Review of The Lovelorn Ghost and the Magical Monk:
Justin McDaniel, The Lovelorn Ghost and the Magical Monk: Practicing Buddhism in Modern Thailand.
New York: Columbia University Press, 2011. Pp. xiv, 327; photographs, bibliography, index.
Reviewed by Erick White.
Few scholarly monographs in recent years have risked making large arguments about the breadth and depth of Thai Buddhism as a whole. Fewer still have critically reflected on the various long-standing assumptions and models which have shaped the academic study of Thai Buddhism. Justin McDaniel’s The Lovelorn Ghost and the Magical Monk: Practicing Buddhism in Modern Thailand pursues both of these challenges, and does so with passion, wit, insight and care. McDaniel explicitly seeks to upend established descriptions, interpretations and theories regarding the character and dynamics of Thai religiosity in the present and the past. This ambitious rethinking is, moreover, solidly grounded in a broad and deep substantive knowledge of Thai Buddhism, as both a textual tradition of scholasticism and a living tradition of practice, as well as an impressive familiarity with the wide scope of existing academic studies in English, Thai and other languages. As a result, this monograph will likely serve for years to come as a benchmark in the study of Thai Buddhism, and McDaniel’s arguments, claims and interpretations will be advanced, debated and critiqued by future scholars seeking to elucidate Thai Buddhism with the same care and insight he has displayed.
While ranging broadly across the full expanse of past and present Thai Buddhism, McDaniel concentrates most centrally on four specific topical foci: sacred biographies, protective magical texts, devotional rituals and liturgies, and vernacular religious art. In the process, he fruitfully brings into his discussion and opens up for investigation a range of source materials typically neglected in the study of Thai Buddhism, materials such as films, murals, ritual calendars, amulets, regional liturgies, statuary, hagiographies, comic books, CDs, and tourism performances. Accordingly, the substantive picture of Thai Buddhism conveyed is richer, more idiosyncratic and less tied to the stereotypic representations typically conveyed by Thai authorities, foreign scholars or casual observation. Providing structure within and across this buzzing diversity is McDaniel’s repeated use of the figures of Mae Nak (“the lovelorn ghost”, of his book’s title) and Somdet To (“the magical monk”). As two neglected figures within academic studies of Thai Buddhist history and mythology, they provide numerous illustrative examples of his more general points. The end result is an illuminating look at familiar concerns, but one which asks new questions from unusual angles via the use of unconventional materials.
After framing the general analytical and interpretive approach of his study in the Introduction, McDaniel proceeds in the next four chapters to unpack in considerable detail the empirical and interpretive significance of his four neglected thematic topics, before closing with an impassioned call for a new approach to the study of Thai Buddhism. Chapter I centers on an examination of hagiography, focusing on the biographical tales told about Somdet To, a high-ranking Bangkok monk of the nineteenth century who is regarded by many as the most famous and popular Buddhist saint in contemporary Central Thailand. Through the stories told about this monk and the uses made of him by contemporary Thai Buddhists, McDaniel seeks to challenge common assumptions that elites dominate religious discourse, that Buddhism is primarily about meditation and world peace, and that Thai saints only exemplify certain canonical values such as nonattachment and indifference.
In Chapter II, attention shifts to religious texts, their multiple mediums of transmission, and their various social uses, focusing especially on the Jinapanjara, a protective magical incantation written by Somdet To. In the course of examining the social life of this text across vernacular scriptures, hand-books, CDs, shrines, films and chanting clubs, McDaniel critically examines ideas of the esoteric and the magical in contemporary academic studies of Thai Buddhism.
Chapter III explores in depth the cacophonous ritual calendar of Buddhist Thailand, the complicated history of modern liturgical chanting manuals, and the idiosyncratically expansive pantheon of deities that contemporary Thais supplicate. Central to all of these discussions is McDaniel’s criticism that, contrary to many scholars’ assertions, there has not been a pronounced standardization and homogenization of Buddhist belief and practice over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and that dynamism, debate and diversity have in fact flourished.
In Chapter IV, vernacular religious art and its social reception takes center stage, as statues, shrines, amulets and murals are examined in terms of their material aesthetics, associational logics and social uses. McDaniel’s overarching goal here is to investigate the material and artistic culture of Buddhist Thailand within its local historical and performative contexts rather than the more common art-historical frames of canonical iconography, aesthetic styles and Indian precursors.
The illumination, appeal and persuasiveness of McDaniel’s various arguments are due to a variety of literary and stylistic elements beyond those arguments’ interpretive and logical strengths. For one thing, the rhetorical style of the monograph is for the most part conversational and non-technical. Whether describing the spatial layout of the temple that houses Mae Nak’s shrine in Bangkok or examining arguments about the Tantric character of popular Thai Buddhism, McDaniel’s discussions remain accessible to and informative for the general reader. In addition, the monograph is richly descriptive and packed with numerous examples of each of the general topics explored. There is in fact an embarrassment of descriptive riches, as McDaniel explicates film narratives of Somdet To, describes temple murals depicting hell, reports on a shrine grotto dedicated to Somdet To, or unpacks the scriptural components of regional liturgies. This attention to comprehensive descriptive detail grabs the reader’s attention and richly conveys the subject under discussion. At the same time, McDaniel’s accounts are peppered with evocative personal vignettes of his explorations, discoveries and realizations in the field, such that the reader frequently has a sense of standing alongside the scholar as insights are made. Lastly, McDaniel’s arguments are built on a broad and deep foundation of scholarship, and expanded upon in sometimes quite extensive footnotes that tell stories unto themselves. Most noteworthy in this regard is the seriousness with which the author takes Thai-language primary sources and scholarly works, integrating them extensively into his scholarly framework.
Aside from any of its specific interpretive and theoretical arguments, The Lovelorn Ghost and the Magical Monk is also noteworthy for its general approach to the study of Thai Buddhism. The book consistently highlights the cacophony of voices and individual agents at work in contemporary Thai religiosity, emphasizing in particular the ambiguous and potentially contradictory character of Buddhist beliefs and practices as lived realities. It seeks to document the everyday and everyman of mainstream religiosity, rather than focusing upon the elite or the official, the dominant or the marginalized. McDaniel’s arguments consistently return to aesthetics, practices, technologies and repertoires, rather than focusing on theologies, worldviews, canonical teachings and official doctrines. The monograph relentlessly examines Buddhism inThailand in its full local, historical messiness, rather than seeking explanation by appeals to the idea of Theravada Buddhism in general or Indian Buddhist precursors. Moreover, the book prioritizes and seeks to vindicate the practical and worldly concerns of Thai Buddhism in contrast to those soteriological and transcendent dimensions that most normative discussions of Buddhism emphasize. The book’s arguments consistently privilege and emphasize the assumptions and statements of Thai informants over scholarly theoretical and explanatory models, regardless of how much the former fail to conform to the expectations of the latter. As an exploration of the historical, social and performative contexts of practical, everyday religious behavior, the book is, as McDaniel makes explicit, “an exercise in following, listening to and seeing individual Buddhist agents” (p. 19). In all of these ways, this monograph represents an exemplary model that one hopes will inspire future scholarly work guided by these same principles.
At the same time, The Lovelorn Ghost and the Magical Monk is a sustained, informed investigation of a diverse set of foundational, but frequently neglected, methodological, substantive, interpretive, analytical and theoretical issues in the academic study of Thai Buddhism. Many general technical and academic debates frequently linger under the surface of McDaniel’s descriptions and arguments, even as he also explicitly engages with a variety of specific scholarly theses, models and theories. McDaniel is forthright and opinionated as he passes judgment on the analyses and interpretations offered in the work of scholars, named and unnamed, who have preceded him. As a result, the monograph exemplifies, provokes and demands greater self-reflexivity regarding the general theories, analytic frames, conceptual models, interpretive categories and empirical conclusions which scholars have advanced in the study of Thai Buddhism. Inevitably, however, such self-reflection is deeply shaped by the disciplinary training that every scholar brings to the subject at hand.
Inspired by McDaniel’s spirited response to prior scholarship, what follows is a more extended series of critical reflections on some of the technical academic arguments advanced explicitly and implicitly by The Lovelorn Ghost and the Magical Monk. I approach these arguments, and the broader scholarly issues that they raise, from the perspective of an anthropologist, rather than that of a religious-studies scholar. My hope is that this contrasting disciplinary perspective will prove illuminating as I seek critically to rethink many of the important arguments, ideas and positions that McDaniel advances.
This review is available in its entirety here.
Erick White has carried out research on the sub-culture of professional spirit mediums in Bangkok. Most recently he served as an adjunct instructor in Antioch University’s “Buddhist Studies in India” program in Bodh Gaya, Bihar.
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Laos has emerged as a hub for the international illicit elephant ivory trade, with large shipments of products made from the tusks of the majestic creatures heading to China, according to a new study released Tuesday.
Based on a survey by wildlife trade monitoring network Traffic, 2,493 pieces of ivory, including jewelry and raw tusks, were found openly on sale in 24 retail outlets mostly in the capital Vientiane, compared to just over 100 ivory items observed in nine shops in 2002, the network said in a report.
Information from vendors in the August 2011 survey indicated that the ivory originated from local elephants in Laos while prices were advertised in U.S. dollars or Chinese yuan rather than in the Laotian kip, clearly suggesting an international clientele, a fact confirmed by most vendors, according to the report.
Recent seizures' data also suggest that Laos may be playing a transit country role for African ivory.
"The seizure of ivory from Africa en route to Lao PDR, which was confiscated in Kenya and Thailand, points to an emerging role for Lao PDR in the international ivory market," the report said.
"Assuming dealers were truthful when stating that ivory for sale in Lao PDR originated from local elephants, this suggests that Lao PDR may be acting as a gateway for African ivory to enter East Asian markets, particularly China, rather than serve as a point of sale for African ivory," it said.
'Totally protected'
Landlocked Laos is situated between the world’s largest ivory traders Thailand and China. The country's dwindling Asian elephants are “totally protected” by the government with no trade in them, or their parts, allowed.
Traffic said that as Chinese and Vietnamese authorities increasingly interdict ivory items through targeted law enforcement actions, it is "very possible" that Laos is now being used as an "alternative terrestrial route" into China’s Yunnan province.
Recently, authorities seized ivory products in the Chinese city of Jinghong, north of Muang Sing, and just 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) from the Sino-Lao border.
"Laos is playing a more prominent role in the international ivory trade than was previously thought, especially as a conduit for large shipments to China," the report said.
Laos has escaped much of the negative attention its neighbors, especially China and Thailand, have suffered on account of their major domestic ivory markets, carving industries and role in the global illegal ivory trade.
However, data from the Elephant Trade Information System (ETIS), a database of worldwide elephant product seizures managed by Traffic on behalf of Parties to CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) implicates Laos as the destination in four large seizures made between 2009 and 2011, totaling more than four tons of ivory, the report said.
"Lao PDR certainly functions as a transit point for ivory heading to China and Thailand, but it may also be emerging as a final destination as the latest Traffic survey indicates a growing market for ivory products."
Enforcement
The report recommends the confiscation of all ivory on sale in Laos, better monitoring of markets, and greater enforcement and prosecution of offenders. It also urges international cooperation to sever the illicit Africa-to-Asia ivory trade chain.
Last month Gabon publicly destroyed its audited ivory stockpiles and sent a strong signal of zero tolerance towards elephant poaching in West Africa.
“While Gabon set an example to the world in destroying its audited ivory, it is vital nothing happens to seized ivory stocks in Asia prior to exhausting all investigative channels,” said Chris R. Shepherd, Deputy Director of Traffic Southeast Asia.
“Countries in Asia must do their part to help African countries shut down the illegal ivory supply chain by finding out how the ivory got to them and who was responsible for bringing it there.”
“Elephant poaching is at crisis levels and demands a coordinated global response.”
Reported by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.
Laos has emerged as a hub for the international illicit elephant ivory trade, with large shipments of products made from the tusks of the majestic creatures heading to China, according to a new study released Tuesday.
Based on a survey by wildlife trade monitoring network Traffic, 2,493 pieces of ivory, including jewelry and raw tusks, were found openly on sale in 24 retail outlets mostly in the capital Vientiane, compared to just over 100 ivory items observed in nine shops in 2002, the network said in a report.
Information from vendors in the August 2011 survey indicated that the ivory originated from local elephants in Laos while prices were advertised in U.S. dollars or Chinese yuan rather than in the Laotian kip, clearly suggesting an international clientele, a fact confirmed by most vendors, according to the report.
Recent seizures' data also suggest that Laos may be playing a transit country role for African ivory.
"The seizure of ivory from Africa en route to Lao PDR, which was confiscated in Kenya and Thailand, points to an emerging role for Lao PDR in the international ivory market," the report said.
"Assuming dealers were truthful when stating that ivory for sale in Lao PDR originated from local elephants, this suggests that Lao PDR may be acting as a gateway for African ivory to enter East Asian markets, particularly China, rather than serve as a point of sale for African ivory," it said.
'Totally protected'
Landlocked Laos is situated between the world’s largest ivory traders Thailand and China. The country's dwindling Asian elephants are “totally protected” by the government with no trade in them, or their parts, allowed.
Traffic said that as Chinese and Vietnamese authorities increasingly interdict ivory items through targeted law enforcement actions, it is "very possible" that Laos is now being used as an "alternative terrestrial route" into China’s Yunnan province.
Recently, authorities seized ivory products in the Chinese city of Jinghong, north of Muang Sing, and just 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) from the Sino-Lao border.
"Laos is playing a more prominent role in the international ivory trade than was previously thought, especially as a conduit for large shipments to China," the report said.
Laos has escaped much of the negative attention its neighbors, especially China and Thailand, have suffered on account of their major domestic ivory markets, carving industries and role in the global illegal ivory trade.
However, data from the Elephant Trade Information System (ETIS), a database of worldwide elephant product seizures managed by Traffic on behalf of Parties to CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) implicates Laos as the destination in four large seizures made between 2009 and 2011, totaling more than four tons of ivory, the report said.
"Lao PDR certainly functions as a transit point for ivory heading to China and Thailand, but it may also be emerging as a final destination as the latest Traffic survey indicates a growing market for ivory products."
Enforcement
The report recommends the confiscation of all ivory on sale in Laos, better monitoring of markets, and greater enforcement and prosecution of offenders. It also urges international cooperation to sever the illicit Africa-to-Asia ivory trade chain.
Last month Gabon publicly destroyed its audited ivory stockpiles and sent a strong signal of zero tolerance towards elephant poaching in West Africa.
“While Gabon set an example to the world in destroying its audited ivory, it is vital nothing happens to seized ivory stocks in Asia prior to exhausting all investigative channels,” said Chris R. Shepherd, Deputy Director of Traffic Southeast Asia.
“Countries in Asia must do their part to help African countries shut down the illegal ivory supply chain by finding out how the ivory got to them and who was responsible for bringing it there.”
“Elephant poaching is at crisis levels and demands a coordinated global response.”
Reported by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.
US Man Jailed for Lese Majeste Freed
US Man Jailed for Lese Majeste Freed:
BANGKOK—An American sentenced to two-and-a-half years in Thai prison for translating a banned biography of the country’s king and posting the content online has been freed by a royal pardon, the US Embassy said on Wednesday.
Joe Gordon was convicted in December for translating excerpts of the book “The King Never Smiles” from English into Thai. The punishment was a high-profile example of the severe sentences meted out here for defaming Thailand’s royal family, an issue that has raised concern about freedom of expression in this Southeast Asian Kingdom.
No reason was given for the pardon, but US officials have pressed Thai authorities to release the Thai-born American since he was first detained in May 2011. Gordon was freed from Bangkok’s Remand Prison late on Tuesday, said US Embassy spokesman Walter Braunohler.
“We are pleased that His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej granted Joe Gordon a royal pardon, which allowed him to be released from prison,” Braunohler said. “We urge Thai authorities on a regular basis, both privately and publically, in Bangkok and in Washington, to ensure that freedom of expression is protected in accordance with its international obligations.”
Braunohler declined to comment on Gordon’s whereabouts or what his future plans were. Gordon’s lawyer, Arnon Numpa, told The Associated Press he would likely return to America within several days.
Bhumibol, the world’s longest-reigning monarch, is revered in Thailand and is widely seen as a stabilizing force. But Thailand’s lese majeste laws are the harshest in the world. They mandate that people found guilty of defaming the monarchy—including the king, the queen and the heir to the throne—face three to 15 years behind bars. The nation’s 2007 Computer Crimes Act also contains provisions that have enabled prosecutors to increase lese majeste sentences.
Opponents of the laws say that while the royal family should be protected from defamation, lese majeste laws are often abused to punish political rivals. That appears to have been especially true amid the political turmoil that has followed a 2006 military coup.
Many had hoped the administration of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, which assumed power after elections a year ago and has prominent supporters who have been accused of lese majeste, would reform the laws. The issue remains highly sensitive, however, and Yingluck’s government has been as aggressive in pursuing the cases as its predecessors.
Gordon posted links to the banned biography of the king several years ago while residing in the US state of Colorado, and his case has raised questions about the applicability of Thai law to acts committed by foreigners outside Thailand.
In the banned book, author Paul M. Handley retraces the king’s life and makes several allegations regarding royal power in Thailand.
Gordon, who lived in the US for about 30 years, was visiting his native country to seek treatment for arthritis and high blood pressure at the time of his arrest. After being repeatedly denied bail, he pleaded guilty in October last year in hopes of obtaining a lenient sentence. The judge said at the time that the punishment, initially set at five years, was reduced because of Gordon’s plea.
BANGKOK—An American sentenced to two-and-a-half years in Thai prison for translating a banned biography of the country’s king and posting the content online has been freed by a royal pardon, the US Embassy said on Wednesday.
Joe Gordon was convicted in December for translating excerpts of the book “The King Never Smiles” from English into Thai. The punishment was a high-profile example of the severe sentences meted out here for defaming Thailand’s royal family, an issue that has raised concern about freedom of expression in this Southeast Asian Kingdom.
No reason was given for the pardon, but US officials have pressed Thai authorities to release the Thai-born American since he was first detained in May 2011. Gordon was freed from Bangkok’s Remand Prison late on Tuesday, said US Embassy spokesman Walter Braunohler.
“We are pleased that His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej granted Joe Gordon a royal pardon, which allowed him to be released from prison,” Braunohler said. “We urge Thai authorities on a regular basis, both privately and publically, in Bangkok and in Washington, to ensure that freedom of expression is protected in accordance with its international obligations.”
Braunohler declined to comment on Gordon’s whereabouts or what his future plans were. Gordon’s lawyer, Arnon Numpa, told The Associated Press he would likely return to America within several days.
Bhumibol, the world’s longest-reigning monarch, is revered in Thailand and is widely seen as a stabilizing force. But Thailand’s lese majeste laws are the harshest in the world. They mandate that people found guilty of defaming the monarchy—including the king, the queen and the heir to the throne—face three to 15 years behind bars. The nation’s 2007 Computer Crimes Act also contains provisions that have enabled prosecutors to increase lese majeste sentences.
Opponents of the laws say that while the royal family should be protected from defamation, lese majeste laws are often abused to punish political rivals. That appears to have been especially true amid the political turmoil that has followed a 2006 military coup.
Many had hoped the administration of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, which assumed power after elections a year ago and has prominent supporters who have been accused of lese majeste, would reform the laws. The issue remains highly sensitive, however, and Yingluck’s government has been as aggressive in pursuing the cases as its predecessors.
Gordon posted links to the banned biography of the king several years ago while residing in the US state of Colorado, and his case has raised questions about the applicability of Thai law to acts committed by foreigners outside Thailand.
In the banned book, author Paul M. Handley retraces the king’s life and makes several allegations regarding royal power in Thailand.
Gordon, who lived in the US for about 30 years, was visiting his native country to seek treatment for arthritis and high blood pressure at the time of his arrest. After being repeatedly denied bail, he pleaded guilty in October last year in hopes of obtaining a lenient sentence. The judge said at the time that the punishment, initially set at five years, was reduced because of Gordon’s plea.
Jul 10, 2012
Prisons Plagued by Overcrowding
Prisons Plagued by Overcrowding:
Cambodia’s prisons are holding almost twice as many inmates as they were designed for, officials say, amid concerns from a rights group that the government is using jails as a “dumping ground” for the impoverished.
Deputy Director-General of Prisons Liv Morv said Monday that there are approximately 15,500 inmates in the country’s 28 prisons as drug-related crime fuel the rise in the prison population.
Cambodia ranks 34th on an index of the world's most crowded prison populations by country. Last year, it placed in the top 25.
According to Liv Morv, Cambodia’s prisons were designed for an inmate population of 8,500. Provincial prisons designed to hold 200 to 300 inmates regularly house 400 to 500 and in some cases hold as many as 1,000.
Many of these smaller, older jails are legacies of French colonization and do not meet modern standards.
Officials say the cramped conditions are affecting inmates’ health.
“They are living in tight spaces,” Liv Morv said. “We need to expand the buildings.”
Expanding the system
He said that building more prisons, such as one currently under construction in western Cambodia’s Pursat province, is the best way to quickly alleviate prison conditions.
“We are expanding the buildings but it does not mean that we want more inmates,” he said.
But Cambodian rights watchdog Licadho, which monitors prisons across the country, is concerned that too many people are being held in the prisons and building more facilities to house a growing number of inmates is not the right solution.
Licadho, which released its new “Beyond Capacity 2012” report on prisons this week, urged Phnom Penh to consider alternative sentencing for minor crimes, such as asking inmates to perform community work or placing drug offenders in rehabilitation centers.
Instead of making more room, Phnom Penh should stop imposing prison time for minor crimes or unpaid fines and allowing mass delays in processing final court verdicts, it said.
“I urge the government to seek different measures to avoid detention,” Licadho President Pung Chhiv Kek said.
Push for reform
In one example noted by Licadho, a Cambodian woman was imprisoned for six months for stealing a basket of vegetables to feed her children.
“Imprisonment shouldn’t be the default punishment for a mother who steals food to feed her children,” Pung Chhiv Kek said.
“The prisons will remain overcrowded as long as they are used as a ‘dumping ground’ for society’s down-and-out. Cambodia needs to implement more alternatives to prison,” she said.
Prison reforms have been discussed by the government, but Licadho officials are dissatisfied with what they call a lack of progress.
“The government has finally begun talking about using community service and other non-custodial sentences,” Pung Chhiv Kek said. “But we have yet to see serious action.”
Cabinet Chief of Ministry of Justice Sam Pracheameanit said that the court is not allowed to provide non-custodial punishment for all light crime offenders.
“The court officials are working strictly to the law. In some cases that are under investigation, the court can continue to detain the suspects,” he said.
Drug problem
A major factor behind the recent growth in prison population has been drug-related crime, Licadho’s investigations found.
Liv Morv confirmed that high crime rates in Cambodia’s provinces are attributable in part to drug- and alcohol-related offenses.
In its report, Licadho found that drug-related criminal arrests were up 163 percent in 2011, despite a modest 2.3 percent increase in the overall population of the Cambodian prison system.
The report also found that 2,747 inmates were held on drug-related charges as of November 2011, up from 1,046 a year before.
The increase came from a yearlong crackdown that has led to a surge in drug arrests over the last year.
“At a time of record prison population growth, the authorities packed an extra 1,700 drug offenders into the system,” said Licadho Director Naly Pilorge in a press release.
“That includes nearly 250 arrested only for drug use,” she said. “There are cheaper and more effective ways of dealing with drug problems.”
Reported by Tep Soravy for RFA’s Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by James Bourne.
Cambodia’s prisons are holding almost twice as many inmates as they were designed for, officials say, amid concerns from a rights group that the government is using jails as a “dumping ground” for the impoverished.
Deputy Director-General of Prisons Liv Morv said Monday that there are approximately 15,500 inmates in the country’s 28 prisons as drug-related crime fuel the rise in the prison population.
Cambodia ranks 34th on an index of the world's most crowded prison populations by country. Last year, it placed in the top 25.
According to Liv Morv, Cambodia’s prisons were designed for an inmate population of 8,500. Provincial prisons designed to hold 200 to 300 inmates regularly house 400 to 500 and in some cases hold as many as 1,000.
Many of these smaller, older jails are legacies of French colonization and do not meet modern standards.
Officials say the cramped conditions are affecting inmates’ health.
“They are living in tight spaces,” Liv Morv said. “We need to expand the buildings.”
Expanding the system
He said that building more prisons, such as one currently under construction in western Cambodia’s Pursat province, is the best way to quickly alleviate prison conditions.
“We are expanding the buildings but it does not mean that we want more inmates,” he said.
But Cambodian rights watchdog Licadho, which monitors prisons across the country, is concerned that too many people are being held in the prisons and building more facilities to house a growing number of inmates is not the right solution.
Licadho, which released its new “Beyond Capacity 2012” report on prisons this week, urged Phnom Penh to consider alternative sentencing for minor crimes, such as asking inmates to perform community work or placing drug offenders in rehabilitation centers.
Instead of making more room, Phnom Penh should stop imposing prison time for minor crimes or unpaid fines and allowing mass delays in processing final court verdicts, it said.
“I urge the government to seek different measures to avoid detention,” Licadho President Pung Chhiv Kek said.
Push for reform
In one example noted by Licadho, a Cambodian woman was imprisoned for six months for stealing a basket of vegetables to feed her children.
“Imprisonment shouldn’t be the default punishment for a mother who steals food to feed her children,” Pung Chhiv Kek said.
“The prisons will remain overcrowded as long as they are used as a ‘dumping ground’ for society’s down-and-out. Cambodia needs to implement more alternatives to prison,” she said.
Prison reforms have been discussed by the government, but Licadho officials are dissatisfied with what they call a lack of progress.
“The government has finally begun talking about using community service and other non-custodial sentences,” Pung Chhiv Kek said. “But we have yet to see serious action.”
Cabinet Chief of Ministry of Justice Sam Pracheameanit said that the court is not allowed to provide non-custodial punishment for all light crime offenders.
“The court officials are working strictly to the law. In some cases that are under investigation, the court can continue to detain the suspects,” he said.
Drug problem
A major factor behind the recent growth in prison population has been drug-related crime, Licadho’s investigations found.
Liv Morv confirmed that high crime rates in Cambodia’s provinces are attributable in part to drug- and alcohol-related offenses.
In its report, Licadho found that drug-related criminal arrests were up 163 percent in 2011, despite a modest 2.3 percent increase in the overall population of the Cambodian prison system.
The report also found that 2,747 inmates were held on drug-related charges as of November 2011, up from 1,046 a year before.
The increase came from a yearlong crackdown that has led to a surge in drug arrests over the last year.
“At a time of record prison population growth, the authorities packed an extra 1,700 drug offenders into the system,” said Licadho Director Naly Pilorge in a press release.
“That includes nearly 250 arrested only for drug use,” she said. “There are cheaper and more effective ways of dealing with drug problems.”
Reported by Tep Soravy for RFA’s Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by James Bourne.
Apologies ...
Apologies. for the few Starting Points blog postings which made their way into Burma Monitor today. - John
VIDEO: 'Slum tourism' in Indonesian capital
VIDEO: 'Slum tourism' in Indonesian capital: Tourists are paying money to tour slums in Jakarta but critics are calling for the tours to be stopped, calling them degrading.
BOOK REVIEW : Internet under their thumb
BOOK REVIEW : Internet under their thumb: Consent of the Networked: The Worldwide Struggle for Internet Freedom by Rebecca MacKinnon
United States-based companies happily profit from overseas Internet censorship - most notably in China, At home, Facebook, Google, and government officials exert feudal rule over cyberspace. Author MacKinnon draws on a rich history of classical liberal thought to explore the real threat to digital freedoms. - Geoffrey Cain
United States-based companies happily profit from overseas Internet censorship - most notably in China, At home, Facebook, Google, and government officials exert feudal rule over cyberspace. Author MacKinnon draws on a rich history of classical liberal thought to explore the real threat to digital freedoms. - Geoffrey Cain
Thousands Face Internet Loss as FBI Shuts Off DNS Changer Servers
Thousands Face Internet Loss as FBI Shuts Off DNS Changer Servers:
More than 300,000 people, including many in the US and UK, could lose internet access later as the FBI shuts off servers used by cyber thieves.
The FBI seized the servers in November 2011 during raids to break up a gang of criminals who used viruses to infect more than four million victims.
Victims’ web searches were routed through the servers so they saw adverts that led to the gang being paid.
Many machines still harbour the gang’s malicious code.
Domain names are the words humans use, such as bbc.co.uk, for websites. These are converted into the numerical values that computers use by consulting domain name servers (DNS).
When a person types a name into a browser address bar, often their computer will consult a DNS server to find out where that website resides online.
The gang infected computers with malware called DNS Changer because it altered where a PC went to convert domain names to numbers.
Since the FBI raids the gang’s servers have been run by Californian company ISC.
Over the last few months, the FBI has worked with many ISPs and security firms to alert victims to the fact that their PC was infected with DNS Changer. Online tools are available that let people check if they are infected.
This has meant the original population of four million infected machines has been whittled down to just over 300,000, according to statistics gathered by the DNS Changer Working Group.
The largest group of machines still harbouring the infection are in the US but many other nations, including Italy, India, the UK and Germany, have substantial numbers still checking in with the ISC servers.
These servers will be shut down on 9 July.
The result could be that some people lose net access because the PCs that are still victims of DNS Changer will suddenly have nowhere to go when they need to look up the location of a particular domain.
It might take some time for the problems to become apparent, said Sean Sullivan, a security researcher at F-Secure.
“Initially some domains will be cached which will mean web access will be spotty,” he said. “People will be confused about why some things work and some do not.”
Other security experts said it might take time for the remaining infected machines to be cleaned up.
“Reaching victims is a very hard problem, and something we have had issues with for years,” said Johannes Ullrich, a researcher with the Sans security institute.
He expected the impact to be “minimal” because many of these systems were no longer used or maintained.
This article originally appeared on BBC News, and was republished with permission.
More than 300,000 people, including many in the US and UK, could lose internet access later as the FBI shuts off servers used by cyber thieves.
The FBI seized the servers in November 2011 during raids to break up a gang of criminals who used viruses to infect more than four million victims.
Victims’ web searches were routed through the servers so they saw adverts that led to the gang being paid.
Many machines still harbour the gang’s malicious code.
Global clean up
The gang racked up more than US$ 14m by hijacking web searches and forcing victims to see certain adverts. They managed to do this because their servers were taking over a key web function known as domain name look-up.Domain names are the words humans use, such as bbc.co.uk, for websites. These are converted into the numerical values that computers use by consulting domain name servers (DNS).
When a person types a name into a browser address bar, often their computer will consult a DNS server to find out where that website resides online.
The gang infected computers with malware called DNS Changer because it altered where a PC went to convert domain names to numbers.
Top 10 DNS Changer infections
- US – 69,517
- Italy – 26,494
- India – 21,302
- UK – 19,589
- Germany – 18,427
- France, 10,454
- China – 10,304
- Spain – 10,213
- Canada – 8,924
- Australia – 8,518
Over the last few months, the FBI has worked with many ISPs and security firms to alert victims to the fact that their PC was infected with DNS Changer. Online tools are available that let people check if they are infected.
This has meant the original population of four million infected machines has been whittled down to just over 300,000, according to statistics gathered by the DNS Changer Working Group.
The largest group of machines still harbouring the infection are in the US but many other nations, including Italy, India, the UK and Germany, have substantial numbers still checking in with the ISC servers.
These servers will be shut down on 9 July.
The result could be that some people lose net access because the PCs that are still victims of DNS Changer will suddenly have nowhere to go when they need to look up the location of a particular domain.
It might take some time for the problems to become apparent, said Sean Sullivan, a security researcher at F-Secure.
“Initially some domains will be cached which will mean web access will be spotty,” he said. “People will be confused about why some things work and some do not.”
Other security experts said it might take time for the remaining infected machines to be cleaned up.
“Reaching victims is a very hard problem, and something we have had issues with for years,” said Johannes Ullrich, a researcher with the Sans security institute.
He expected the impact to be “minimal” because many of these systems were no longer used or maintained.
This article originally appeared on BBC News, and was republished with permission.
Mongolia’s 2012 parliamentary election
Mongolia’s 2012 parliamentary election:
Author: Li Narangoa, ANU
A total of 544 candidates from 11 parties and 2 coalitions contested the 76-seat parliament in Mongolia’s 2012 parliamentary election.
Preliminary results show that the Democratic Party received the highest number of votes (approximately 31–32), followed by the current ruling party, the Mongolian People’s Party (approximately 27–28), and the Justice Coalition (11). The Civil Will–Green Party won two seats and independent candidates won three seats.
The 2012 election was epoch-making in many ways for Mongolia, which recently implemented new election laws. For the first time in its history, Mongolia used an electronic voting system to avoid the fraud that had previously occurred during the manual counting process. These measures were meant to achieve an efficient and fair election, but technical problems defeated the hopes of efficiency. The Mongolian People’s Party and eight other small parties petitioned to recount the votes manually, insisting that the traditional system of manual counting would be more accurate. The request seems to stem from their dissatisfaction about the electoral success of the Democratic Party, which had protested against the 2008 parliamentary election results, sparking a riot that caused five deaths. The 2008 riots came as a shock to Mongolians and damaged its image as a country that made a smooth transition to democracy. Mongolian leaders seem to have learned the lesson and are cautious not to repeat the mistakes of 2008 because with investors around the world closely watching Mongolia’s political stability, the country’s economic future is at stake.
In addition to introducing a new election system (a combination of the majority and proportional system of voting) that benefits smaller parties, the new election law also permitted Mongolian citizens living overseas to vote, and introduced a quota system to ensure that no less than 20 per cent of the candidates are women.
From the 35,000 expected overseas voters, fewer than 3000 actually lodged their vote. The overseas voting method may have caused this meagre result: because no postal voting was allowed, voters had to appear at the Mongolian diplomatic posts, and so voters were mainly restricted to the places where Mongolian embassies happened to be located.
Meanwhile, the proportion of female candidates was nearly 32 per cent, well above the quota. At least 10 of them were elected, and 2 are still yet to be confirmed. These figures show a significant step forward and bring up the proportion of female legislators from less than 4 per cent to about 13–16 per cent — an historical high. The main reason for the increase was not the quota system but the increasing disillusionment with the male-dominated corrupt leadership and the perception that female leaders were less corrupt and more principled. Despite unfavourable listing on party ballot lists, four women won the election through the proportional system, which suggests that voters made conscientious candidate choices.
This election is also important for the future of Mongolia socially and economically. While the mining boom is bringing great wealth to the country, it is also creating social inequalities. The wealth is not distributed evenly across the country, but remaining with the small number of people who hold power. The sudden shift from a closed and planned socialist economy to a free market economy occurred without a transparent system of government, and the potential wealth from resources has accelerated corruption in the country. Thus, those with money have become powerful and those with power have accumulated more wealth. The poor have become even poorer because there was no adequate welfare system to look after them after the collapse of the communist system. The presence of foreign mining companies creates another layer of inequality, because local employees are paid less than their foreign (Western) peers for the same job. Mongolian people also consider it unfair that foreign companies own so much of the strategically important copper and gold mine, Oyu Tolgoi, and feel threatened by the possibility that Mongolia might lose its resources to foreign companies, especially to China.
These issues were on the minds of voters on 28 June. The participation rate was at an historical low of 65 per cent. While this shows people’s cynicism about party politics, there is hope that these inequalities will be reversed by having less corrupt leaders. The election campaigns reflected these concerns and the parties variously promised to spread the wealth nationwide and bring about a better quality of life.
The new government will face many social and economic challenges, including distributing wealth equitably across the nation, and using the revenue gained from the mining sector to build a sustainable welfare system, infrastructure and education. Developing the mining industry while promoting the Mongolian traditional pastoral economy and tourism will also be an important issue in years to come. Stamping out corruption and creating a transparent government are crucial to building the sustainable democracy that will maintain Mongolia’s reputation in the world amid growing resource nationalism and the growing economic and political influence of its two neighbours.
Li Narangoa is Professor at the College of Asia and the Pacific, the Australian National University.
Author: Li Narangoa, ANU
A total of 544 candidates from 11 parties and 2 coalitions contested the 76-seat parliament in Mongolia’s 2012 parliamentary election.
Preliminary results show that the Democratic Party received the highest number of votes (approximately 31–32), followed by the current ruling party, the Mongolian People’s Party (approximately 27–28), and the Justice Coalition (11). The Civil Will–Green Party won two seats and independent candidates won three seats.
The 2012 election was epoch-making in many ways for Mongolia, which recently implemented new election laws. For the first time in its history, Mongolia used an electronic voting system to avoid the fraud that had previously occurred during the manual counting process. These measures were meant to achieve an efficient and fair election, but technical problems defeated the hopes of efficiency. The Mongolian People’s Party and eight other small parties petitioned to recount the votes manually, insisting that the traditional system of manual counting would be more accurate. The request seems to stem from their dissatisfaction about the electoral success of the Democratic Party, which had protested against the 2008 parliamentary election results, sparking a riot that caused five deaths. The 2008 riots came as a shock to Mongolians and damaged its image as a country that made a smooth transition to democracy. Mongolian leaders seem to have learned the lesson and are cautious not to repeat the mistakes of 2008 because with investors around the world closely watching Mongolia’s political stability, the country’s economic future is at stake.
In addition to introducing a new election system (a combination of the majority and proportional system of voting) that benefits smaller parties, the new election law also permitted Mongolian citizens living overseas to vote, and introduced a quota system to ensure that no less than 20 per cent of the candidates are women.
From the 35,000 expected overseas voters, fewer than 3000 actually lodged their vote. The overseas voting method may have caused this meagre result: because no postal voting was allowed, voters had to appear at the Mongolian diplomatic posts, and so voters were mainly restricted to the places where Mongolian embassies happened to be located.
Meanwhile, the proportion of female candidates was nearly 32 per cent, well above the quota. At least 10 of them were elected, and 2 are still yet to be confirmed. These figures show a significant step forward and bring up the proportion of female legislators from less than 4 per cent to about 13–16 per cent — an historical high. The main reason for the increase was not the quota system but the increasing disillusionment with the male-dominated corrupt leadership and the perception that female leaders were less corrupt and more principled. Despite unfavourable listing on party ballot lists, four women won the election through the proportional system, which suggests that voters made conscientious candidate choices.
This election is also important for the future of Mongolia socially and economically. While the mining boom is bringing great wealth to the country, it is also creating social inequalities. The wealth is not distributed evenly across the country, but remaining with the small number of people who hold power. The sudden shift from a closed and planned socialist economy to a free market economy occurred without a transparent system of government, and the potential wealth from resources has accelerated corruption in the country. Thus, those with money have become powerful and those with power have accumulated more wealth. The poor have become even poorer because there was no adequate welfare system to look after them after the collapse of the communist system. The presence of foreign mining companies creates another layer of inequality, because local employees are paid less than their foreign (Western) peers for the same job. Mongolian people also consider it unfair that foreign companies own so much of the strategically important copper and gold mine, Oyu Tolgoi, and feel threatened by the possibility that Mongolia might lose its resources to foreign companies, especially to China.
These issues were on the minds of voters on 28 June. The participation rate was at an historical low of 65 per cent. While this shows people’s cynicism about party politics, there is hope that these inequalities will be reversed by having less corrupt leaders. The election campaigns reflected these concerns and the parties variously promised to spread the wealth nationwide and bring about a better quality of life.
The new government will face many social and economic challenges, including distributing wealth equitably across the nation, and using the revenue gained from the mining sector to build a sustainable welfare system, infrastructure and education. Developing the mining industry while promoting the Mongolian traditional pastoral economy and tourism will also be an important issue in years to come. Stamping out corruption and creating a transparent government are crucial to building the sustainable democracy that will maintain Mongolia’s reputation in the world amid growing resource nationalism and the growing economic and political influence of its two neighbours.
Li Narangoa is Professor at the College of Asia and the Pacific, the Australian National University.
Interview with family members of lese majeste prisoners
Interview with family members of lese majeste prisoners:
Prachatai interviewed members of the Network of Family Members and People Affected by the Lese Majeste Law during their public launch at the 14 Oct Memorial on 7 July. Interviewees include Sukanya Prueksakasemsuk, Keechiang Thaweewarodomkul, Pranee Danwattananusorn and Rosmalin Tangnoppakul.
Prachatai interviewed members of the Network of Family Members and People Affected by the Lese Majeste Law during their public launch at the 14 Oct Memorial on 7 July. Interviewees include Sukanya Prueksakasemsuk, Keechiang Thaweewarodomkul, Pranee Danwattananusorn and Rosmalin Tangnoppakul.
Videos of ISIS forum: Reconciliation and charter change
Videos of ISIS forum: Reconciliation and charter change:
On July 3, Chulalongkorn University’s ISIS hosted a forum entitled “Reconciliation and Charter Change: Underpinnings and Scenarios.” The panelists were as follows:
Part 2:
BP: BP plans to uppdate this post to add some comments, but am short for time now.
Comments have been turned on….
h/t Prachatai
On July 3, Chulalongkorn University’s ISIS hosted a forum entitled “Reconciliation and Charter Change: Underpinnings and Scenarios.” The panelists were as follows:
Prof. Dr. Suchit BunbongkarnVideo of the forum has been uploaded to YouTube, the username is isisforum so BP understands it is ISIS who has uploaded them and are below. Part 1:
Chairman of Political Development Council (PDC)
Prof. Dr. Duncan McCargo
Professor of Southeast Asian Politics, University of Leeds
Assoc. Prof.Dr. Panitan Wattayayagorn
Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University
Assoc. Prof.Dr. Thitinan Pongsudhirak
Director of ISIS Thailand
Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University
Moderator :
Dr. Naruemon Thabchumpon
Director of International Development Studies Program
Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University
Part 2:
BP: BP plans to uppdate this post to add some comments, but am short for time now.
Comments have been turned on….
h/t Prachatai
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