Aug 11, 2012
From Java to Sulawesi, officials prepare for Idul Fitri exodus
From Java to Sulawesi, officials prepare for Idul Fitri exodus: Officials from Java to Sulawesi are readying for an onslaught of millions of travellers who will mudik, or return to their hometowns, for the Idul Fitri holiday.Central Java’s top cop said that ...
Special needs children find place in society
Special needs children find place in society: Noreen Flores had a difficult time trying to enroll her son in school.The boy, Jibrail, has Asperger’s Syndrome, which is characterized by significant difficulties in social interaction and ...
Although costly, RI needs to build more refineries: SBY
Although costly, RI needs to build more refineries: SBY: Indonesia still needs to build more fuel refineries to ensure the country’s future energy security even though the construction of such refineries will be very costly, President Susilo Bambang ...
Jakartans keep homes safe over holidays
Jakartans keep homes safe over holidays: Just one week away from this year’s end-of-fasting-month Idul Fitri festivities, estimated to fall on Aug. 19 and 20 this year, Jakartans begin to prepare everything to keep their homes safe while ...
The Lede Blog: Memorial Service for Victims of the Sikh Temple Shooting
The Lede Blog: Memorial Service for Victims of the Sikh Temple Shooting: Mourners from all over the world traveled to Oak Creek, Wisc. to pay tribute to the six people killed in the Sikh Temple of Wisconsin on Sunday.
Volunteer Trips: Is Your Family Ready?
Volunteer Trips: Is Your Family Ready?: Amid signs of a surge in families volunteering on vacation, answers to six common questions about these trips.
Mexico Downs Brazil in Men’s Soccer at Olympics
Mexico Downs Brazil in Men’s Soccer at Olympics: Mexico, a decided underdog, won the country’s first Olympic gold medal — and first significant international trophy of any kind — with a lively 2-1 victory over Brazil.
Egypt and U.S. Step Up Talks on Security Assistance
Egypt and U.S. Step Up Talks on Security Assistance: Concerned about a security vacuum in the Sinai region, officials in the United States and Egypt are discussing American aid that would include equipment, training and surveillance.
Is Facebook ‘speech’ protected?
Is Facebook ‘speech’ protected?:
JUDGE RAYMOND A. JACKSON of the U.S. District Court in Newport News thinks for himself and, as a result, he is no stranger to controversy. In 2005, he took exception to the federal government’s higher penalties for those who deal crack rather than powder cocaine, citing that “ridiculous” disparity as his reason for reducing a convicted crack dealer’s sentence below the range called for in sentencing guidelines. That was a principled stand, and the Supreme Court ultimately vindicated it, upholding Judge Jackson’s decision five years ago by a 7 to 2 vote.
Read full article >>
JUDGE RAYMOND A. JACKSON of the U.S. District Court in Newport News thinks for himself and, as a result, he is no stranger to controversy. In 2005, he took exception to the federal government’s higher penalties for those who deal crack rather than powder cocaine, citing that “ridiculous” disparity as his reason for reducing a convicted crack dealer’s sentence below the range called for in sentencing guidelines. That was a principled stand, and the Supreme Court ultimately vindicated it, upholding Judge Jackson’s decision five years ago by a 7 to 2 vote.
Read full article >>
China’s slowing economy could complicate relationship with U.S.
China’s slowing economy could complicate relationship with U.S.:
The Chinese economy on Friday showed worrisome signs of slowing down, a development that not only threatens global economic growth but also may complicate the relationship between China and the United States.
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The Chinese economy on Friday showed worrisome signs of slowing down, a development that not only threatens global economic growth but also may complicate the relationship between China and the United States.
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In Japan, energy saving takes its toll
In Japan, energy saving takes its toll:
SAPPORO, Japan — In this summer of idled nuclear plants and energy shortages, corporate Japan is operating under duress.
Workers in short-sleeve dress shirts spend their days in 82-
degree offices, the new standard. Lights are dimmed and printers are on only when necessary. Companies chart their energy use, and at one bread factory on this northern island, an employee jumps on the PA system when electricity usage spikes, ordering air conditioners off and asking select workers to stop what they’re doing.
Read full article >>
SAPPORO, Japan — In this summer of idled nuclear plants and energy shortages, corporate Japan is operating under duress.
Workers in short-sleeve dress shirts spend their days in 82-
degree offices, the new standard. Lights are dimmed and printers are on only when necessary. Companies chart their energy use, and at one bread factory on this northern island, an employee jumps on the PA system when electricity usage spikes, ordering air conditioners off and asking select workers to stop what they’re doing.
Read full article >>
U.S. nuns seek ‘open dialogue’ with Rome over disputes
U.S. nuns seek ‘open dialogue’ with Rome over disputes:
American nuns on Friday backed away from a direct confrontation with the Vatican, saying they want a respectful “open dialogue” with Rome about disputes over gender, human sexuality and authority.
The decision by the Silver Spring-based Leadership Conference of Women Religious, which represents 80 percent of American nuns, came at the end of an intense annual conference in St. Louis this week, where about 900 women met to decide how to respond to an April report by the Vatican saying the group had strayed dangerously far from orthodoxy and the pope and needs to be “reformed.”
Read full article >>
American nuns on Friday backed away from a direct confrontation with the Vatican, saying they want a respectful “open dialogue” with Rome about disputes over gender, human sexuality and authority.
The decision by the Silver Spring-based Leadership Conference of Women Religious, which represents 80 percent of American nuns, came at the end of an intense annual conference in St. Louis this week, where about 900 women met to decide how to respond to an April report by the Vatican saying the group had strayed dangerously far from orthodoxy and the pope and needs to be “reformed.”
Read full article >>
Obama praises Huma Abedin, Muslim American aide to Hillary Rodham Clinton
Obama praises Huma Abedin, Muslim American aide to Hillary Rodham Clinton:
President Obama on Friday voiced strong support for Huma Abedin, saying the top aide to Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has been “nothing less than extraordinary in representing our country and the democratic values that we hold dear.”
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President Obama on Friday voiced strong support for Huma Abedin, saying the top aide to Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has been “nothing less than extraordinary in representing our country and the democratic values that we hold dear.”
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In Asia, a wave of escalating territorial disputes
In Asia, a wave of escalating territorial disputes:
TOKYO — The disputed islands and islets in Asia are, on the whole, an unimpressive bunch. Most are rocky, windswept outcroppings far from any mainland. One has a lighthouse but no people.
But these tiny territories, sweeping from southeast to northeast Asia, are fiercely contested among countries that are buoyed by nationalism and by a growing thirst for the natural resources off their shores. At a time when the United States has promised to play a greater role in Asia, some security experts say the territories represent the region’s greatest potential flash point aside from North Korea.
Read full article >>
TOKYO — The disputed islands and islets in Asia are, on the whole, an unimpressive bunch. Most are rocky, windswept outcroppings far from any mainland. One has a lighthouse but no people.
But these tiny territories, sweeping from southeast to northeast Asia, are fiercely contested among countries that are buoyed by nationalism and by a growing thirst for the natural resources off their shores. At a time when the United States has promised to play a greater role in Asia, some security experts say the territories represent the region’s greatest potential flash point aside from North Korea.
Read full article >>
Paul Ryan: Midwesterner, Catholic, intellectual
Paul Ryan: Midwesterner, Catholic, intellectual:
Rep. Paul Ryan, announced Saturday as Mitt Romney’s running mate, is a lawyer’s son from Wisconsin who has become a genial, relentless force in Capitol Hill politics — uniting a fractured and squabbling GOP behind his plan to remake the federal budget.
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Rep. Paul Ryan, announced Saturday as Mitt Romney’s running mate, is a lawyer’s son from Wisconsin who has become a genial, relentless force in Capitol Hill politics — uniting a fractured and squabbling GOP behind his plan to remake the federal budget.
Read full article >>
Romney shakes the race with pick of Ryan
Romney shakes the race with pick of Ryan:
Cautious Mitt Romney rolled the dice Saturday with the selection of Wisconsin Rep. Paul Ryan as his vice-presidential running mate. Ryan will energize a conservative base that has been slow to warm to Romney, but Democrats were elated by the choice as well. There was no one on Romney’s short list of contenders they wanted to run against more than the chairman of the House Budget Committee.
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Cautious Mitt Romney rolled the dice Saturday with the selection of Wisconsin Rep. Paul Ryan as his vice-presidential running mate. Ryan will energize a conservative base that has been slow to warm to Romney, but Democrats were elated by the choice as well. There was no one on Romney’s short list of contenders they wanted to run against more than the chairman of the House Budget Committee.
Read full article >>
French President Francois Hollande draws fire over leadership on Syria
French President Francois Hollande draws fire over leadership on Syria:
PARIS — President Francois Hollande has come under a withering political attack from his conservative opponents over what they charge is lack of French leadership in dealing with the Syrian civil war.
The political offensive is roughly similar to the accusations of inaction leveled against President Obama by Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney in the United States. But in France, the election campaign has long been over: Hollande, a Socialist, defeated former president Nicolas Sarkozy and assumed the presidency more than three months ago.
Read full article >>
PARIS — President Francois Hollande has come under a withering political attack from his conservative opponents over what they charge is lack of French leadership in dealing with the Syrian civil war.
The political offensive is roughly similar to the accusations of inaction leveled against President Obama by Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney in the United States. But in France, the election campaign has long been over: Hollande, a Socialist, defeated former president Nicolas Sarkozy and assumed the presidency more than three months ago.
Read full article >>
Mexican drug cartel members arrested in Spain
Mexican drug cartel members arrested in Spain: Interior ministry says one of the four men arrested in Madrid is alleged to be related to Mexico's most wanted man.
Libyan general murdered in Benghazi
Libyan general murdered in Benghazi: Assailants shoot dead Mohammed Hadia, senior military official who defected during revolt that ousted Gaddafi.
UN urges Mali army to refrain from politics
UN urges Mali army to refrain from politics: Security Council calls on military junta to "cease interference" during country's transition to civilian rule.
Syrian and Jordanian forces clash on border
Syrian and Jordanian forces clash on border: Fighting involving armoured vehicles breaks out after Syrian troops reportedly fire on fleeing refugees.
Romney chooses Paul Ryan as running mate
Romney chooses Paul Ryan as running mate: Republican hopeful makes 42-year-old Wisconsin congressman his vice-presidential running mate for November 6 election.
Egypt's Morsi visits Sinai amid army assault
Egypt's Morsi visits Sinai amid army assault: President on second visit to peninsula as army conducts el-Arish operation after raid killed 16 border guards last week.
Mexico court rules against military trials
Mexico court rules against military trials: Supreme Court rules to turn alleged human rights violations by the military over to civilian courts.
NATO troops and police killed in Afghanistan
NATO troops and police killed in Afghanistan: At least nine police officers fatally shot by their colleagues in Nimroz while six NATO soldiers are killed in Helmand.
US and Turkey plan for 'worst Syria scenario'
US and Turkey plan for 'worst Syria scenario': Clinton says must prepare for potential use of chemical weapons, as fighting continues in Damascus and Aleppo.
Deaths reported at Indian protests
Deaths reported at Indian protests: At least two people killed and 18 others injured as protests against religious riots in Assam and Myanmar turn violent.
Deaths in Mexican gang shootout
Deaths in Mexican gang shootout: At least five dead as suspected gang members go on rampage in drug-violence-ravaged western state of Michoacan.
Scholar Gets Website Warning
Scholar Gets Website Warning:
Chinese authorities have interrogated an outspoken Uyghur scholar, warning him not to speak to the foreign media or discuss religion online, after his website alleged that authorities had sent armed forces to mosques in the troubled Xinjiang region to monitor Muslims during Ramadan.
Ilham Tohti, an economist at the Central Nationalities University in Beijing who runs the Uyghur Online website, was summoned on Wednesday by state security police to "drink tea," a common euphemism for what is effectively an interrogation session.
The security officials, who picked Ilham Tohti up at his Beijing home around 12:00 p.m. and let him return over 10 hours later, warned him not to publish any more articles about religion or Ramadan on the website and not to speak to foreign correspondents, a source said, speaking to RFA on condition of anonymity.
The prominent scholar, who has spoken critically of China’s policies in Xinjiang and been closely watched by authorities for years, was recently interviewed by international media, including the Associated Press, Al Jazeera, and Deutsche Welle, on religious restrictions in the region.
Exile groups have accused the Chinese authorities of harassing ethnic Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang during Ramadan, saying they were detained and punished for what Beijing calls "unauthorized" religious events.
‘Separatist’ website
Ilham Tohti’s interrogations followed an article published on the Uyghur Online website on Tuesday that challenged state media reports of fire brigades conducting training sessions inside mosques in Ghulja (in Chinese, Yining), saying firemen were actually sent to monitor the mosques.
The article—which discussed the importance of Ramadan to Uyghurs and increased restrictions during the holy month this year—said one Uyghur resident in northern Xinjiang’s Changji city told one of the website’s journalists that because firemen are counted among China’s armed forces, the trainings amounted to armed forces being dispatched to monitor the mosques.
On Wednesday, the state-run English-language Global Times published a story refuting the Uyghur Online article, accusing the website of “separatist activities.”
Ilham Tohti had founded Uyghur Online in 2006 as a moderate, intellectual website addressing social issues, but authorities shut it down in 2009.
A new version of the site re-opened in earlier this year, currently only in Chinese language, with plans to have Uyghur and English versions.
The site at Uighurbiz.net, which reports Xinjiang news and discusses Uyghur social issues, is hosted overseas and blocked by China’s Great Firewall.
Ilham Tohti, who is originally from Artush in western Xinjiang, has called for implementation of regional autonomy laws and was detained for two months following July 2009 ethnic violence in Xinjiang.
Exile rights groups say dozens of Uyghurs have been detained for “illegal religious activities” during this year’s Ramadan, which runs until mid-August.
Reported by Mihray Abdilim for RFA’s Uyghur service. Translated by Mihray Abdilim. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Chinese authorities have interrogated an outspoken Uyghur scholar, warning him not to speak to the foreign media or discuss religion online, after his website alleged that authorities had sent armed forces to mosques in the troubled Xinjiang region to monitor Muslims during Ramadan.
Ilham Tohti, an economist at the Central Nationalities University in Beijing who runs the Uyghur Online website, was summoned on Wednesday by state security police to "drink tea," a common euphemism for what is effectively an interrogation session.
The security officials, who picked Ilham Tohti up at his Beijing home around 12:00 p.m. and let him return over 10 hours later, warned him not to publish any more articles about religion or Ramadan on the website and not to speak to foreign correspondents, a source said, speaking to RFA on condition of anonymity.
The prominent scholar, who has spoken critically of China’s policies in Xinjiang and been closely watched by authorities for years, was recently interviewed by international media, including the Associated Press, Al Jazeera, and Deutsche Welle, on religious restrictions in the region.
Exile groups have accused the Chinese authorities of harassing ethnic Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang during Ramadan, saying they were detained and punished for what Beijing calls "unauthorized" religious events.
‘Separatist’ website
Ilham Tohti’s interrogations followed an article published on the Uyghur Online website on Tuesday that challenged state media reports of fire brigades conducting training sessions inside mosques in Ghulja (in Chinese, Yining), saying firemen were actually sent to monitor the mosques.
The article—which discussed the importance of Ramadan to Uyghurs and increased restrictions during the holy month this year—said one Uyghur resident in northern Xinjiang’s Changji city told one of the website’s journalists that because firemen are counted among China’s armed forces, the trainings amounted to armed forces being dispatched to monitor the mosques.
On Wednesday, the state-run English-language Global Times published a story refuting the Uyghur Online article, accusing the website of “separatist activities.”
Ilham Tohti had founded Uyghur Online in 2006 as a moderate, intellectual website addressing social issues, but authorities shut it down in 2009.
A new version of the site re-opened in earlier this year, currently only in Chinese language, with plans to have Uyghur and English versions.
The site at Uighurbiz.net, which reports Xinjiang news and discusses Uyghur social issues, is hosted overseas and blocked by China’s Great Firewall.
Ilham Tohti, who is originally from Artush in western Xinjiang, has called for implementation of regional autonomy laws and was detained for two months following July 2009 ethnic violence in Xinjiang.
Exile rights groups say dozens of Uyghurs have been detained for “illegal religious activities” during this year’s Ramadan, which runs until mid-August.
Reported by Mihray Abdilim for RFA’s Uyghur service. Translated by Mihray Abdilim. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Freedom of Speech Roundup
Freedom of Speech Roundup:
In the weekly Freedom of Speech Roundup, Sampsonia Way presents some of the week’s top news on freedom of expression, journalists in danger, artists in exile, and banned literature.
Lydia Cacho presenting her book Esclavas del poder (Slaves of Power), 2010. From going undercover dressed as a nun or pole dancer to speaking directly to child victims as young as four, the journalist has doggedly collected evidence of a rampant sex slave trade in Mexico. Because of her quest, Cacho has been kidnapped, then imprisoned, and is still facing constant death threats. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
In this week’s Freedom of Speech Roundup, a prominent investigative journalist has fled Mexico after her digging turned up a death threat. An American photojournalist speaks on a confrontation with the police, and an Ethiopian satirist talks about the troubles journalists face in his country.
The news isn’t all bad. Myanmar’s media censors have agreed to lift suspensions on two weekly magazines. Follow the links below to read about these free-speech stories and others for the week of August 10th, 2012.
Committee to Protect Journalists. Investigative journalist Lydia Cacho has fled Mexico after new death threats against her. Read here.
Big Ideas. Watch a conversation between Lydia Cacho and Sydney-based journalist Mara Moustafine here.
Huffington Post. Abebe Tolla was a satirist for Feteh newspaper in Ethiopia. He fled the country in November 2011, fearing imprisonment in retaliation for his critical news commentaries. Read about his experience in his own words.
Bloomberg. Myanmar’s media censors have agreed to lift suspensions on two weekly magazines. The Press Scrutiny Board summoned editors from The Voice Weekly and Envoy magazines and informed them they could resume publishing on August 18. Read here.
Committee to Protect Journalists. Millions of dollars of Pakistani government funds are allegedly being paid to high-profile journalists and media houses with the aim of influencing mainstream media’s role in the upcoming election, to be held February 2013 at the latest. Read here.
The New York Review of Books. The Chinese blogosphere describes the flood itself, and suggests that, once again, Chinese officials were striving to downplay the scope of a disaster in order to avoid public dissatisfaction. Read here.
Index on Censorship. The recent storm in Beijing, which killed at least 77 people, caused the internet censors to come out in force. The obvious question is, what are the mechanics of China’s internet censorship? Read here.
Index on Censorship. One year after human rights activist Ales Bialiatski was arrested and jailed on politically-motivated charges, Index on Censorship asks you to take action in solidarity. Read here.
Index on Censorship. What exactly makes people think Pussy Riot are most likely to trigger change? Read here
Pop legend Madonna, who is in Moscow ahead of a concert, has said that a jail sentence for the three women from the anti-Putin band Pussy Riot would be a tragedy.
Index on Censorship. Fearing extremists’ violent reactions to the publication of books deemed to be offensive to Islam, many publishers have thought twice about what they release. Author of Alom Shaha says it’s time to discuss faith properly. Read here.
The National. After the Nationwide elections in October 2011, journalists and bloggers were fined and jailed, the new laws were subject to review and the head of the media reform body resigned. Read here.
New York Magazine. Robert Stolarik — the New York Times photographer who was arrested and allegedly assaulted by police over the weekend — spoke out against the NYPD in an interview about the ordeal. Read here.
International Business Times. A Honduran journalist has sought asylum at the U.S. embassy in Tegucigalpa, following an attack on his home by two gunmen last Friday. Read here.
Huffington Post. A letter from Javier Sicilia, one of Mexico’s most highly regarded poets and the leader of the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD). His son, Juan Francisco, was murdered last year in a cartel-related crime. Read here.
In the weekly Freedom of Speech Roundup, Sampsonia Way presents some of the week’s top news on freedom of expression, journalists in danger, artists in exile, and banned literature.
Lydia Cacho presenting her book Esclavas del poder (Slaves of Power), 2010. From going undercover dressed as a nun or pole dancer to speaking directly to child victims as young as four, the journalist has doggedly collected evidence of a rampant sex slave trade in Mexico. Because of her quest, Cacho has been kidnapped, then imprisoned, and is still facing constant death threats. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
In this week’s Freedom of Speech Roundup, a prominent investigative journalist has fled Mexico after her digging turned up a death threat. An American photojournalist speaks on a confrontation with the police, and an Ethiopian satirist talks about the troubles journalists face in his country.
The news isn’t all bad. Myanmar’s media censors have agreed to lift suspensions on two weekly magazines. Follow the links below to read about these free-speech stories and others for the week of August 10th, 2012.
Mexico must Investigate Threat against Lydia Cacho
Committee to Protect Journalists. Investigative journalist Lydia Cacho has fled Mexico after new death threats against her. Read here.
Big Ideas. Watch a conversation between Lydia Cacho and Sydney-based journalist Mara Moustafine here.
One Spy for Every Person – Exiled Ethiopian Satirist Abebe Tolla
Huffington Post. Abebe Tolla was a satirist for Feteh newspaper in Ethiopia. He fled the country in November 2011, fearing imprisonment in retaliation for his critical news commentaries. Read about his experience in his own words.
Myanmar Censors Lift Ban on 2 Magazines
Bloomberg. Myanmar’s media censors have agreed to lift suspensions on two weekly magazines. The Press Scrutiny Board summoned editors from The Voice Weekly and Envoy magazines and informed them they could resume publishing on August 18. Read here.
Election Corruption Grave Threat to Pakistan’s Media.
Committee to Protect Journalists. Millions of dollars of Pakistani government funds are allegedly being paid to high-profile journalists and media houses with the aim of influencing mainstream media’s role in the upcoming election, to be held February 2013 at the latest. Read here.
The People’s Republic of Rumor and The Mechanics of China’s Internet Censorship
The New York Review of Books. The Chinese blogosphere describes the flood itself, and suggests that, once again, Chinese officials were striving to downplay the scope of a disaster in order to avoid public dissatisfaction. Read here.
Index on Censorship. The recent storm in Beijing, which killed at least 77 people, caused the internet censors to come out in force. The obvious question is, what are the mechanics of China’s internet censorship? Read here.
Belarusians Can’t Protest to Support Jailed Nobel Prize Nominee, But You Can
Index on Censorship. One year after human rights activist Ales Bialiatski was arrested and jailed on politically-motivated charges, Index on Censorship asks you to take action in solidarity. Read here.
Pussy Riot versus the Religarchy
Index on Censorship. What exactly makes people think Pussy Riot are most likely to trigger change? Read here
Pop legend Madonna, who is in Moscow ahead of a concert, has said that a jail sentence for the three women from the anti-Putin band Pussy Riot would be a tragedy.
We Need to Talk about Islam
Index on Censorship. Fearing extremists’ violent reactions to the publication of books deemed to be offensive to Islam, many publishers have thought twice about what they release. Author of Alom Shaha says it’s time to discuss faith properly. Read here.
Freedom of speech still a distant dream in Tunisia.
The National. After the Nationwide elections in October 2011, journalists and bloggers were fined and jailed, the new laws were subject to review and the head of the media reform body resigned. Read here.
Times Photographer Roughed Up by New York Police Department
New York Magazine. Robert Stolarik — the New York Times photographer who was arrested and allegedly assaulted by police over the weekend — spoke out against the NYPD in an interview about the ordeal. Read here.
Honduras: One of The World’s Deadliest Places For Journalists
International Business Times. A Honduran journalist has sought asylum at the U.S. embassy in Tegucigalpa, following an attack on his home by two gunmen last Friday. Read here.
MPJD Caravan will Highlight Failed Drug War and Victims on Both Sides of the Border
Huffington Post. A letter from Javier Sicilia, one of Mexico’s most highly regarded poets and the leader of the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD). His son, Juan Francisco, was murdered last year in a cartel-related crime. Read here.
Aug 10, 2012
Marikina Journal: City in Philippines Known for Shoes Is Up to Its Knees in Water
Marikina Journal: City in Philippines Known for Shoes Is Up to Its Knees in Water: Marikina is famed for its cobblers, but after severe storms struck the Philippines last month, it has become famous for its flooding.
In New York, Best-Selling Books Vary by Ethnic Group
In New York, Best-Selling Books Vary by Ethnic Group: In heavily Russian Brighton Beach, Brooklyn, it’s a French diet book. In Jackson Heights, Queens, Muslim topics sell, but so do serialized romances.
Crime Wave Engulfs Syria as Its Cities Reel From War
Crime Wave Engulfs Syria as Its Cities Reel From War: Even in neighborhoods where skirmishes are rare, Syrians say that thieves prey on the weak, and police stations no longer function because the officers have run away.
Common Sense: In the Superrich, Clues to Romney’s Tax Returns - Common Sense
Common Sense: In the Superrich, Clues to Romney’s Tax Returns - Common Sense: Based on experts’ analysis of data on ultrarich taxpayers, Mitt Romney has almost certainly been paying income taxes, but perhaps at a very low rate.
James Downie: The Morning Plum: Is Romney in real trouble?
James Downie: The Morning Plum: Is Romney in real trouble?:
Two more national polls came out late yesterday, and the results are not good for Mitt Romney. First, from CNN:
Two more national polls came out late yesterday, and the results are not good for Mitt Romney. First, from CNN:
President Obama has opened up a 7-point lead over Mitt Romney nationally, according to a CNN-ORC poll released on Thursday. Obama leads Romney 52 percent to 45, according to the poll.Read full article >>
At Afghan orphanage, friends from different sides of the war
At Afghan orphanage, friends from different sides of the war:
Hamidullah, 12, and Rahmatullah, 10, have nearly everything in common. They have the same haircuts, the same blue uniforms, the same jokes, the same notebooks with sailboats and convertibles on the cover.
Read full article >>
Hamidullah, 12, and Rahmatullah, 10, have nearly everything in common. They have the same haircuts, the same blue uniforms, the same jokes, the same notebooks with sailboats and convertibles on the cover.
Read full article >>
Facebook removes 'racist' page
Facebook removes 'racist' page: A Facebook page that depicted Aboriginal people in Australia as drunks and welfare cheats is removed following a public outcry.
Vietnamese workers kept like slaves
Vietnamese workers kept like slaves: Misery of life in Vietnamese textile sweatshop in Russia
VIDEO: Manila floods clean-up begins
VIDEO: Manila floods clean-up begins: Residents of the Philippines capital, Manila, are hard at work fixing damaged homes and stores in flood-hit communities now confronted with huge mounds of mud-caked debris.
Political change in Malaysia and uncertainty in the future: sobering lessons from Indonesia
Political change in Malaysia and uncertainty in the future: sobering lessons from Indonesia:
There has, of late, been much speculation about the date and timing of the upcoming 13th General Elections of Malaysia. For more than a year now, Malaysia-watchers have speculated about the date of the elections which will undoubtedly be one of the most important elections in Malaysia’s postcolonial history. Since the elections of March 2008 – where the opposition coalition known as the Pakatan Rakyat managed to gain control of five (later four) state assemblies – questions have been raised about the future of the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition that has helmed the state since the creation of the Federation of Malaya in 1957.
Two significant developments have ensued since March 2008: Firstly, the mantle of leadership of Malaysia has been passed from former Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to his successor Prime Minister Najib Razak. Though Badawi failed to secure a similarly impressive mandate as he did at the elections of 2004, and was blamed for the decline of the BN’s fortunes in 2008, it cannot be denied that many of the reforms that were introduced during his brief tenure have changed the socio-political landscape of Malaysia, permanently. It was during Badawi’s period that the media was given relatively more freedom to operate, and Malaysia’s cyberspace witnessed an explosion of many new websites, newsites and blogs that have significantly expanded the public discursive domain in the country. Similarly, Prime Minister Najib has attempted his own series of market-friendly reforms; opening up several sectors of the economy that were hitherto protected, and bringing to an end some of the more contentious laws such as the Internal Security Act (ISA) that were seen as a bane to civil liberties in the country.
Secondly, the fact that five (later four) state assemblies had fallen into the hands of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat meant that for the second time – since the elections of 1969 – the country’s federal system is being tested by state governments that have, on occasion, chosen to go against the will of the centralised Federal government. During the past four years the economies of two of the states under opposition control – Penang and Selangor – have registered positive results in terms of investment and investor confidence, suggesting to the Malaysian electorate that the opposition is able to govern relatively well, albeit on the level of state governments at least.
Added to these two factors are other vital variables such as the emergence of the ‘youth vote’ bank, with millions of first-time voters going to the polls at the coming elections; and the rise of a new generation of first-time politicians (mainly from the opposition parties) who have considerably altered the complexion of Malaysia’s political scene.
There remain, however, lingering doubts as to what might happen at the next elections, whenever they may be called. Local surveys conducted in Malaysia suggest that the electorate is evenly divided into three camps: Hardcore BN supporters, hardcore PR supporters, and a substantial third bloc made up of fence-sitters. Complicating matters further is the apparent abandonment of the BN by the non-Malay voters of Malaysia, notably Malaysian Chinese, who seem to have thrown their weight behind the opposition coalition. The BN’s age-old formula of ethnic compromise and multicultural representation at both Federal and state level will be severely dented at the coming elections if the current trend does not change, for it implies that the non-Malay component parties of the BN will be virtually wiped out.
This complex scenario gives rise to a host of what-if questions: What if the BN wins with a slim majority but with almost no significant representation of non-Malays at the Federal government level? What if the opposition PR wins but without the overwhelming endorsement of the Malay-Muslim majority? What if there is a hung outcome in the Malaysian Peninsula and one (or both) of the states ofEast Malaysia decide to switch camps at the last minute? Can Malaysia be governed by an overwhelmingly Malay-Muslim government without visible non-Malay support? Will the parties of East Malaysia be the eventual king-makers in a last-minute settlement that concedes more representation to East Malaysian politicians at the Federal government level and the cabinet? And most pressing of all: If there is a transition of power – which will be unprecedented in Malaysian history – can it happen peacefully?
Malaysia and Malaysians are now faced, for the first time, with the possibility of radical contingency: the occurrence of an event that has no precedent and for which there are no established norms or modalities that may help them understand and anticipate what may happen next. Such occurrences are rare in the case of any country, but at this juncture it might be useful to look at some of the other countries in the ASEAN region that have likewise experienced unprecedented changes, and to consider how they coped with them. Two cases come to mind: The Philippines in 1986 and Indonesia in 1998.
Indonesia may be a better comparison for our purposes here due to the long-established and well-known cultural-social-political commonalities between the two countries. From the late 1960s to 1998 Indonesia effectively came under the control of General-turned-President Suharto who led the country with the support of the Golkar (Golongan Karya) party and the Indonesian Armed Forces.
From the 1970s to the late 1990s, Malaysia and Indonesia’s development trajectories were quite similar: Both countries were firmly allied in the war against Communism, tacitly partisan to the Western bloc, open to international capital investment, and keen to transform themselves into developing and industrialising economies. Urbanisation, mass education, the pumping of foreign capital into domestic infrastructural projects – were the hallmarks of the development model adopted by both countries then. By the late 1990s, the results of this top-down state-driven form of capital-friendly development were there for all to see: In both countries there emerged new, educated, professional and upwardly socially-mobile classes that wanted to be given a chance to enter the new market created by the state. However in the case of Indonesia, decades of elite-driven development also meant that the entrenched elites in the Golkar party and the armed forces were even more embedded in the network of political-business relations, and less inclined to share in the spoils of development with the newly emerging urban middle classes.
This was the real outcome of FDI-driven development across Southeast Asiain the 1980s and 1990s: the emergence of new social groupings that were educated, better networked, able to mobilise and were driven by middle-class aspirations. The contradictions of the Indonesian model that were summed up by the slogan ‘cronyism, nepotism and corruption’ became the battle-cry for a new generation of socially and politically ambitious new aspiring elites who led the student revolts of 1998 and which brought the Suharto era to a graceless end.
The fall of Suharto did not, however, lead to a neat and simple transition of power: Indonesia, that had been under virtual one-party rule and military control for three decades, first experienced more than half a decade of instability and chaos. From 1998 to 2004 Indonesia’s international image was largely poor, with incidents such as the anti-Chinese riots of 1998, the Bali bombings, Muslim-Christian conflict in the Moluccas and the rise of both hyper-nationalist and religiously conservative mass movements hogging the headlines. A succession of civilian politicians – Habibie, Megawati and Gus Dur – attempted to govern the country, but some semblance of unity was only restored in 2004 when Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono – and ex-General himself and the dark horse of the elections whose party won only around 9 per cent of the popular vote – was made President. Yudhoyono’s second – and more convincing – victory at the polls of 2009 was a landmark in the history of post-Suharto Indonesia for it means that for the first time since 1998 some sort of political continuity has been introduced to the country.
As Indonesia braces itself for the polls of 2014, it is interesting to note that several other Presidential contenders were themselves former senior army commanders: Prabowo Subianto of the Gerindra party, who was formerly head of the Indonesian army’s Strategic Command (Konstrad) and Wiranto who heads the Hanura party. What does this say about the Indonesian public’s perception of power, politics and governance today, and how can we account for the appeal of these ex-generals who have now become politicians: Yudhoyono, Prabowo, Wiranto? It could be argued that the rise of these new generals-turned-politicians points to a wider sense of political fatigue among ordinary Indonesians – 60 per cent of whom remain rural and bound to the agrarian economy – who simply want to see some form of order restored to their lives. It is telling that since the Suharto era,Indonesia’s political landscape has remained largely monotone, and even after the fall of Suharto in 1998 there has not been a significant revival of Indonesia’s political left. Summed up retrospectively, it could be said that in the wake of Suharto’s demise Indonesia went through a period of turbulence as it grappled to find its balance again. That balance came about through a restoration of personalised charismatic politics, a ‘soft’ version of the older sort of strongman politics that the ASEAN region had witnessed during the era of Suharto and Ferdinand Marcos. Radical contingency was met, at first hesitantly, but eventually domesticated by a return to the familiar and normalised.
As Malaysia and Malaysians look to the coming 13th General Elections soon, it might be useful to consider the Indonesian case again. Even in the event of a slim victory by the opposition at the Federal level, it is unlikely that radical changes can and will be instituted immediately. As in the case of Indonesia, long-serving state institutions such as the bureaucracy, police and army, will remain as stabilising elements, but also in the sense that they may throw up institutional inertia to delay or scuttle any ambitious reforms that may be attempted. As in the case of Indonesia where the bureaucracy, judiciary, army and police had been so closely bound together during the three decades of Suharto’s rule, it would be difficult to transform the normalised political and institutional culture of the country overnight.
Then there is the problem of the inherent instability of Malaysia’s political coalitions – both BN and PR – which may fragment, shift allegiances, engage in horse-trading, etc which as been the norm in Malaysian politics for decades too. The past decade has witnessed many attempts by both BN and PR to lure members of Parliament and State Assemblies to defect and change sides, and should no overwhelming victory be secured by either coalition, this tactic is more likely to continue rather than subside.
Much therefore depends on the final outcome of the 13th General Elections in Malaysia: A clear and decisive victory for the BN would give a much-needed mandate for Prime Minister Najib Razak, and may well spell the end of the career of his nemesis Anwar Ibrahim. Conversely a clear victory for the PR would severely weaken the standing of Prime Minister Najib Razak in his own party, and may well mark the extinction of some of the non-Malay parties of the BN such as the MCA, MIC and Gerakan. Many local commentators, however, do not see an impending major shift on either side, and Malaysia may well be in store for another term of weak, indecisive government. Yet the country cannot afford to flounder in the waters of the international politics at the moment, and in the coming years there will be many vital issues that will have to be tackled by a government that has a clear vision of what and where Malaysia is to be and go in the future, such as the ASEAN charter of 2015.
Dr. Farish A. Noor is a Senior Fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies RSIS, Nanyang Technological University Singapore, where is he part of the research cluster on Contemporary Islamic Movements in Southeast Asia.
There has, of late, been much speculation about the date and timing of the upcoming 13th General Elections of Malaysia. For more than a year now, Malaysia-watchers have speculated about the date of the elections which will undoubtedly be one of the most important elections in Malaysia’s postcolonial history. Since the elections of March 2008 – where the opposition coalition known as the Pakatan Rakyat managed to gain control of five (later four) state assemblies – questions have been raised about the future of the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition that has helmed the state since the creation of the Federation of Malaya in 1957.
Two significant developments have ensued since March 2008: Firstly, the mantle of leadership of Malaysia has been passed from former Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to his successor Prime Minister Najib Razak. Though Badawi failed to secure a similarly impressive mandate as he did at the elections of 2004, and was blamed for the decline of the BN’s fortunes in 2008, it cannot be denied that many of the reforms that were introduced during his brief tenure have changed the socio-political landscape of Malaysia, permanently. It was during Badawi’s period that the media was given relatively more freedom to operate, and Malaysia’s cyberspace witnessed an explosion of many new websites, newsites and blogs that have significantly expanded the public discursive domain in the country. Similarly, Prime Minister Najib has attempted his own series of market-friendly reforms; opening up several sectors of the economy that were hitherto protected, and bringing to an end some of the more contentious laws such as the Internal Security Act (ISA) that were seen as a bane to civil liberties in the country.
Secondly, the fact that five (later four) state assemblies had fallen into the hands of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat meant that for the second time – since the elections of 1969 – the country’s federal system is being tested by state governments that have, on occasion, chosen to go against the will of the centralised Federal government. During the past four years the economies of two of the states under opposition control – Penang and Selangor – have registered positive results in terms of investment and investor confidence, suggesting to the Malaysian electorate that the opposition is able to govern relatively well, albeit on the level of state governments at least.
Added to these two factors are other vital variables such as the emergence of the ‘youth vote’ bank, with millions of first-time voters going to the polls at the coming elections; and the rise of a new generation of first-time politicians (mainly from the opposition parties) who have considerably altered the complexion of Malaysia’s political scene.
There remain, however, lingering doubts as to what might happen at the next elections, whenever they may be called. Local surveys conducted in Malaysia suggest that the electorate is evenly divided into three camps: Hardcore BN supporters, hardcore PR supporters, and a substantial third bloc made up of fence-sitters. Complicating matters further is the apparent abandonment of the BN by the non-Malay voters of Malaysia, notably Malaysian Chinese, who seem to have thrown their weight behind the opposition coalition. The BN’s age-old formula of ethnic compromise and multicultural representation at both Federal and state level will be severely dented at the coming elections if the current trend does not change, for it implies that the non-Malay component parties of the BN will be virtually wiped out.
This complex scenario gives rise to a host of what-if questions: What if the BN wins with a slim majority but with almost no significant representation of non-Malays at the Federal government level? What if the opposition PR wins but without the overwhelming endorsement of the Malay-Muslim majority? What if there is a hung outcome in the Malaysian Peninsula and one (or both) of the states ofEast Malaysia decide to switch camps at the last minute? Can Malaysia be governed by an overwhelmingly Malay-Muslim government without visible non-Malay support? Will the parties of East Malaysia be the eventual king-makers in a last-minute settlement that concedes more representation to East Malaysian politicians at the Federal government level and the cabinet? And most pressing of all: If there is a transition of power – which will be unprecedented in Malaysian history – can it happen peacefully?
Malaysia and Malaysians are now faced, for the first time, with the possibility of radical contingency: the occurrence of an event that has no precedent and for which there are no established norms or modalities that may help them understand and anticipate what may happen next. Such occurrences are rare in the case of any country, but at this juncture it might be useful to look at some of the other countries in the ASEAN region that have likewise experienced unprecedented changes, and to consider how they coped with them. Two cases come to mind: The Philippines in 1986 and Indonesia in 1998.
Indonesia may be a better comparison for our purposes here due to the long-established and well-known cultural-social-political commonalities between the two countries. From the late 1960s to 1998 Indonesia effectively came under the control of General-turned-President Suharto who led the country with the support of the Golkar (Golongan Karya) party and the Indonesian Armed Forces.
From the 1970s to the late 1990s, Malaysia and Indonesia’s development trajectories were quite similar: Both countries were firmly allied in the war against Communism, tacitly partisan to the Western bloc, open to international capital investment, and keen to transform themselves into developing and industrialising economies. Urbanisation, mass education, the pumping of foreign capital into domestic infrastructural projects – were the hallmarks of the development model adopted by both countries then. By the late 1990s, the results of this top-down state-driven form of capital-friendly development were there for all to see: In both countries there emerged new, educated, professional and upwardly socially-mobile classes that wanted to be given a chance to enter the new market created by the state. However in the case of Indonesia, decades of elite-driven development also meant that the entrenched elites in the Golkar party and the armed forces were even more embedded in the network of political-business relations, and less inclined to share in the spoils of development with the newly emerging urban middle classes.
This was the real outcome of FDI-driven development across Southeast Asiain the 1980s and 1990s: the emergence of new social groupings that were educated, better networked, able to mobilise and were driven by middle-class aspirations. The contradictions of the Indonesian model that were summed up by the slogan ‘cronyism, nepotism and corruption’ became the battle-cry for a new generation of socially and politically ambitious new aspiring elites who led the student revolts of 1998 and which brought the Suharto era to a graceless end.
The fall of Suharto did not, however, lead to a neat and simple transition of power: Indonesia, that had been under virtual one-party rule and military control for three decades, first experienced more than half a decade of instability and chaos. From 1998 to 2004 Indonesia’s international image was largely poor, with incidents such as the anti-Chinese riots of 1998, the Bali bombings, Muslim-Christian conflict in the Moluccas and the rise of both hyper-nationalist and religiously conservative mass movements hogging the headlines. A succession of civilian politicians – Habibie, Megawati and Gus Dur – attempted to govern the country, but some semblance of unity was only restored in 2004 when Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono – and ex-General himself and the dark horse of the elections whose party won only around 9 per cent of the popular vote – was made President. Yudhoyono’s second – and more convincing – victory at the polls of 2009 was a landmark in the history of post-Suharto Indonesia for it means that for the first time since 1998 some sort of political continuity has been introduced to the country.
As Indonesia braces itself for the polls of 2014, it is interesting to note that several other Presidential contenders were themselves former senior army commanders: Prabowo Subianto of the Gerindra party, who was formerly head of the Indonesian army’s Strategic Command (Konstrad) and Wiranto who heads the Hanura party. What does this say about the Indonesian public’s perception of power, politics and governance today, and how can we account for the appeal of these ex-generals who have now become politicians: Yudhoyono, Prabowo, Wiranto? It could be argued that the rise of these new generals-turned-politicians points to a wider sense of political fatigue among ordinary Indonesians – 60 per cent of whom remain rural and bound to the agrarian economy – who simply want to see some form of order restored to their lives. It is telling that since the Suharto era,Indonesia’s political landscape has remained largely monotone, and even after the fall of Suharto in 1998 there has not been a significant revival of Indonesia’s political left. Summed up retrospectively, it could be said that in the wake of Suharto’s demise Indonesia went through a period of turbulence as it grappled to find its balance again. That balance came about through a restoration of personalised charismatic politics, a ‘soft’ version of the older sort of strongman politics that the ASEAN region had witnessed during the era of Suharto and Ferdinand Marcos. Radical contingency was met, at first hesitantly, but eventually domesticated by a return to the familiar and normalised.
As Malaysia and Malaysians look to the coming 13th General Elections soon, it might be useful to consider the Indonesian case again. Even in the event of a slim victory by the opposition at the Federal level, it is unlikely that radical changes can and will be instituted immediately. As in the case of Indonesia, long-serving state institutions such as the bureaucracy, police and army, will remain as stabilising elements, but also in the sense that they may throw up institutional inertia to delay or scuttle any ambitious reforms that may be attempted. As in the case of Indonesia where the bureaucracy, judiciary, army and police had been so closely bound together during the three decades of Suharto’s rule, it would be difficult to transform the normalised political and institutional culture of the country overnight.
Then there is the problem of the inherent instability of Malaysia’s political coalitions – both BN and PR – which may fragment, shift allegiances, engage in horse-trading, etc which as been the norm in Malaysian politics for decades too. The past decade has witnessed many attempts by both BN and PR to lure members of Parliament and State Assemblies to defect and change sides, and should no overwhelming victory be secured by either coalition, this tactic is more likely to continue rather than subside.
Much therefore depends on the final outcome of the 13th General Elections in Malaysia: A clear and decisive victory for the BN would give a much-needed mandate for Prime Minister Najib Razak, and may well spell the end of the career of his nemesis Anwar Ibrahim. Conversely a clear victory for the PR would severely weaken the standing of Prime Minister Najib Razak in his own party, and may well mark the extinction of some of the non-Malay parties of the BN such as the MCA, MIC and Gerakan. Many local commentators, however, do not see an impending major shift on either side, and Malaysia may well be in store for another term of weak, indecisive government. Yet the country cannot afford to flounder in the waters of the international politics at the moment, and in the coming years there will be many vital issues that will have to be tackled by a government that has a clear vision of what and where Malaysia is to be and go in the future, such as the ASEAN charter of 2015.
Dr. Farish A. Noor is a Senior Fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies RSIS, Nanyang Technological University Singapore, where is he part of the research cluster on Contemporary Islamic Movements in Southeast Asia.
Timor Leste, the 5th Constitutional Government and the 'good governance' Template.
Timor Leste, the 5th Constitutional Government and the 'good governance' Template.:
East Timorese newspaper Tempo Semanal published an article this week which claims that the new Timorese Government represents "an oligarchy", and criticises the new government for its size and for the fact that it contained some brothers and sisters. There was criticism of the last Timorese Government for many reasons, including corruption. However, this same government established the Anti-Corruption Commission (KAK) which has led to some former ministers being investigated and in one case found guilty.
read more
East Timorese newspaper Tempo Semanal published an article this week which claims that the new Timorese Government represents "an oligarchy", and criticises the new government for its size and for the fact that it contained some brothers and sisters. There was criticism of the last Timorese Government for many reasons, including corruption. However, this same government established the Anti-Corruption Commission (KAK) which has led to some former ministers being investigated and in one case found guilty.
read more
China's interests in East Timor
China's interests in East Timor:
When Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975, part of its justification was that the then ruling Fretilin intended to allow the country to become a regional base for China. Fretilin had recently assumed power, having defeated the conservative UDT’s attempted coup in August of that year. But Fretilin’s victory was viewed in Indonesia as establishing a communist base in the middle of its archipelago at a time when the Cold War was running hot and communism in the region seemed in the ascendency. At that time, Indonesia was vehemently anti-communist, having destroyed its own communist party less than a decade before and broken off diplomatic relations with China as part of the purge. The idea of China having a base, or at least a friendly country, in its midst was intolerable to Indonesia’s generals. Whether or not Fretilin intended to establish close relations with China is a moot point.
read more
When Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975, part of its justification was that the then ruling Fretilin intended to allow the country to become a regional base for China. Fretilin had recently assumed power, having defeated the conservative UDT’s attempted coup in August of that year. But Fretilin’s victory was viewed in Indonesia as establishing a communist base in the middle of its archipelago at a time when the Cold War was running hot and communism in the region seemed in the ascendency. At that time, Indonesia was vehemently anti-communist, having destroyed its own communist party less than a decade before and broken off diplomatic relations with China as part of the purge. The idea of China having a base, or at least a friendly country, in its midst was intolerable to Indonesia’s generals. Whether or not Fretilin intended to establish close relations with China is a moot point.
read more
American Anthropological Association: Broadening the Lens on Human Trafficking
American Anthropological Association: Broadening the Lens on Human Trafficking: 
8/2/2012
Written by Alicia Peters
My own research supports this conclusion. How do we explain this contradiction? What became clear to me over the course of my research was that many law enforcement agents were basing investigations on their own cultural beliefs about sex and victimization as opposed to the actual reality of trafficking. Several law enforcement agents acknowledged that they viewed trafficking into forced prostitution as a more heinous crime than other forms of forced labor and that this perception influenced their work. One federal agent told me, "I don't see it [trafficking] so much as forced labor. The cases I believe are more important are women coming and working as prostitutes."
American Anthropological Association
World's largest organization of individuals interested in anthropology
8/2/2012
Written by Alicia Peters
The typical image of trafficking is of a young girl, forced into prostitution at the hands of a ruthless pimp. She has been beaten or branded and is held in the most extreme conditions imaginable. Indeed, when I ask students in my undergraduate classes if they know what human trafficking is, I am greeted by a sea of nodding heads followed by some form of the question, "Isn't that, like, sexual slavery?" While this response, and the media portrayals that reinforce it, is not wholly inaccurate, it reflects only a partial understanding of the issue.
U.S. and international law define human trafficking as the process of forced, coerced, or deceptive movement or recruitment of individuals into exploitative conditions of labor, whether for picking tomatoes, cleaning houses, painting nails, or selling commercial sex. Yet, the dominant discourse of trafficking is skewed toward sensationalized stories of "sex trafficking," and it is this framing that shapes most of the American public's perceptions of trafficking.
Graphic stories of young girls being forced into prostitution and branded by pimps attract reader sympathy, but they also create a sense of invisibility for other forms of trafficking. Forcing teenagers into commercial sex is a despicable crime, but human trafficking is more than just sex trafficking, as I learned while conducting ethnographic research on the phenomenon. The most recent Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report , compiled on a yearly basis by the U.S. State Department, acknowledges this complexity and highlights that human trafficking involves women and men, children and adults, international and domestic victims, and compelled commercial sex and forced labor. Evidence suggests that 50 percent or more of individuals trafficked in the U.S. have been forced into sectors other than commercial sex and a good number of them are in fact men.
Yet, the skewed perception of trafficking as "sex trafficking" that dominates the media also permeates the U.S.'s response to the issue, particularly in the realm of law enforcement. In its assessment of efforts to combat trafficking in the United States, the 2012 TIP Report notes that:
"Federal and state human trafficking data indicate more investigations and prosecutions have taken place for sex trafficking than labor trafficking; however, victim service providers reported assisting significantly higher numbers of foreign national victims in cases of labor trafficking than in cases of sex trafficking,"
My own research supports this conclusion. How do we explain this contradiction? What became clear to me over the course of my research was that many law enforcement agents were basing investigations on their own cultural beliefs about sex and victimization as opposed to the actual reality of trafficking. Several law enforcement agents acknowledged that they viewed trafficking into forced prostitution as a more heinous crime than other forms of forced labor and that this perception influenced their work. One federal agent told me, "I don't see it [trafficking] so much as forced labor. The cases I believe are more important are women coming and working as prostitutes."
In addition to being inaccurate, framing trafficking solely as an issue of forced prostitution has real repercussions for real people. While most media representations of trafficking misinform the public through incompleteness, when these misinterpretations infiltrate the criminal justice system the consequences are much more dire. When law enforcement agents direct their attention to identifying cases of trafficking solely involving forced prostitution or signing off on paperwork for those victims in particular, so they can quickly access benefits and protections, it means that other victims are being overlooked. Despite the equal protections granted under the U.S. Trafficking Victims Protection Act to all victims of trafficking, the moral outrage over "sex trafficking" has resulted in a stratified response.
Over the course of my fieldwork, I encountered numerous instances of law enforcement overlooking trafficking cases when they did not meet the criteria of an individual agent's moral barometer of harm. However, I found that the experiences of trafficked persons challenged the ways in which trafficking is most commonly imagined in that trafficked individuals themselves attributed their suffering to an entirely different set of circumstances (e.g. fear, isolation, deceit, threats to their families) than those emphasized by the media, the general public, and even many law enforcement officials. In particular, the notion that trafficking can be bifurcated into "sex trafficking" and "labor trafficking" makes little sense in that one victim of forced prostitution may have more in common with a victim of labor trafficking than with another victim of forced prostitution, depending on the circumstances of the case. While the categories of "sex" and "labor" describe the type of work or services a person is performing, they stop there. In either scenario the conditions of trafficking can take a plethora of forms.
Bridget, a case manager who I interviewed, told me about one client who law enforcement showed a lack of interest in, emphasizing that the kind of trafficking was not as important as the conditions under which the person was held.
"The client that I have that has the hardest time in life is a domestic worker. She was trafficked when she was under 10 years old. She was in [the trafficking situation] until she was 23 or 24, never went to school, was totally isolated, and when she finally got out of the trafficking situation ... she got agoraphobia. She was illiterate; she had panic attacks, major depression, eating disorders. I mean the amount of obstacles that this girl had were just amazing, but her case was never, like nobody [law enforcement] went after them. Nothing happened. It was just ... brutal."
It's time to address the reality of trafficking, not just the oversimplified caricature of it. Men, women, and children living under deplorable conditions are being overlooked everyday and made invisible by the cultural myth that trafficking equals sex trafficking. No one deserves to be trafficked, but everyone who is deserves the rights and protections they are entitled to under the law.
Alicia Peters earned her MA and PhD from Columbia University and is currently Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of New England. She conducted two and half years of ethnographic fieldwork on the implementation of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act from the perspective of government personnel, law enforcement officials, NGO service providers, and survivors of trafficking. She is currently completing a book based on this research, Trafficking in Meaning: Sex, Gender, and the US Human Trafficking Response.
Human Trafficking: A Global Problem with Local Impact
Human Trafficking: A Global Problem with Local Impact:
Jonathan Todres and Michael Baumrind have recently released an article titled "Human Trafficking: A Global Problem with Local Impact."
Here is the Abstract
In this short article, the authors examine the problem of human trafficking and its impact on the State of Georgia. The article reviews relevant federal and state law. It then explores ways in which attorneys can play constructive roles across various sectors of society in order to help strengthen initiatives to prevent human trafficking and ensure assistance to survivors of such exploitation.
Download the full article by going to:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2091274
Jonathan Todres and Michael Baumrind have recently released an article titled "Human Trafficking: A Global Problem with Local Impact."
Here is the Abstract
In this short article, the authors examine the problem of human trafficking and its impact on the State of Georgia. The article reviews relevant federal and state law. It then explores ways in which attorneys can play constructive roles across various sectors of society in order to help strengthen initiatives to prevent human trafficking and ensure assistance to survivors of such exploitation.
Download the full article by going to:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2091274
Was Your Stuff Made by Slave Labor? It's Not Always Easy to Tell
Was Your Stuff Made by Slave Labor? It's Not Always Easy to Tell: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/08/was-your-stuff-made-by-slave-labor-its-not-always-easy-to-tell/260586/
Source: The aTLANTIC
AUG 1 2012, 10:00 AM ET
Source: The aTLANTIC
AUG 1 2012, 10:00 AM ET
There are 21 million slave workers in the world, and some of their products end up in the U.S.
MORE FROM THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
The latest estimates by the International Labor Organization state that nearly 21 million people are victims of forced labor--and a significant amount of this suffering is fueled by every day products available on American shelves.
In Bloomberg Business Week, E. Benjamin Skinner documents how fish caught by slaves made their way onto plates in the United States. The path is convoluted: Indonesian recruiters deceived desperate men looking for work. Ship captains on the Korean Melilla 203 ship abused the laborers--forcing them to toil for as long as thirty consecutive hours, subjecting them to sexual abuse, and refusing to properly compensate them. New Zealand companies purchased the fish (and New Zealand environmental inspectors reportedly overlooked the slavery and responded to a plea for help by saying, "Not my job").
Finally, U.S. distributors bought the catch, which wound up on American dinner tables.
By ratifying the Trafficking in Persons protocol to the UN Convention on Transnational Organized Crime (TIP protocol), 151 countries around the world have agreed to criminalize human trafficking within their borders. Article 10 of the protocol also commits states to exchange information with foreign authorities and cooperate with foreign law enforcement agencies to prevent and detect human trafficking.
Meanwhile, at sea, the vast majority of major economies engaged in global trade have ratified theUN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). (The United States stands as an important exception and is not party to UNCLOS, but has ratified the TIP Protocol.) Part VII, Article 99 of that accord requires states "to take effective measures to prevent and punish the transport of slaves in ships authorized to fly its flag."
And yet, these international frameworks are loosely monitored and do not foster enough cooperation among international law enforcement agencies. In particular, this case underscores one of globalization's major challenges: the number of sovereign jurisdictions involved in one crime. Indonesian authorities were either not aware of the crime, or chose to overlook it. Korean authorities, under whose flag the ship sailed, did not investigate the labor standards onboard Melilla 203 (South Korea has not ratified the TIP protocol, but did neglect its treaty obligations under the UNCLOS, which it has ratified). And New Zealand authorities failed to identify the slave labor on ships docked in their harbor.
Human trafficking is notoriously difficult to investigate and prosecute due to its clandestine nature, corruption of local authorities, mobility of traffickers, and underreporting because victims fear for their safety or that of their families. However, challenges are compounded when only one country oversees a single link in the chain. Separate law enforcement agencies charged with investigating and prosecuting crimes are constrained by national boundaries, while the illicit actors permeate borders with ease. The regime is wildly vulnerable to exploitation.
In theory, Interpol coordinates among sovereign jurisdictions, but with an annual budget of $78 million (59 million euros) in 2010, the organization hardly makes a dent in human trafficking worldwide. Indeed, in all of 2011, Interpol reports only one operation on its website. In that operation, Interpol agents assisted Ghanaian police to rescue children between the ages of five and seventeen who were forced to work on fishing boats in Lake Volta. Given that Ghana exports roughly 11 percent of its fish, it is probable that the catch traveled well beyond its national jurisdiction. In total, the Interpol-supported operation rescued 166 children. That amounts to .0000079 percent of the estimated victims worldwide.
Law enforcement operations cannot be expected to tackle human trafficking alone, and rescue isnot always a viable solution. High demand for cheap goods, opaque supply chains, and low consumer awareness are underlying structural conditions that contribute to the prevalence of labor trafficking.
Seventy-eight percent of U.S. families reported choosing organic foods in a November 2011 survey, despite the fact that they are often more expensive. In a new Gallup poll, 5 percent of Americans identify as vegetarians for environmental reasons or because they object to the inhumane practices of many meat producers. Is there even a word to describe people who choose to eliminate slave-made goods from their daily lives? How often do we see asterisks and a note that ingredients in a meal were harvested freely by people being compensated according to domestic or international law? The American Humane Association has trademarked the "No Animals Were Harmed" ®disclaimer, and yet, no such tagline exists for cruelty to people.
In the Melilla 203 case, McDonald's refused to purchase the fish from the New Zealand supplier because it requires all of its suppliers to submit to third-party audits on its labor standards. The2010 California Transparency in Supply Chains Act of 2010 requires companies that operate in California with an annual worldwide profit that exceeds $100 million to "disclose what efforts, if any, they have taken to eliminate human trafficking from their supply chains." This is a laudable first step.
Companies like McDonald's that prioritize the elimination of slave labor from their supply chains would benefit from printing the fact on their products. As consumers become more conscious of their purchases, a label on a box that distinguishes their product--"This company and its suppliers submit to third-party audits on its labor standards" or "No slaves were used"--would go a long way. For their part, countries, or even U.S. states with large economies where multinational companies have a large stake, should lead the way by requiring companies to publish such taglines on products.
This article originally appeared at CFR.org, an Atlantic partner site.
Chinese workers stand outside a police station after being rescued from a year of slave labor at a brickworks. (Reuters)
MORE FROM THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
In Bloomberg Business Week, E. Benjamin Skinner documents how fish caught by slaves made their way onto plates in the United States. The path is convoluted: Indonesian recruiters deceived desperate men looking for work. Ship captains on the Korean Melilla 203 ship abused the laborers--forcing them to toil for as long as thirty consecutive hours, subjecting them to sexual abuse, and refusing to properly compensate them. New Zealand companies purchased the fish (and New Zealand environmental inspectors reportedly overlooked the slavery and responded to a plea for help by saying, "Not my job").
Finally, U.S. distributors bought the catch, which wound up on American dinner tables.
By ratifying the Trafficking in Persons protocol to the UN Convention on Transnational Organized Crime (TIP protocol), 151 countries around the world have agreed to criminalize human trafficking within their borders. Article 10 of the protocol also commits states to exchange information with foreign authorities and cooperate with foreign law enforcement agencies to prevent and detect human trafficking.
Meanwhile, at sea, the vast majority of major economies engaged in global trade have ratified theUN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). (The United States stands as an important exception and is not party to UNCLOS, but has ratified the TIP Protocol.) Part VII, Article 99 of that accord requires states "to take effective measures to prevent and punish the transport of slaves in ships authorized to fly its flag."
And yet, these international frameworks are loosely monitored and do not foster enough cooperation among international law enforcement agencies. In particular, this case underscores one of globalization's major challenges: the number of sovereign jurisdictions involved in one crime. Indonesian authorities were either not aware of the crime, or chose to overlook it. Korean authorities, under whose flag the ship sailed, did not investigate the labor standards onboard Melilla 203 (South Korea has not ratified the TIP protocol, but did neglect its treaty obligations under the UNCLOS, which it has ratified). And New Zealand authorities failed to identify the slave labor on ships docked in their harbor.
Human trafficking is notoriously difficult to investigate and prosecute due to its clandestine nature, corruption of local authorities, mobility of traffickers, and underreporting because victims fear for their safety or that of their families. However, challenges are compounded when only one country oversees a single link in the chain. Separate law enforcement agencies charged with investigating and prosecuting crimes are constrained by national boundaries, while the illicit actors permeate borders with ease. The regime is wildly vulnerable to exploitation.
In theory, Interpol coordinates among sovereign jurisdictions, but with an annual budget of $78 million (59 million euros) in 2010, the organization hardly makes a dent in human trafficking worldwide. Indeed, in all of 2011, Interpol reports only one operation on its website. In that operation, Interpol agents assisted Ghanaian police to rescue children between the ages of five and seventeen who were forced to work on fishing boats in Lake Volta. Given that Ghana exports roughly 11 percent of its fish, it is probable that the catch traveled well beyond its national jurisdiction. In total, the Interpol-supported operation rescued 166 children. That amounts to .0000079 percent of the estimated victims worldwide.
Law enforcement operations cannot be expected to tackle human trafficking alone, and rescue isnot always a viable solution. High demand for cheap goods, opaque supply chains, and low consumer awareness are underlying structural conditions that contribute to the prevalence of labor trafficking.
Seventy-eight percent of U.S. families reported choosing organic foods in a November 2011 survey, despite the fact that they are often more expensive. In a new Gallup poll, 5 percent of Americans identify as vegetarians for environmental reasons or because they object to the inhumane practices of many meat producers. Is there even a word to describe people who choose to eliminate slave-made goods from their daily lives? How often do we see asterisks and a note that ingredients in a meal were harvested freely by people being compensated according to domestic or international law? The American Humane Association has trademarked the "No Animals Were Harmed" ®disclaimer, and yet, no such tagline exists for cruelty to people.
In the Melilla 203 case, McDonald's refused to purchase the fish from the New Zealand supplier because it requires all of its suppliers to submit to third-party audits on its labor standards. The2010 California Transparency in Supply Chains Act of 2010 requires companies that operate in California with an annual worldwide profit that exceeds $100 million to "disclose what efforts, if any, they have taken to eliminate human trafficking from their supply chains." This is a laudable first step.
Companies like McDonald's that prioritize the elimination of slave labor from their supply chains would benefit from printing the fact on their products. As consumers become more conscious of their purchases, a label on a box that distinguishes their product--"This company and its suppliers submit to third-party audits on its labor standards" or "No slaves were used"--would go a long way. For their part, countries, or even U.S. states with large economies where multinational companies have a large stake, should lead the way by requiring companies to publish such taglines on products.
This article originally appeared at CFR.org, an Atlantic partner site.
CNN: Mauritania: Slavery's last stronghold - YouTube
CNN: Mauritania: Slavery's last stronghold - YouTube:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5yQlOPD8mNo&feature=player_embedded&noredirect=1#!
Published on Mar 18, 2012 by CNN
Mauritania's endless sea of sand dunes hides an open secret: An estimated 10% to 20% of the population lives in slavery.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5yQlOPD8mNo&feature=player_embedded&noredirect=1#!
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