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Nov 28, 2012
Airfares, hotel prices set to rise next year, says report
Airfares, hotel prices set to rise next year, says report: The economic outlook next year may be downbeat but firms should still expect moderate rises in travel spending, said a new report. Airfares and hotel prices in the Asia-Pacific are expected to rise b .....
Ewha streets no longer Seoul's 'it' shopping district
Ewha streets no longer Seoul's 'it' shopping district: The streets and alleys of Ewha Womans University used to be filled with youngsters on the lookout for a bargain on new clothes and new shoes or just browsing with friends. The shoppers usually range .....
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Vietnam relies on foreign funding for HIV/AIDS
Vietnam relies on foreign funding for HIV/AIDS: Vietnam will remain reliant on international assistance to c .....
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China asks Singapore to safeguard workers' rights
China asks Singapore to safeguard workers' rights: China has asked Singapore to safeguard the rights and intere .....
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S'pore moves against 'illegal strike' of Chinese drivers
S'pore moves against 'illegal strike' of Chinese drivers: The Singapore government is taking action against the SMRT b .....
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Walmart cuts ties with supplier after Bangladesh factory fire
Walmart cuts ties with supplier after Bangladesh factory fire: US global retailer Walmart yesterday said Tazreen Fashions, .....
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Growing Philippine economy inspiring more confidence
Growing Philippine economy inspiring more confidence: The Philippines has been the economic laggard in Asia for so .....
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Rebels begin withdrawal in eastern DR Congo
Rebels begin withdrawal in eastern DR Congo: M23 spokesman says the group is doing a phased pullout from territory they have captured, starting south of Goma.
Arrests made after Bangladesh factory blaze
Arrests made after Bangladesh factory blaze: Three mid-level managers held for preventing workers from leaving factory premises after fire alarm went offf.
Report: Kabul Bank lost $900m in embezzlement
Report: Kabul Bank lost $900m in embezzlement: Leaked report says officials for Afghanistan's largest lender lived opulent lifestyles and loans went to bogus firms.
Egypt to vote on draft constitution
Egypt to vote on draft constitution: Assembly to vote on draft constitution, despite protests against President Morsi's assumption of expanded power.
Colombia peace talks 'progressing well'
Colombia peace talks 'progressing well': Negotiator for the Marxist rebels says there has been "good results" from talks with the government.
Thai PM survives no-confidence vote
Thai PM survives no-confidence vote: Yingluck government holds on to power after criticism of rice purchase scheme allegedly riddled with fraud.
China mulls changes in one-child policy
China mulls changes in one-child policy: Proposed changes would allow for more urban couples to have a second child to balance rapidly ageing society.
Palestinians to renew UN statehood bid
Palestinians to renew UN statehood bid: Simple majority vote in 193-member General Assembly would be enough to bestow non-member observer status.
Russian mafia whistleblower found dead in UK
Russian mafia whistleblower found dead in UK: Businessman linked to high profile corruption case in Moscow is fourth person to die in unexplained circumstances.
Egypt Copts get death in absentia over film
Egypt Copts get death in absentia over film: Eight people convicted on charges linked to anti-Islam film that sparked riots in parts of the Muslim World.
Tunisians injured in protests over economy
Tunisians injured in protests over economy: At least 200 people wounded by riot police in protests over jobs and economic development in city of Siliana.
Opposition Leader Singled Out
Opposition Leader Singled Out: 
Exiled opposition leader Sam Rainsy accused Cambodia’s election officials on Wednesday of practicing double standards by barring him from the electoral process on the grounds of his criminal conviction while including others with more notorious criminal records.
Sam Rainsy’s National Rescue Party (NRP) said the National Election Committee’s decision to remove him as a voter and disallow him from standing as a candidate in next year’s general election was part of a plan to secure the vote for Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling party.
The decision was made earlier this month on the grounds that the NRP president has been convicted—on charges he denies and says are politically motivated—for incitement and damaging property while leading a 2009 Vietnam border protest, among other crimes.
Sam Rainsy said that according to an investigation conducted by his party, others convicted of crimes, including prominent criminals, have not faced the same restrictions.
For example, a former police chief serving a 103-year prison sentence following convictions for murder and kidnapping is on the voters’ list, according to the NRP.
“My case is unique. The National Election Committee never deletes any criminals’ names, only mine,” Sam Rainsy told RFA’s Khmer service, speaking from Cote D’Ivoire where he is attending an NRP meeting.
“This is a set-up for only me. This is not about the law because the law would apply to people equally,” he said. “This is just a joke.”
On Hun Sen's orders
The National Election Committee removed Sam Rainsy’s name from the lists on Nov. 5, and an appeal against the decision was rejected by the Constitutional Council last week.
NRP leaders issued a statement on the party’s investigation saying that Sam Rainsy had been singled out by the election committee on the orders of Hun Sen, whose Cambodian People’s Party has swept elections for years.
“Hun Sen is trying, by eliminating Sam Rainsy from the political scene … to unfairly secure another victory at next year’s elections in order to cling on to power for at least another five-year term,” the statement said.
The statement by the party, which was formed this year as a coalition between the country’s two largest opposition parties to challenge the Cambodian People’s Party, accused Hun Sen of trying to avoid a “fair fight” in the July 2013 election.
Exiled leader
Sam Rainsy, who is living in exile in Paris and has vowed to return to Cambodia to run against Hun Sen, said he still has hope that he will be able to participate in the election.
“We have eight months; we have time,” he said.
He faces up to 11 years in prison if he returns to Cambodia, for damaging property during the Vietnam border protest and various other offenses.
Earlier this month, he filed an appeal against the sentence, which he received in absentia.
Even if he gets the conviction overturned or receives a royal pardon between now and the national election, he still may not be able to participate in the vote if he is not on the voters’ list.
But the voter registration period for the election has already passed, having ended on Oct. 12.
Under Cambodian law, a person who is not registered to vote is also not allowed to stand as a candidate.
Criminals on voter lists
According to the NRP, Sam Rainsy’s name had been removed from the voters’ list even though there is no provision in Cambodia’s election law that says someone who has been convicted of a crime must have their names deleted from the list.
Among the well-known criminals who do appear on voter list, the party said, is Heng Pov, the former Phnom Penh police chief who is currently serving a 103-year prison sentence on charges including murder, attempted murder, kidnapping, and extortion.
Also on the lists are Pheng Kunthea Borey, the senate president’s former chief of protocol who is serving four years in jail for forgery and fraud, a former government bodyguard who is serving ten years, a former provincial prosecutor serving time for corruption, and other prominent criminals, according to the party’s investigation.
“These examples explain why, after its recent decision to remove Sam Rainsy's name from the voter list, the National Election Committee has been unable to respond to a question from the press and the civil society asking it to show other instances, if any, of a convict's name being deleted from the voter list,” the statement said.
Non-governmental organizations monitoring elections in Cambodia have said recent elections, including commune-level elections in June, have been marred by irregularities in voter lists.
Reported and translated by Samean Yun for RFA’s Khmer service. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Exiled opposition leader Sam Rainsy accused Cambodia’s election officials on Wednesday of practicing double standards by barring him from the electoral process on the grounds of his criminal conviction while including others with more notorious criminal records.
Sam Rainsy’s National Rescue Party (NRP) said the National Election Committee’s decision to remove him as a voter and disallow him from standing as a candidate in next year’s general election was part of a plan to secure the vote for Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling party.
The decision was made earlier this month on the grounds that the NRP president has been convicted—on charges he denies and says are politically motivated—for incitement and damaging property while leading a 2009 Vietnam border protest, among other crimes.
Sam Rainsy said that according to an investigation conducted by his party, others convicted of crimes, including prominent criminals, have not faced the same restrictions.
For example, a former police chief serving a 103-year prison sentence following convictions for murder and kidnapping is on the voters’ list, according to the NRP.
“My case is unique. The National Election Committee never deletes any criminals’ names, only mine,” Sam Rainsy told RFA’s Khmer service, speaking from Cote D’Ivoire where he is attending an NRP meeting.
“This is a set-up for only me. This is not about the law because the law would apply to people equally,” he said. “This is just a joke.”
On Hun Sen's orders
The National Election Committee removed Sam Rainsy’s name from the lists on Nov. 5, and an appeal against the decision was rejected by the Constitutional Council last week.
NRP leaders issued a statement on the party’s investigation saying that Sam Rainsy had been singled out by the election committee on the orders of Hun Sen, whose Cambodian People’s Party has swept elections for years.
“Hun Sen is trying, by eliminating Sam Rainsy from the political scene … to unfairly secure another victory at next year’s elections in order to cling on to power for at least another five-year term,” the statement said.
The statement by the party, which was formed this year as a coalition between the country’s two largest opposition parties to challenge the Cambodian People’s Party, accused Hun Sen of trying to avoid a “fair fight” in the July 2013 election.
Exiled leader
Sam Rainsy, who is living in exile in Paris and has vowed to return to Cambodia to run against Hun Sen, said he still has hope that he will be able to participate in the election.
“We have eight months; we have time,” he said.
He faces up to 11 years in prison if he returns to Cambodia, for damaging property during the Vietnam border protest and various other offenses.
Earlier this month, he filed an appeal against the sentence, which he received in absentia.
Even if he gets the conviction overturned or receives a royal pardon between now and the national election, he still may not be able to participate in the vote if he is not on the voters’ list.
But the voter registration period for the election has already passed, having ended on Oct. 12.
Under Cambodian law, a person who is not registered to vote is also not allowed to stand as a candidate.
Criminals on voter lists
According to the NRP, Sam Rainsy’s name had been removed from the voters’ list even though there is no provision in Cambodia’s election law that says someone who has been convicted of a crime must have their names deleted from the list.
Among the well-known criminals who do appear on voter list, the party said, is Heng Pov, the former Phnom Penh police chief who is currently serving a 103-year prison sentence on charges including murder, attempted murder, kidnapping, and extortion.
Also on the lists are Pheng Kunthea Borey, the senate president’s former chief of protocol who is serving four years in jail for forgery and fraud, a former government bodyguard who is serving ten years, a former provincial prosecutor serving time for corruption, and other prominent criminals, according to the party’s investigation.
“These examples explain why, after its recent decision to remove Sam Rainsy's name from the voter list, the National Election Committee has been unable to respond to a question from the press and the civil society asking it to show other instances, if any, of a convict's name being deleted from the voter list,” the statement said.
Non-governmental organizations monitoring elections in Cambodia have said recent elections, including commune-level elections in June, have been marred by irregularities in voter lists.
Reported and translated by Samean Yun for RFA’s Khmer service. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Mahfud's heading out (Indonesia)
Mahfud's heading out (Indonesia): Chief Justice Mahfud announced recently that he will not seek a second term as chief justice of the Mahkamah Konstitusi. When going through his confirmation hearings, Mahfud promised to be less outspoken and to not "legislate from the bench". However, the chief justice has become a mainstay in the public media, often commenting about hot-button political issues. The court has also taken an increasingly populist turn under his watch. Recently, the MK declared BP Migas unconstitutional because it undermined state control over natural resources.
Many suspect that Mahfud's stepping down next year will allow him to run for the presidency in 2014. As a former professor of Islamic law, Mahfud has Islamic credentials without being too "fundamentalist". His decisions from the bench and lack of corruption scandals both allow him to portray himself as a populist. Given the relatively weak presidential field next year, he has a fair shot at president or vice-president. The biggest question might be which party he chooses to join. He was a DPR member from PKB from 2004-08, but I could imagine him forming an alliance with a larger party to pass the electoral threshold for fielding a presidential candidate.
The Jakarta Post has a brief retrospective.
Many suspect that Mahfud's stepping down next year will allow him to run for the presidency in 2014. As a former professor of Islamic law, Mahfud has Islamic credentials without being too "fundamentalist". His decisions from the bench and lack of corruption scandals both allow him to portray himself as a populist. Given the relatively weak presidential field next year, he has a fair shot at president or vice-president. The biggest question might be which party he chooses to join. He was a DPR member from PKB from 2004-08, but I could imagine him forming an alliance with a larger party to pass the electoral threshold for fielding a presidential candidate.
The Jakarta Post has a brief retrospective.
Philippine Body to Probe Human Rights Cases
Philippine Body to Probe Human Rights Cases:
Philippine President Benigno Aquino III at work. (Photo: Office of the President of the Philippines)MANILA, Philippines—Philippine President Benigno Aquino III has created a new body to investigate and monitor high-profile human rights cases, but rights activists said on Tuesday it would take time to show whether the committee is more than a public relations effort.
Among the cases the new committee will monitor is the 2009 massacre that left 58 civilians and journalists dead.
The inter-agency committee, established through an administrative order Aquino signed last week, would be led by Justice Secretary Leila de Lima and include the country’s defense secretary, along with the military and national police chiefs, among its members, officials said.
The rights body’s creation came amid criticisms that violations have continued under the reformist president, who took power in mid-2010.
Aquino, son of revered pro-democracy icons, has pledged to take steps to resolve pending cases and prevent new ones in a new era of reforms, often citing his own family’s ordeal in the repressive years under dictator Ferdinand Marcos, who was ousted by a 1986 “people power” revolt.
Aquino’s father, a prominent anti-Marcos politician, was assassinated while in military custody at Manila’s international airport in 1983, sparking massive street protests that culminated in the 1986 revolt.
But human rights groups have said violations have continued under Aquino and more than 200 cases of disappearances and at least 300 extrajudicial killings during the nine-year presidency of Aquino’s predecessor, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, have remained unresolved under the country’s notoriously slow justice system.
A key, unresolved case was the Nov. 23, 2009 massacre of 58 civilians and journalists allegedly by an influential political clan in southern Maguindanao province where the trial of the main suspects has dragged out due to what the victims’ families say were legal maneuvers by defense lawyers to delay court proceedings.
Thirty-two of the victims were media workers, making the carnage the single-worst media killing in the world.
De Lima said the new rights body will assess how to end delays in that trial.
Brad Adams, Asia director of the New York-based Human Rights Watch, said his group would monitor the new body “to see whether it results in prompt and serious action against abusers or is just more government smoke and mirrors.”
Philippine President Benigno Aquino III at work. (Photo: Office of the President of the Philippines)
Among the cases the new committee will monitor is the 2009 massacre that left 58 civilians and journalists dead.
The inter-agency committee, established through an administrative order Aquino signed last week, would be led by Justice Secretary Leila de Lima and include the country’s defense secretary, along with the military and national police chiefs, among its members, officials said.
The rights body’s creation came amid criticisms that violations have continued under the reformist president, who took power in mid-2010.
Aquino, son of revered pro-democracy icons, has pledged to take steps to resolve pending cases and prevent new ones in a new era of reforms, often citing his own family’s ordeal in the repressive years under dictator Ferdinand Marcos, who was ousted by a 1986 “people power” revolt.
Aquino’s father, a prominent anti-Marcos politician, was assassinated while in military custody at Manila’s international airport in 1983, sparking massive street protests that culminated in the 1986 revolt.
But human rights groups have said violations have continued under Aquino and more than 200 cases of disappearances and at least 300 extrajudicial killings during the nine-year presidency of Aquino’s predecessor, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, have remained unresolved under the country’s notoriously slow justice system.
A key, unresolved case was the Nov. 23, 2009 massacre of 58 civilians and journalists allegedly by an influential political clan in southern Maguindanao province where the trial of the main suspects has dragged out due to what the victims’ families say were legal maneuvers by defense lawyers to delay court proceedings.
Thirty-two of the victims were media workers, making the carnage the single-worst media killing in the world.
De Lima said the new rights body will assess how to end delays in that trial.
Brad Adams, Asia director of the New York-based Human Rights Watch, said his group would monitor the new body “to see whether it results in prompt and serious action against abusers or is just more government smoke and mirrors.”
Nov 27, 2012
Gmail and Drive - a new way to send files
Gmail and Drive - a new way to send files: Posted by Phil Sharp, Product Manager
Since Google Drive launched in April, millions of people have started using Drive to keep, create and share files. Starting today, it’s even easier to share with others: you can insert files from Drive directly into an email without leaving your Gmail.
Like a smart assistant, Gmail will also double-check that your recipients all have access to any files you’re sending. This works like Gmail’s forgotten attachment detector: whenever you send a file from Drive that isn’t shared with everyone, you’ll be prompted with the option to change the file’s sharing settings without leaving your email. It’ll even work with Drive links pasted directly into emails.
Since Google Drive launched in April, millions of people have started using Drive to keep, create and share files. Starting today, it’s even easier to share with others: you can insert files from Drive directly into an email without leaving your Gmail.
Like a smart assistant, Gmail will also double-check that your recipients all have access to any files you’re sending. This works like Gmail’s forgotten attachment detector: whenever you send a file from Drive that isn’t shared with everyone, you’ll be prompted with the option to change the file’s sharing settings without leaving your email. It’ll even work with Drive links pasted directly into emails.
Singapore Strike Reflects Dual Strains - WSJ.com
Singapore Strike Reflects Dual Strains - WSJ.com
WSJ and NYT articles often require subscription for full-text access.
WSJ and NYT articles often require subscription for full-text access.
Journalist’s Case Raised by Obama
Journalist’s Case Raised by Obama: 
U.S. President Barack Obama raised concerns over the jailing of an independent Cambodian radio station chief during his visit to the country last week but did not specifically call for the journalist’s release, a Cambodian official said Tuesday.
The official spoke as the wife of 71-year-old Mam Sonando, director of Beehive Radio, pleaded with the Cambodian government to release the independent broadcaster following his recent conviction for masterminding a revolt of villagers over a land dispute. He has rejected the charges.
Cambodia's Council of Ministers Spokesman Phay Siphan said that during Obama’s historic visit to Phnom Penh—the first by a sitting U.S. head of state—the president had simply raised the situation of the country’s political prisoners with Prime Minister Hun Sen during bilateral talks.
“It was only [mentioned as] a concern of the president, not a request,” Phay Siphan said when asked if Obama had called on Hun Sen to release Mam Sonando.
“[Obama] was worried about political prisoners and asked Cambodia to release them. In response, Prime Minister Hun Sen explained that in the Kingdom of Cambodia there are no political prisoners—only politicians who were convicted for breaking the law,” he said.
“There wasn’t any request [to release Mam Sonando].”
Phay Siphan said that Obama asked the U.S. Embassy in Phnom Penh to continue to “work with Cambodia” to follow up on the issue.
Obama, who was in Phnom Penh to attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and East Asia Summits, had expressed concern over Cambodia’s political prisoners during his meeting with Hun Sen and cited Mam Sonando, Cambodian officials said earlier.
Last week, government spokesperson Prak Sokhon said that Hun Sen had explained to Obama that Mam Sonando’s case was receiving a lot of publicity because people “mistakenly believe this was an attempt to shut down the radio station,” when Beehive is “still operating and remains popular.”
Beehive Radio is one of only a few media outlets in Cambodia that air independent news, including coverage of opposition and minority political parties, and is a frequent source of broadcasts critical of the government.
Prak Sokhon said that Hun Sen also told Obama the courts are “working on [Mam Sonando’s] case.”
Mam Sonando has launched an appeal against his verdict by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court. The appeal is pending, with no date set for a hearing.
On Tuesday, Mam Sonando’s wife Din Phanara made a personal plea to the government to set her husband free.
She thanked Obama for speaking to Hun Sen about her husband and said the U.S. president’s comments had shown the international community that Mam Sonando was innocent of the charges he was convicted of.
“I am confident that the government and court will offer justice to my husband. He didn’t commit any crimes,” she said.
Political prisoners
Cambodian political analyst Lao Mong Hai on Tuesday said that Mam Sonando is a political prisoner and accused the Phnom Penh Municipal Court of lacking independence in convicting him.
“Mam Sonando’s case is involved with politics,” he said.
“The court was under political influence in handing its verdict down against Mam Sonando.”
Civil society groups Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC) and Cambodian Center for Human Rights both condemned Hun Sen’s assertion that the country has no political prisoners and said that Mam Sonando is only one example of an activist jailed for dissent.
ADHOC Chief Investigator Ny Chakriya said Chairman of the Khmer Civilization Foundation “Moeung Sonn is another example of a political prisoner,” although he currently lives in exile in France.
Moeung Sonn was sentenced to two years in prison after he criticized Cabinet Chief Sok An for “mismanaging” the ancient Angkor Wat Hindu complex in Siem Reap province.
Cambodian Center for Human Rights Director Ou Virak said Moeung Sonn and Mam Sonando are “definitely political prisoners,” adding that the two men had been working to “serve the country” and “didn’t commit any crime.”
“Anyone who criticizes the government is considered to be in opposition to the government,” he said.
“The government always wins because the critics are imprisoned.”
Last week, while speaking in Preah Vihear province, Hun Sen stated again that Cambodia has “no political prisoners” and challenged rights groups who have criticized the country’s courts of lacking independence.
“I have already said that Cambodia has no political prisoners. [Rights groups] want me to intervene on behalf of certain prisoners, but then they would accuse me of interfering with the court,” he said, adding that “the court is independent.”
“[Rights groups] want me to break the law to release prisoners. No one should be able to stand above the law.”
Reported by RFA’s Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.
U.S. President Barack Obama raised concerns over the jailing of an independent Cambodian radio station chief during his visit to the country last week but did not specifically call for the journalist’s release, a Cambodian official said Tuesday.
The official spoke as the wife of 71-year-old Mam Sonando, director of Beehive Radio, pleaded with the Cambodian government to release the independent broadcaster following his recent conviction for masterminding a revolt of villagers over a land dispute. He has rejected the charges.
Cambodia's Council of Ministers Spokesman Phay Siphan said that during Obama’s historic visit to Phnom Penh—the first by a sitting U.S. head of state—the president had simply raised the situation of the country’s political prisoners with Prime Minister Hun Sen during bilateral talks.
“It was only [mentioned as] a concern of the president, not a request,” Phay Siphan said when asked if Obama had called on Hun Sen to release Mam Sonando.
“[Obama] was worried about political prisoners and asked Cambodia to release them. In response, Prime Minister Hun Sen explained that in the Kingdom of Cambodia there are no political prisoners—only politicians who were convicted for breaking the law,” he said.
“There wasn’t any request [to release Mam Sonando].”
Phay Siphan said that Obama asked the U.S. Embassy in Phnom Penh to continue to “work with Cambodia” to follow up on the issue.
Obama, who was in Phnom Penh to attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and East Asia Summits, had expressed concern over Cambodia’s political prisoners during his meeting with Hun Sen and cited Mam Sonando, Cambodian officials said earlier.
Last week, government spokesperson Prak Sokhon said that Hun Sen had explained to Obama that Mam Sonando’s case was receiving a lot of publicity because people “mistakenly believe this was an attempt to shut down the radio station,” when Beehive is “still operating and remains popular.”
Beehive Radio is one of only a few media outlets in Cambodia that air independent news, including coverage of opposition and minority political parties, and is a frequent source of broadcasts critical of the government.
Prak Sokhon said that Hun Sen also told Obama the courts are “working on [Mam Sonando’s] case.”
Mam Sonando has launched an appeal against his verdict by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court. The appeal is pending, with no date set for a hearing.
On Tuesday, Mam Sonando’s wife Din Phanara made a personal plea to the government to set her husband free.
She thanked Obama for speaking to Hun Sen about her husband and said the U.S. president’s comments had shown the international community that Mam Sonando was innocent of the charges he was convicted of.
“I am confident that the government and court will offer justice to my husband. He didn’t commit any crimes,” she said.
Political prisoners
Cambodian political analyst Lao Mong Hai on Tuesday said that Mam Sonando is a political prisoner and accused the Phnom Penh Municipal Court of lacking independence in convicting him.
“Mam Sonando’s case is involved with politics,” he said.
“The court was under political influence in handing its verdict down against Mam Sonando.”
Civil society groups Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC) and Cambodian Center for Human Rights both condemned Hun Sen’s assertion that the country has no political prisoners and said that Mam Sonando is only one example of an activist jailed for dissent.
ADHOC Chief Investigator Ny Chakriya said Chairman of the Khmer Civilization Foundation “Moeung Sonn is another example of a political prisoner,” although he currently lives in exile in France.
Moeung Sonn was sentenced to two years in prison after he criticized Cabinet Chief Sok An for “mismanaging” the ancient Angkor Wat Hindu complex in Siem Reap province.
Cambodian Center for Human Rights Director Ou Virak said Moeung Sonn and Mam Sonando are “definitely political prisoners,” adding that the two men had been working to “serve the country” and “didn’t commit any crime.”
“Anyone who criticizes the government is considered to be in opposition to the government,” he said.
“The government always wins because the critics are imprisoned.”
Last week, while speaking in Preah Vihear province, Hun Sen stated again that Cambodia has “no political prisoners” and challenged rights groups who have criticized the country’s courts of lacking independence.
“I have already said that Cambodia has no political prisoners. [Rights groups] want me to intervene on behalf of certain prisoners, but then they would accuse me of interfering with the court,” he said, adding that “the court is independent.”
“[Rights groups] want me to break the law to release prisoners. No one should be able to stand above the law.”
Reported by RFA’s Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.
Hun Sen Walks Back Criticism
Hun Sen Walks Back Criticism: 
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen kicked up a storm by saying he forbids political parties and non-governmental organizations from intervening in land disputes but toned down his policy on Monday after his remarks drew a public outcry.
In a statement that baffled observers, Hun Sen said on Friday that his government would not work to resolve land disputes in which NGOs or political parties had become involved, warning residents locked in such disputes not to seek support from such groups.
For years, civil society and political groups have actively advocated on behalf of hundreds of thousands of villagers forced from their homes or threatened with forced eviction with little or no compensation.
Speaking at land-titling ceremony in Preah Vihear province on Friday, Hun Sen said that NGOs and political parties had worsened the country’s land problems by meddling in land conflicts.
Following a deluge of criticism, on Monday he said that the groups can help resolve land disputes as long as they are acting with good intentions and without political motives.
His comments at a groundbreaking ceremony for a bridge in Phnom Penh came as activists investigated the destruction of a community-owned protected forest in northeastern Cambodia’s Rattanakiri province.
Hun Sen categorized land disputes in which political parties or NGOs are involved as “political land disputes.”
He insisted that the groups should not be involved in addressing land disputes in the country, which have sparked violent conflicts between local residents and authorities.
“I forbid any political parties, including [my own ruling] Cambodian People’s Party, from using land disputes for political benefit,” he said, adding that land disputes cannot be resolved if political issues interfere.
“If a land dispute involves politics, even if we try until we die to resolve it, we still won’t be able to,” he said.
Outcry
But his earlier comments had already provoked an outcry from rights groups in the country.
Sia Phearum, director of the Housing Rights Task Force, said Hun Sen’s government should focus on resolving land disputes instead of accusing NGOs of interfering in them.
“As a country’s leader, he should be able to resolve the disputes, and the government should stop accusing other people,” he told RFA’s Khmer service.
He said NGOs do not work on land disputes for any political benefit and have played an important role in helping villagers with legal advice and advising them to avoid violent confrontation.
According to the rights watchdog Licadho, at least 400,000 people have been affected by land disputes over the past decade in just half of Cambodia’s provinces, mostly after land concessions were granted to private companies in their area.
Am Sam Ath, Licadho’s senior investigator, said that because no one else will listen, villagers embroiled in land disputes or forced off their land without compensation have no choice but to seek assistance from NGOs or opposition party lawmakers to bring their grievances to local authorities.
He added that NGOs were an effective channel to relay information from villagers to government institutions.
Political parties have taken up land disputes because the issues are important to their constituents and resolving them is key to avoiding a national crisis, opposition Sam Rainsy Party spokesman Yim Sovann said.
“I would be happy if the ruling party could resolve the land dispute without discrimination and without letting the issues become a national crisis,” he told RFA’s Khmer service.
The Cambodian Center for Human Rights said the prime minister’s warning was aimed at eroding support for the opposition ahead of next year’s general election.
“The message highlights the extent of the restrictions on human rights and freedoms of victims of land conflicts but also shows Hun Sen’s wish to control NGOs and to crush any political opposition,” the group’s spokesman Vann Sophath said in a statement Friday.
Community forest bulldozed
The outcry over Hun Sen’s comments came as rights groups investigated a land dispute in northern Rattanakiri province, where residents say the government has granted a concession to clear forest in what is supposed to be a protected area.
Local residents said some 30 hectares (74 acres) of their community-owned forest in Oyadaw district have been destroyed since a logging company was granted the concession.
The company was granted the license to clear the forest even though provincial authorities and the government had recognized the area as protected land belonging to the community, they said.
The company has been given a license to clear about 600 hectares (1,500 acres) of forest in the area and began clearing last week, community representative Sav Youn told RFA.
The company, Chea Chanrith, had deployed bulldozers and hired Vietnamese workers to clear the forest, local rights group Adhoc’s provincial coordinator Chay Thy said.
Rattanakiri Forestry Director Vong Sopeisei said the company had been licensed by the Ministry of Agriculture to clear land but said his staff is investigating the case.
Reported by RFA’s Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen kicked up a storm by saying he forbids political parties and non-governmental organizations from intervening in land disputes but toned down his policy on Monday after his remarks drew a public outcry.
In a statement that baffled observers, Hun Sen said on Friday that his government would not work to resolve land disputes in which NGOs or political parties had become involved, warning residents locked in such disputes not to seek support from such groups.
For years, civil society and political groups have actively advocated on behalf of hundreds of thousands of villagers forced from their homes or threatened with forced eviction with little or no compensation.
Speaking at land-titling ceremony in Preah Vihear province on Friday, Hun Sen said that NGOs and political parties had worsened the country’s land problems by meddling in land conflicts.
Following a deluge of criticism, on Monday he said that the groups can help resolve land disputes as long as they are acting with good intentions and without political motives.
His comments at a groundbreaking ceremony for a bridge in Phnom Penh came as activists investigated the destruction of a community-owned protected forest in northeastern Cambodia’s Rattanakiri province.
Hun Sen categorized land disputes in which political parties or NGOs are involved as “political land disputes.”
He insisted that the groups should not be involved in addressing land disputes in the country, which have sparked violent conflicts between local residents and authorities.
“I forbid any political parties, including [my own ruling] Cambodian People’s Party, from using land disputes for political benefit,” he said, adding that land disputes cannot be resolved if political issues interfere.
“If a land dispute involves politics, even if we try until we die to resolve it, we still won’t be able to,” he said.
Outcry
But his earlier comments had already provoked an outcry from rights groups in the country.
Sia Phearum, director of the Housing Rights Task Force, said Hun Sen’s government should focus on resolving land disputes instead of accusing NGOs of interfering in them.
“As a country’s leader, he should be able to resolve the disputes, and the government should stop accusing other people,” he told RFA’s Khmer service.
He said NGOs do not work on land disputes for any political benefit and have played an important role in helping villagers with legal advice and advising them to avoid violent confrontation.
According to the rights watchdog Licadho, at least 400,000 people have been affected by land disputes over the past decade in just half of Cambodia’s provinces, mostly after land concessions were granted to private companies in their area.
Am Sam Ath, Licadho’s senior investigator, said that because no one else will listen, villagers embroiled in land disputes or forced off their land without compensation have no choice but to seek assistance from NGOs or opposition party lawmakers to bring their grievances to local authorities.
He added that NGOs were an effective channel to relay information from villagers to government institutions.
Political parties have taken up land disputes because the issues are important to their constituents and resolving them is key to avoiding a national crisis, opposition Sam Rainsy Party spokesman Yim Sovann said.
“I would be happy if the ruling party could resolve the land dispute without discrimination and without letting the issues become a national crisis,” he told RFA’s Khmer service.
The Cambodian Center for Human Rights said the prime minister’s warning was aimed at eroding support for the opposition ahead of next year’s general election.
“The message highlights the extent of the restrictions on human rights and freedoms of victims of land conflicts but also shows Hun Sen’s wish to control NGOs and to crush any political opposition,” the group’s spokesman Vann Sophath said in a statement Friday.
A bulldozer clears trees from the protected forest in Oyadaw district Rattanakiri province, Nov. 2012. Credit: RFA.
Community forest bulldozed
The outcry over Hun Sen’s comments came as rights groups investigated a land dispute in northern Rattanakiri province, where residents say the government has granted a concession to clear forest in what is supposed to be a protected area.
Local residents said some 30 hectares (74 acres) of their community-owned forest in Oyadaw district have been destroyed since a logging company was granted the concession.
The company was granted the license to clear the forest even though provincial authorities and the government had recognized the area as protected land belonging to the community, they said.
The company has been given a license to clear about 600 hectares (1,500 acres) of forest in the area and began clearing last week, community representative Sav Youn told RFA.
The company, Chea Chanrith, had deployed bulldozers and hired Vietnamese workers to clear the forest, local rights group Adhoc’s provincial coordinator Chay Thy said.
Rattanakiri Forestry Director Vong Sopeisei said the company had been licensed by the Ministry of Agriculture to clear land but said his staff is investigating the case.
Reported by RFA’s Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.
Nov 26, 2012
Vietnam snubs new China passports
Vietnam snubs new China passports: Vietnamese officials are refusing to stamp new Chinese passports bearing a map that lays claim to disputed areas in the South China Sea.
PNG's new generation: An interview with Sam Basil MP
PNG's new generation: An interview with Sam Basil MP:
Among the leaders interviewed was The Hon Sam Basil MP, Deputy Opposition Leader in this parliament, only the ninth since PNG's independence in 1975. This is Basil's second term in parliament, first elected in 2007 and briefly serving as Minister for Planning in the constitutionally-challenged O'Neill Government in 2011-12.
In this parliament, Basil has joined forces with Belden Namah, formerly O'Neill's deputy prime minister but not included in the new coalition government. Namah now leads the 17 MPs who form the Opposition in PNG's new 111-member parliament.
Above are some extracts from my interview with Basil, in which he talks about the problems confronting his nation, PNG's promise ('an island of gold, floating on oil') and the outlook for PNG's new generation of leaders ('they have their work cut out for them').
[vimeo:53643898]
At the end of October this year, I traveled to Papua New Guinea as part of the Lowy Institute's Leadership Mapping Project to interview Papua New Guinean leaders about their careers, motivations and aspirations for their country. I timed my visit to to coincide with the first real sitting of the new parliament following the elections in June, in which only 40 of the 109 sitting MPs were re-elected (37%) — a low number even by PNG's volatile standards.Among the leaders interviewed was The Hon Sam Basil MP, Deputy Opposition Leader in this parliament, only the ninth since PNG's independence in 1975. This is Basil's second term in parliament, first elected in 2007 and briefly serving as Minister for Planning in the constitutionally-challenged O'Neill Government in 2011-12.
In this parliament, Basil has joined forces with Belden Namah, formerly O'Neill's deputy prime minister but not included in the new coalition government. Namah now leads the 17 MPs who form the Opposition in PNG's new 111-member parliament.
Above are some extracts from my interview with Basil, in which he talks about the problems confronting his nation, PNG's promise ('an island of gold, floating on oil') and the outlook for PNG's new generation of leaders ('they have their work cut out for them').
Reconsidering Vietnam’s political system
Reconsidering Vietnam’s political system:
Author: Benedict J. Tria Kerkvliet, ANU
Despite being a one-party state, Vietnam’s political system has often been responsive to peasants, workers and others pushing for better economic, social and political conditions.
Evidence of such demands is abundant; and it is far more visible now than it was in the mid-1970s to mid-1990s when Vietnamese citizens rarely openly voiced discontent. Now, almost daily, disgusted, often angry citizens demonstrate at government and Communist Party offices in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City and elsewhere. Distraught people often travel long distances, hoping to make provincial and national authorities listen to their complaints, read their petitions and respond favourably to their criticisms.
During their demonstrations, which range in size from several dozen to over a thousand people, participants hold placards, wave banners and distribute lists of complaints to anyone within reach. They frequently wear clothing bearing words and pictures summarising their complaints and pleas. Demonstrators’ most prevalent criticisms are against local and provincial officials who seize their farmlands, pay them miniscule compensation, and then give the property to investors and developers in exchange for huge amounts of money and other benefits. A common view among demonstrators is that corrupt officials are stealing not just people’s land but also their livelihoods.
On the internet, one can readily find hundreds of new stories, commentaries and interviews by and about the Vietnamese, criticising specific government policies and particular offices and officials. The internet also contains numerous accounts of workers striking for decent wages and employment conditions. Moreover, there are online essays by nationalists lambasting the Vietnamese government for appearing to do nothing of significance to counter Chinese incursions into Vietnamese territory and exploitation of Vietnam’s natural resources.
Are authorities listening attentively to these and other public political criticisms; are they responding sympathetically and responsibly? Some are, but national surveys and other sources of information indicate that a larger proportion of authorities are not.
Authorities create firewalls against internet sites with material contrary to official views and accounts. The blogs of Vietnamese critics are not the only targets; so are Facebook and Vietnamese-language sites of the BBC, Radio Free Asia, Radio France Internationale and several other worldwide media outlets. While technologically savvy Vietnamese can find ways to get around these government-created impediments, many other citizens are stymied by them.
Corruption has arguably become more widespread, not just at local levels but at the highest levels, too. Waves of government campaigns, directives and speeches against corruption have had little impact during the past several years. One major reason, argue critics and even some members of Vietnam’s National Assembly, is the very agencies charged with fighting corruption either tolerate it or are themselves corrupt. A number of well-informed Vietnamese say even the prime minister surrounds himself with corrupt officials and is widely rumoured to be wealthy far beyond what his salary as a life-long public servant could provide.
Land confiscations (and the corruption that often accompanies them) are the target of more than 70 per cent of written complaints that Vietnamese government offices have received in recent years. Yet the draft of a revised land law, which the government circulated in September, does little to address critics’ central demand that land should not be taken from farmers for the benefit of developers and investors. They argue that if land must be confiscated for the public good — for example, to build a vital highway or military base — farmers should be fairly and adequately compensated.
Regarding relations with China, Vietnamese authorities say they are using diplomatic channels to deal with Chinese incursions. Yet they continue to publicly laud China as a dear friend of Vietnam, treating Chinese authorities with the utmost respect and with grand ceremony. Meanwhile, Vietnamese authorities intimidate fellow citizens who demonstrate, as they have in their hundreds on numerous occasions during the last two years, against China acting at Vietnam’s expense. Recently, a court in Ho Chi Minh City tried two protesters who wrote songs criticising the government’s response to China’s encroachment on Vietnamese territory in the South China Sea and calling on Vietnamese to join protest rallies. The court found both protesters guilty of spreading propaganda against the state and sentenced one to four years and the other to six years in prison. This court sentence is just one of many examples which suggest that Vietnamese authorities are shooting the messenger, rather than dealing with people’s legitimate complaints and criticisms.
There is still hope that the Vietnamese Communist Party government will again become more responsive and less repressive, although the outlook is less optimistic now than it has been in the past.
Benedict J. Tria Kerkvliet is Emeritus Professor at the Department of Political and Social Change, School of International, Political and Strategic Studies, the Australian National University.
Author: Benedict J. Tria Kerkvliet, ANU
Despite being a one-party state, Vietnam’s political system has often been responsive to peasants, workers and others pushing for better economic, social and political conditions.
Major policy shifts in the last 25 years — especially replacing a centrally planned economy with a market economy and abandoning collective farming in favour of individual household farming — have been consequences, to a considerable measure, of bottom-up pressure for change, to which the country’s Communist Party leadership has acquiesced.
Yet it is unclear whether the Vietnamese Communist Party and its government are now responding appropriately to mounting demands to further improve a majority of people’s lives.Evidence of such demands is abundant; and it is far more visible now than it was in the mid-1970s to mid-1990s when Vietnamese citizens rarely openly voiced discontent. Now, almost daily, disgusted, often angry citizens demonstrate at government and Communist Party offices in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City and elsewhere. Distraught people often travel long distances, hoping to make provincial and national authorities listen to their complaints, read their petitions and respond favourably to their criticisms.
During their demonstrations, which range in size from several dozen to over a thousand people, participants hold placards, wave banners and distribute lists of complaints to anyone within reach. They frequently wear clothing bearing words and pictures summarising their complaints and pleas. Demonstrators’ most prevalent criticisms are against local and provincial officials who seize their farmlands, pay them miniscule compensation, and then give the property to investors and developers in exchange for huge amounts of money and other benefits. A common view among demonstrators is that corrupt officials are stealing not just people’s land but also their livelihoods.
On the internet, one can readily find hundreds of new stories, commentaries and interviews by and about the Vietnamese, criticising specific government policies and particular offices and officials. The internet also contains numerous accounts of workers striking for decent wages and employment conditions. Moreover, there are online essays by nationalists lambasting the Vietnamese government for appearing to do nothing of significance to counter Chinese incursions into Vietnamese territory and exploitation of Vietnam’s natural resources.
Are authorities listening attentively to these and other public political criticisms; are they responding sympathetically and responsibly? Some are, but national surveys and other sources of information indicate that a larger proportion of authorities are not.
Authorities create firewalls against internet sites with material contrary to official views and accounts. The blogs of Vietnamese critics are not the only targets; so are Facebook and Vietnamese-language sites of the BBC, Radio Free Asia, Radio France Internationale and several other worldwide media outlets. While technologically savvy Vietnamese can find ways to get around these government-created impediments, many other citizens are stymied by them.
Corruption has arguably become more widespread, not just at local levels but at the highest levels, too. Waves of government campaigns, directives and speeches against corruption have had little impact during the past several years. One major reason, argue critics and even some members of Vietnam’s National Assembly, is the very agencies charged with fighting corruption either tolerate it or are themselves corrupt. A number of well-informed Vietnamese say even the prime minister surrounds himself with corrupt officials and is widely rumoured to be wealthy far beyond what his salary as a life-long public servant could provide.
Land confiscations (and the corruption that often accompanies them) are the target of more than 70 per cent of written complaints that Vietnamese government offices have received in recent years. Yet the draft of a revised land law, which the government circulated in September, does little to address critics’ central demand that land should not be taken from farmers for the benefit of developers and investors. They argue that if land must be confiscated for the public good — for example, to build a vital highway or military base — farmers should be fairly and adequately compensated.
Regarding relations with China, Vietnamese authorities say they are using diplomatic channels to deal with Chinese incursions. Yet they continue to publicly laud China as a dear friend of Vietnam, treating Chinese authorities with the utmost respect and with grand ceremony. Meanwhile, Vietnamese authorities intimidate fellow citizens who demonstrate, as they have in their hundreds on numerous occasions during the last two years, against China acting at Vietnam’s expense. Recently, a court in Ho Chi Minh City tried two protesters who wrote songs criticising the government’s response to China’s encroachment on Vietnamese territory in the South China Sea and calling on Vietnamese to join protest rallies. The court found both protesters guilty of spreading propaganda against the state and sentenced one to four years and the other to six years in prison. This court sentence is just one of many examples which suggest that Vietnamese authorities are shooting the messenger, rather than dealing with people’s legitimate complaints and criticisms.
There is still hope that the Vietnamese Communist Party government will again become more responsive and less repressive, although the outlook is less optimistic now than it has been in the past.
Benedict J. Tria Kerkvliet is Emeritus Professor at the Department of Political and Social Change, School of International, Political and Strategic Studies, the Australian National University.
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