Showing posts with label House of Saud. Show all posts
Showing posts with label House of Saud. Show all posts

Jun 13, 2010

Saudis act aggressively to denounce terrorism

King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz. (2002 photo)Image via Wikipedia

By David Ignatius
Sunday, June 13, 2010; A15

When terrorists in the Middle East attack innocent civilians, observers in the West often ask a pained question: Where's the outrage in the Muslim world? Why don't Islamic religious authorities speak out more forcefully against the terrorists and their wealthy financiers?

It remains a potent issue: Terrorism has damaged the Islamic world far more than the West, and too many Muslims have been cowed and silent. But a powerful and so far largely unreported denunciation of terrorism emerged last month from Saudi Arabia's top religious leadership, known as the Council of Senior Ulema.

The Saudi fatwa is a tough condemnation of terror and of the underground network that finances it. It has impressed senior U.S. military commanders and intelligence officers, who were surprised when it came out. One sent me a translation of the fatwa, and Saudi officials provided some helpful background.

"There is no gray area here," said a senior Saudi official. "Once it has come out like this, from the most senior religious body in the kingdom, it's hard for a lesser religious authority to justify violence."

The fatwa already seems to have had some impact: "Negative reaction from extremists online shows that they see this as a threat that needs to be responded to," says one senior U.S. official.

The fatwa begins with a clear definition of terrorism, which it calls "a crime aiming at destabilizing security" by attacking people or property, public or private. The document goes on to list examples of this criminal activity: "blowing up of dwellings, schools, hospitals, factories, bridges, airplanes (including hijacking), oil and pipelines." It doesn't mention any geographical area where such actions might be permissible.

What's striking is that the fatwa specifically attacks financing of terrorism. The Muslim religious council said that it "regards the financing of such terrorist acts as a form of complicity to those acts . . . to bring a conduit for sustaining and spreading of such evil acts."

Saudi Arabia 2010 estimated population density...Image via Wikipedia

The fatwa goes on: "The Council rules that the financing of terrorism, the inception, help or attempt to commit a terrorist act of whatever kind or dimension, is forbidden by Islamic Sharia and constitutes a punishable crime thereby; this includes gathering or providing of finance for that end." The fatwa exempts "legitimate charity to help the poor" from this ban.

"The financier of terrorism is more often than not more dangerous than the actual terrorist, since without funds, schemes fail and things do not take place," Fahd al-Majid, the secretary general of the Senior Ulema Council, said in a May 23 interview with Asharq al-Awsat, a London-based Arabic daily.

Given the role that wealthy Saudis have played in financing radical Islamic groups, the fatwa has a significant potential impact. For Muslims in the kingdom, it has the force of law and it will provide a strong religious and legal backing for Saudi and other Arab security services as they track terrorist networks.

It will be harder, too, for renegade clerics to issue rival fatwas that contradict the Saudi Ulema. The signatories are guardians of the conservative Wahhabi school of Islam, which to observers has sometimes seemed to sympathize with the Muslim extremists. The fatwa, dated April 12 but issued publicly in May, was approved unanimously by the 19 members of the council. To implement the fatwa, the Saudi Shura Council is drafting a counterterrorism finance law.

Saudi sources say that King Abdullah initiated the process that led to the fatwa, by asking for a ruling on terrorist financing. His push on the issue contrasts with the royal family's traditional wariness of challenging or offending the clerical establishment, on which its legitimacy rests.

House of SaudImage via Wikipedia

This growing activism partly reflects a recognition that senior members of the House of Saud are themselves prime targets of al-Qaeda. A recent example was the assassination attempt in August against Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, the Saudi counterterrorism chief.

Events in Saudi Arabia are difficult for outsiders to understand, to put it mildly. Prince Turki al-Faisal, the former chief of Saudi intelligence, joked in a recent speech that the kingdom's ministry of information used to be described as the "ministry of denial" because "whenever news about Saudi Arabia was reported, the ministry would deny it the following day."

What matters in Saudi Arabia and most other Muslim countries is what its political and religious leaders say to their own people in Arabic. By that measure, there's a new voice for moderation coming from the Muslim clerical establishment.

davidignatius@washpost.com

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Mar 12, 2010

Saudi Bloggers Shatter the Kingdom's Silence and Censorship

By Judith Miller

For Ahmed Al-Omran, a 25-year-old Saudi blogger, this has been a particularly frustrating week.

To begin with, an ultra-conservative cleric issued a fatwa concluding that people who oppose segregating Saudi men and women should be killed. Then Al-Omran was forced by death threats to remove pictures he had posted on his Web site of university women clad from head to toe in their black abayas, the shrouds they are required to wear in public.

And finally, Saudi Interior Minister Prince Nayef bin Abd al-Aziz al Sa'ud not only banned women and men from mixing together at the Riyadh book fair but also the display of books deemed "incompatible with religion and values."

"This country is so f—-ed up" Al-Omran tweeted, referring thousands of loyal fans to his latest postings on these and other topics on his English-language blog, Saudi Jeans.

Ahmed Al-Omran is not a household name outside of Saudi Arabia. Neither is Eman Al Nafjan, a 31-year-old mother of three, whose Saudi Woman's Web Blog in English has a solid, growing base of 500 visitors a day. And few outsiders may have heard of Basma Al-Mutlaq, whose English-language blog, Saudi Amber, advocates an end to what Eman Al Nafjan calls the kingdom's "gender apartheid," the religious- and cultural-based laws and traditions that have kept Saudi women both separate and unequal in their own land for decades.

But within the kingdom, such bloggers are Internet stars. Their readers and fans flood the Internet with spirited, supportive and angry commentary that is expanding the limits of what can be spoken about in this conservative, traditionally closed and painfully diplomatic society.

While the Saudi Ministry of Interior sees the Internet mostly as a threat — the nation's top venue for the recruitment of young, impressionable Saudis to the ranks of Al Qaeda and its affiliated and inspired violent groups — thousands of open-minded young Saudis have embraced the blogosphere to shatter the silence about problems long considered taboo — the separation of the sexes, sexual abuse of women and children, child marriage, the lack of democracy in the kingdom, the repression of the minority Shiite Muslim community, and even corruption among the nation's senior officials, if not yet the royal family.

While the kingdom's 15 daily newspapers and many magazines are created by royal decree and subject to government censorship, the World Wide Web offers Saudis a vast, relatively unregulated new frontier of self-expression about sensitive political, economic, and social topics. While most Arab newspapers tend to follow the lead of their state-run news agencies on whether to publish stories on sensitive issues, the estimated 5,000 Saudi blogs have given the more than 6 million Saudis who are online an outlet not only to vent their considerable frustrations, but a place to press for political and social change.

Initially, the Saudi government responded with force, apparently panicked by the implications of the technology. In December 2007, the government detained blogger Fouad al-Farhan for "violating the kingdom's regulations." But Ahmed al-Omran and other Saudi bloggers pummeled the government online. Protests from human rights groups and Western governments, publicized by the mainstream media, led to al-Farhan's release four months later. Since then, the government has invested heavily in security systems that can block access to Web sites it deems offensive. From time to time, such sites are shut down. But as in Iran, where government critics find alternatives to blocked sites, Saudi bloggers are also finding ways to get their message out, frustrating Riyadh's episodic efforts to reign in debate.

The government's blocking of sites is often arbitrary, Al-Omran said. For instance when his site was blocked for a few days in the summer of 2006 -- "by mistake," a government official later told some of his relatives and friends -- other sites that had nothing to do with politics were blocked as well. "One of them was a web site dedicated to donating goats to drought-ridden African countries," he said.

"The government is finding that censorship just doesn't work anymore," he said. "We've all become reporters without borders. The red lines of our society are slowly crumbling."

According to a Harvard University study last year, Saudi Arabia ranked second only to Egypt in the number of Web sites in Arab countries. But the kingdom's blogosphere is a decidedly mixed universe, one that devotes "far less attention to domestic political leaders" and issues than sites in other countries. Plus, 46 percent of bloggers are female, a higher ratio than in other Arab countries, perhaps because there are so many restrictions on their movement and activities.

Eman Al-Nafjan, for instance, said over coffee on the "all-female" second floor of the Kingdom Mall in Riyadh that she began blogging in English two years ago, after she returned from studying in the United States, in an effort to "break through stereotypes" about her country at home and abroad. "I believe in the Saudi monarchy," she said. "And I don't hate Saudi Arabia. But restrictions that people think are religiously based are actually rooted in our culture, not our religion. They must change. But I'm not optimistic that they will."

Many Saudis say that the ruling family — and King Abdullah and his daughters, in particular — are promoting the integration of women in society and what is known as "gender mixing." Indeed, hardly a day passes without an article appearing in the press about another breakthrough for women. In Jeddah, the nation's first "mixed" university has opened, and not without controversy. The king has appointed a woman to the post of vice minister for women's education, the only high-ranking woman to serve in government, and he has taken a woman financier on a trade delegation to China. The justice minister announced late last month that his department was drafting a law that would allow female lawyers to argue cases in court for the first time. Women may be permitted to vote in municipal elections, which have been postponed for two years.

But each action prompts a strong reaction from the powerful, entrenched conservative forces of the country. Last week, Sheik Abdul Rahman al-Barrak issued his infamous fatwa threatening death to those who advocate the mixing of the sexes, presumably including the king, in response to what conservatives see as a collapse of moral order in the kingdom. The liberal blogosphere promptly savaged the sheik. Ahmed al-Omran called him a "caveman," and Eman al-Nafjan denounced him as the "last living member of the traditional, misogynist ... rat pack of sheikhdom."

But even she acknowledged that 27 other reactionary sheiks signed a petition supporting his view. And when the government blocked his Web site due to the incendiary nature of his ruling, al-Barrak simply stole a page from the liberal bloggers' rulebook and popped up on another site.

"In Saudi Arabia, it is two steps forwards and ten steps backwards," said Basma Al-Mutlaq, whose "Saudi Amber" Web site is among the kingdom's most sophisticated English-language advocates for women's rights.

The majority of Saudi blogs dwell on personal and lifestyle issues, avoiding contentious political issues that many Saudis still feel uncomfortable debating in public. The English-language bloggers also agreed that blogging in English gave them greater leeway, and generated less government scrutiny, than an Arabic-language blog might create. Al-Omran noted that though he writes most often about the need for greater political freedom in Arabia — his "noble goal," he called it — many of his most popular postings have little to do with politics. For instance, he said, 3,000 people view his blog daily, but a satiric feature he composed on "how to wear a Ghotra" — the checkered headdress worn by Saudi men — drew 20,000 viewers, his most popular recent posting.

"It's a little discouraging at times," he said.

Fawziah Al-Bakr, a Saudi feminist who led the public protest over the ban on women driving 20 years ago — a prohibition that still prevails in the kingdom — called the Internet "the structure for non-governmental change in the kingdom."

But since most change in Saudi Arabia seems to come from the top down — often against the will of a more conservative majority of Saudis — Al-Omran and other bloggers say they are disappointed that the greater freedom of expression of the Internet has not resulted in the political change or enhanced accountability they seek.

"In Saudi Arabia, there are no elections, no real political culture, so venting and blogging is about all we can do," he said.

Still, he says, he won't stop blogging. "My family would like me to stop," he said, a sentiment echoed by Eman Al-Nafjan and other liberal bloggers. "They would like me to be one of those quiet Saudis. But I can't do that. We need to reform the kingdom. And we need voices who will

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