, to teach them all a lesson not to steal. She still remembers his screams. I sometimes wonder what it does to people to be exposed to violence of that severity.
I had hoped that she would be sweeter and softer than she is – I like girls to be very sweet and very soft – but I guess that is part of the deal, because I also need her to be a hard working housewife, a good mother, a tough negotiator when we have to confront the local authorities, and someone I can rely on in general. She is all of that.
Chan wanted a way out of poverty and a ticket out of Cambodia. Like so many other third world people she firmly believed that the United States and Europe were where the rainbow ended and everything turned into solid gold. She could have chosen between any of a number of western men who came to work in Battambang in the nineties to lead her there, she was exposed to a lot of them as the caretaker of a child of an Italian/Belgian couple, both of whom were working as administrative personnel during the United Nation’s peace keeping mission to Cambodia.
But she chose me and I could not have been a less suitable candidate. For one thing I have never really cared – or been able – to make a large sum of money, and secondly I also wanted a way out of my troubled past and had decided to try my luck in Cambodia. Clearly Chan must have brought this irony of fate down upon her by some serious wrongdoing in an earlier incarnation. Our mismatch has created monumental clashes and disillusionments over the years, but for better or for worse we are still together and still in Cambodia.
My relationships with Danish girls never worked. I knew plenty of girls once I had overcome my initial shyness of women but never anyone steady enough to be called a girlfriend. There was a good reason for that. I was always looking for an opportunity to leave Denmark, so whenever a girl came too close I backed out. There was no way I wanted to get trapped there. But I had been searching for a Cambodian wife for quite a while when I met Chan.
Was it just luck that led me to her house that late evening after having hitchhiked all afternoon on a petrol truck along the bumpy road to Battambang for a quick goodbye before setting off in the early morning to shoot my first video documentary in the remote province of Ratanakiri? I had been to the house of her family before, but only during the daytime and I did not remember the exact way through the maze of little paths of this typical Cambodian village, having gradually been absorbed into the urban structure of the country’s second largest city. At any rate, there I stood outside the big iron-gate where she came up to meet me in her pajamas surrounded by a pack of fiercely barking dogs. And it is a fact that we left together the following day against her father’s will, after she had asked me if I needed someone to cook and clean and assist with the translations and everything once I got to my destination. I thought it was a brilliant idea.
In Ratanakiri we became lovers from the very outset. It was such a sweet time. We were surrounded by the remains of one of the greatest rainforests in Cambodia and a lot of miserable looking ethnic minorities, the so called hill tribes, whom I had come up there to record on video before their ancient culture completely disintegrated. And we proved to be a very efficient team together. Her father incidentally is a video maker as well – wedding videos and Buddhist ceremonies and all those important occasions that need to be preserved for eternity – so the work as my assistant came quite natural to her. People liked us there, especially the ethnic minorities for whom I felt a lot of compassion, and Chan has a way with people to make them think that she is so adorable – and she really is, mostly. It is hard to imagine a more promising start to a lasting relationship.
The first time Chan came to visit Denmark more than ten years ago was something of an eye opener to her. I remember with delight those early days and the way I too began looking at my own country through her eyes. One of the first strange things she noticed was the dogs and how they were treated with constant attention and intimate affection by their owners, and then she said something I’ll always remember with a particular fondness, “In my next life I want to be a dog in Denmark!” This tells something about Chan and the conditions of life in the third world and the beliefs and aspirations of the people. But it also tells something about the Danes and their extraordinary attachment to dogs, perhaps as a substitute for the lack of any deeper relationship with other human beings. I will let you in on a terrible secret: there is a numbing loneliness among people there. Believe me, I know.
She said something else that I remember well, “In Denmark the women are stronger than the men”. She sensed that very early on and I guess it is true. Feminism has a long and exceptional history in that part of the world and we consider it progress, the ultimate achievement of a strong democratic and egalitarian tradition, a proof of the prowess of our highly advanced civilization and a tribute to the virtue of our enlightened women. In my younger years I felt intimidated by these aggressive women, demanding ever more rights and freedom. I wasn’t too sure about my own rights and my own freedom back then.
Chan changed when we married and she became a mother. It was as if she started rebelling for the first time in her life and suddenly regarded me as her oppressor. She probably never had the time or the opportunity before and now for some reason I became the target of a lot of negative feelings. The early years of Amanda’s life were filled with painful incidents and accusations that I do not want to relate here in detail. Maybe she felt trapped. Maybe she was losing that maiden dream of the white knight in the shining Mercedes Benz and realizing that she would never come to live in California. Whatever the reason, this is when the hard times began and I had to learn to stand up to her and shout her in the face whenever I felt she had gone too far. And that is not an easy thing to do with a one or two year old baby girl staring at you in surprise and fear.
I am sure somebody has been trying to tell you that there is such a thing as love at first sight and that someday you’ll just fall into it. It is all first world talk. Let me tell you that love is hard work, every day and every night. Love is a commodity here in the third world, something to be advertised at the sumptuous wedding party and afterwards ignored as an expendable luxury in the everyday struggle to survive. But Chan takes her love and her life seriously and she is not easy to please in that respect. Maybe the same can be said about me, so naturally we have our ups and downs. I could write pages about her imperfections, but I won’t. It would be disrespectful to her, and besides I have my own shortcomings too. You will learn about them soon enough as you turn the pages of this book. Our marriage is a never ending process of grinding away edges. As the years go by you can almost feel getting rounder and softer, and that is a good thing. But underneath that roundness and softness you must be as hard as any rock. How else can you endure the trials of a life in the third world?
Chan is like that and it is not easy for me to find a way into her heart. There is something wild and shy in there. But my destiny is bound to hers and I am wild at heart too. I am a son of the Vikings, their blood runs in my veins and I am not sure if that is a quality. She is a daughter of the old Khmers who for centuries ruled over most of Southeast Asia with an iron hand under the guidance of great warrior kings before they were ultimately subdued and thoroughly humiliated. We are kindred spirits she and I and in the process of creating something extraordinarily beautiful together here in this fantastic country so rich in opportunities for pioneers and searchers of truth.
She is the mother of my children, the most precious belongings I have. She walks faithfully by my side through this crazy life, smiling as she goes and with a song on her lips. And that is something to be treasured. She stands by me, so I stand by her. How would I ever be able to do without her, this third world woman of mine!
By: Thomas Weber Carlsen
Thomas Weber Carlsen is a Danish architect who has been living in Cambodia with his Cambodian wife and their two children for over 10 years now. Apart from designing and building his own house, he has been working with humanitarian projects, worked as a tour leader and made video documentaries about the Khmer Rouge and indigenous people under the influence of globalization.
His first literary work Third World Man (Out of Denmark) is the personal account of his journey from Denmark to Cambodia and the various impacts it has had on his life. It is also a critical comment to the divided and unsustainable world we live in today. Thomas is now looking to have Third World Man (Out of Denmark) published in hard form and/or as an e-book. This article, “Chan”, is based on the second chapter of the book and is the first in a series of three articles, all taken from chapters in the book, to be presented on Latitudes.nu in the near future. “Chan” relates the story of how Thomas met his wife, how their fates intertwined, and what happened then.
My marriage with Chan is a typical third world affair. She wanted something and I wanted something and so we struck a deal. That is not to say that we don’t like each other and these days we are even attempting to love each other.
She comes out of a family with eleven children, born on the threshold to the national holocaust, the disastrous rule of the Khmer Rouge. Through the following decades of war and turmoil she and her family survived by sticking together and making ends meet one way or another and, with the combined effort of everyone at hand, they succeeded in that.
This is how I see her in my mind: a young girl with a large tray on her head from which she sells fruit and things on the street while smiling all the while. A busy bee, in many ways the pride and certainly the main asset of her family, and in that sense it is no coincidence that it was her I met at the market in Battambang those many years ago when I walked in there with my trousers torn looking for somewhere to fix them. She was there in her family’s flower shop and characteristically the only one around who spoke any English, which is why she could guide me to the nearest seamstress, and while the job was being done we – me with a scarf wrapped around me – started getting to know each other. I guess it is fair to say that we are still in that process.
Chan has told me that she once saw a young Cambodian thief being burned alive by the Thais just across the border in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge regime. They stuck him inside a car tire filled with gasoline and let him burn to death in front of a large crowd of Cambodians, to teach them all a lesson not to steal. She still remembers his screams. I sometimes wonder what it does to people to be exposed to violence of that severity.
I had hoped that she would be sweeter and softer than she is – I like girls to be very sweet and very soft – but I guess that is part of the deal, because I also need her to be a hard working housewife, a good mother, a tough negotiator when we have to confront the local authorities, and someone I can rely on in general. She is all of that.
Chan wanted a way out of poverty and a ticket out of Cambodia. Like so many other third world people she firmly believed that the United States and Europe were where the rainbow ended and everything turned into solid gold. She could have chosen between any of a number of western men who came to work in Battambang in the nineties to lead her there, she was exposed to a lot of them as the caretaker of a child of an Italian/Belgian couple, both of whom were working as administrative personnel during the United Nation’s peace keeping mission to Cambodia.
But she chose me and I could not have been a less suitable candidate. For one thing I have never really cared – or been able – to make a large sum of money, and secondly I also wanted a way out of my troubled past and had decided to try my luck in Cambodia. Clearly Chan must have brought this irony of fate down upon her by some serious wrongdoing in an earlier incarnation. Our mismatch has created monumental clashes and disillusionments over the years, but for better or for worse we are still together and still in Cambodia.
My relationships with Danish girls never worked. I knew plenty of girls once I had overcome my initial shyness of women but never anyone steady enough to be called a girlfriend. There was a good reason for that. I was always looking for an opportunity to leave Denmark, so whenever a girl came too close I backed out. There was no way I wanted to get trapped there. But I had been searching for a Cambodian wife for quite a while when I met Chan.
Was it just luck that led me to her house that late evening after having hitchhiked all afternoon on a petrol truck along the bumpy road to Battambang for a quick goodbye before setting off in the early morning to shoot my first video documentary in the remote province of Ratanakiri? I had been to the house of her family before, but only during the daytime and I did not remember the exact way through the maze of little paths of this typical Cambodian village, having gradually been absorbed into the urban structure of the country’s second largest city. At any rate, there I stood outside the big iron-gate where she came up to meet me in her pajamas surrounded by a pack of fiercely barking dogs. And it is a fact that we left together the following day against her father’s will, after she had asked me if I needed someone to cook and clean and assist with the translations and everything once I got to my destination. I thought it was a brilliant idea.
In Ratanakiri we became lovers from the very outset. It was such a sweet time. We were surrounded by the remains of one of the greatest rainforests in Cambodia and a lot of miserable looking ethnic minorities, the so called hill tribes, whom I had come up there to record on video before their ancient culture completely disintegrated. And we proved to be a very efficient team together. Her father incidentally is a video maker as well – wedding videos and Buddhist ceremonies and all those important occasions that need to be preserved for eternity – so the work as my assistant came quite natural to her. People liked us there, especially the ethnic minorities for whom I felt a lot of compassion, and Chan has a way with people to make them think that she is so adorable – and she really is, mostly. It is hard to imagine a more promising start to a lasting relationship.
The first time Chan came to visit Denmark more than ten years ago was something of an eye opener to her. I remember with delight those early days and the way I too began looking at my own country through her eyes. One of the first strange things she noticed was the dogs and how they were treated with constant attention and intimate affection by their owners, and then she said something I’ll always remember with a particular fondness, “In my next life I want to be a dog in Denmark!” This tells something about Chan and the conditions of life in the third world and the beliefs and aspirations of the people. But it also tells something about the Danes and their extraordinary attachment to dogs, perhaps as a substitute for the lack of any deeper relationship with other human beings. I will let you in on a terrible secret: there is a numbing loneliness among people there. Believe me, I know.
She said something else that I remember well, “In Denmark the women are stronger than the men”. She sensed that very early on and I guess it is true. Feminism has a long and exceptional history in that part of the world and we consider it progress, the ultimate achievement of a strong democratic and egalitarian tradition, a proof of the prowess of our highly advanced civilization and a tribute to the virtue of our enlightened women. In my younger years I felt intimidated by these aggressive women, demanding ever more rights and freedom. I wasn’t too sure about my own rights and my own freedom back then.
Chan changed when we married and she became a mother. It was as if she started rebelling for the first time in her life and suddenly regarded me as her oppressor. She probably never had the time or the opportunity before and now for some reason I became the target of a lot of negative feelings. The early years of Amanda’s life were filled with painful incidents and accusations that I do not want to relate here in detail. Maybe she felt trapped. Maybe she was losing that maiden dream of the white knight in the shining Mercedes Benz and realizing that she would never come to live in California. Whatever the reason, this is when the hard times began and I had to learn to stand up to her and shout her in the face whenever I felt she had gone too far. And that is not an easy thing to do with a one or two year old baby girl staring at you in surprise and fear.
I am sure somebody has been trying to tell you that there is such a thing as love at first sight and that someday you’ll just fall into it. It is all first world talk. Let me tell you that love is hard work, every day and every night. Love is a commodity here in the third world, something to be advertised at the sumptuous wedding party and afterwards ignored as an expendable luxury in the everyday struggle to survive. But Chan takes her love and her life seriously and she is not easy to please in that respect. Maybe the same can be said about me, so naturally we have our ups and downs. I could write pages about her imperfections, but I won’t. It would be disrespectful to her, and besides I have my own shortcomings too. You will learn about them soon enough as you turn the pages of this book. Our marriage is a never ending process of grinding away edges. As the years go by you can almost feel getting rounder and softer, and that is a good thing. But underneath that roundness and softness you must be as hard as any rock. How else can you endure the trials of a life in the third world?
Chan is like that and it is not easy for me to find a way into her heart. There is something wild and shy in there. But my destiny is bound to hers and I am wild at heart too. I am a son of the Vikings, their blood runs in my veins and I am not sure if that is a quality. She is a daughter of the old Khmers who for centuries ruled over most of Southeast Asia with an iron hand under the guidance of great warrior kings before they were ultimately subdued and thoroughly humiliated. We are kindred spirits she and I and in the process of creating something extraordinarily beautiful together here in this fantastic country so rich in opportunities for pioneers and searchers of truth.
She is the mother of my children, the most precious belongings I have. She walks faithfully by my side through this crazy life, smiling as she goes and with a song on her lips. And that is something to be treasured. She stands by me, so I stand by her. How would I ever be able to do without her, this third world woman of mine!
Getting there: The Road to the Philippine Islands
Getting there: The Road to the Philippine Islands:
By: Leonard Estores Dalugdog
Been dreaming to bask under the joyful Philippine sun? Here’s your guide to get there!
Since the Philippine Islands is an archipelago, most visitors get there by plane. International travelers can fly into airports in Manila, Cebu, Davao, Angeles (Clark), Kalibo, Laoag and Zamboanga to name a few. Philippine Airlines (PAL), Cebu Pacific, Airphil Express are among the national carriers.
Major airports in the country serve as an access to maximize travel in the Philippines. The Diosdado Macapagal International Airport (popularly known as Clark International Airport) in Angeles City, Pampanga is 85 kilometers north of Manila and is a popular hub for low-cost carriers serving Manila. The Mactan-Cebu International Airport in Cebu is the Philippines’ second-busiest airport and a major hub for visitors headed to points in the Visayas and Mindanao. Several of the airlines which serve Manila also serve Cebu. The Francisco Bangoy International Airport in Davao is one of the advanced airports in the country and is the leading airport of the island of Mindanao. The Kalibo International Airport in Kalibo, Aklan is a gateway to reach the famous beaches of Boracay Island. The Laoag International Airport in Laoag, Ilocos Norte is your gateway to the northern part of the country.
If you plan to travel around the various islands, it is best to get an open jaw ticket. This can save much time back-tracking. Most common open-jaw ticket combinations fly into Manila and out of Cebu. Local airlines also have regular “seat sales”, advertising cheap fares for flights to domestic destinations. However, be aware of travel dates: some tickets booked during a seat sale may only be used on dates after the duration of the sale, sometimes up to a year after the sale, and advertised fares usually exclude government taxes and fuel surcharges.
If you live in an area with a large Filipino population, such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, New York, Hong Kong, Singapore or Tokyo, look around at travel agencies catering to overseas Filipinos. These travel agencies will usually advertise fares which are far less than posted fares.
By: Leonard Estores Dalugdog
Been dreaming to bask under the joyful Philippine sun? Here’s your guide to get there!
Since the Philippine Islands is an archipelago, most visitors get there by plane. International travelers can fly into airports in Manila, Cebu, Davao, Angeles (Clark), Kalibo, Laoag and Zamboanga to name a few. Philippine Airlines (PAL), Cebu Pacific, Airphil Express are among the national carriers.
Ninoy Aquino International Airport Manila
Most visitors entering the Philippines will fly in through the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA). The airport is divided into four terminals: Terminals 1, 2, 3 and the Domestic Terminal (also known as Terminal 4). All airlines use Terminal 1 with a few exceptions: Philippine Airlines uses Terminal 2, while Cebu Pacific, Airphil Express and All Nippon Airways use Terminal 3. Zest Airways and SEAIR use the Domestic Terminal. Terminal 1, long regarded as one of Asia’s worst airport terminals, is currently undergoing renovation and several areas of the terminal have been renovated. The newer Terminals 2 and 3 are regarded as being far nicer than Terminal 1, with more amenities to boot.Major airports in the country serve as an access to maximize travel in the Philippines. The Diosdado Macapagal International Airport (popularly known as Clark International Airport) in Angeles City, Pampanga is 85 kilometers north of Manila and is a popular hub for low-cost carriers serving Manila. The Mactan-Cebu International Airport in Cebu is the Philippines’ second-busiest airport and a major hub for visitors headed to points in the Visayas and Mindanao. Several of the airlines which serve Manila also serve Cebu. The Francisco Bangoy International Airport in Davao is one of the advanced airports in the country and is the leading airport of the island of Mindanao. The Kalibo International Airport in Kalibo, Aklan is a gateway to reach the famous beaches of Boracay Island. The Laoag International Airport in Laoag, Ilocos Norte is your gateway to the northern part of the country.
If you plan to travel around the various islands, it is best to get an open jaw ticket. This can save much time back-tracking. Most common open-jaw ticket combinations fly into Manila and out of Cebu. Local airlines also have regular “seat sales”, advertising cheap fares for flights to domestic destinations. However, be aware of travel dates: some tickets booked during a seat sale may only be used on dates after the duration of the sale, sometimes up to a year after the sale, and advertised fares usually exclude government taxes and fuel surcharges.
If you live in an area with a large Filipino population, such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, New York, Hong Kong, Singapore or Tokyo, look around at travel agencies catering to overseas Filipinos. These travel agencies will usually advertise fares which are far less than posted fares.
Getting to the Philippines by Boat
However, if you intend to travel by water to other islands there are various shipping companies in Manila which can offer packages from cruise to family rooms, depending upon the destination. The Port of Manila is the largest seaport of the Philippines and was located in the vicinity of Manila Bay, one of the finest natural harbors in the world. The Port of Manila is the premier international shipping gateway to the Philippines. From the Port of Manila, you can go to various places via other ports, such as ports located in Caticlan (near Boracay Island), Cebu, Davao, Cagayan de Oro and Zamboanga are those that top the list.
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