Showing posts with label corruption. Show all posts
Showing posts with label corruption. Show all posts

Nov 17, 2009

BBC - War-torn nations 'most corrupt'

Overview of the index of perception of corrupt...Image via Wikipedia

War-torn nations remain the world's most corrupt, Transparency International (TI) has said.

Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia are the lowest-ranked countries in TI's annual global survey. They were all at the bottom of the list last year as well.

"When essential institutions are weak or non-existent, corruption spirals out of control," TI said.

New Zealand was the least corrupt, with last year's winner Denmark as runner-up and Singapore third.

It said this was a result of "political stability, long established conflict of interest regulations and solid, functioning public institutions".

The issue of corruption in Afghanistan is particularly pressing. Widespread fraud marred the country's last elections, while the US is still debating whether to increase troop levels.

The UK ranked 17th, down one place from last year. The US also fell one place to 19th.

The organisation said tackling public sector corruption was even more pressing now, as governments worldwide had spent huge amounts of public money bailing out banks and public institutions.

"At a time when massive stimulus packages, fast-track disbursements of public funds and attempts to secure peace are being implemented around the world, it is essential to identify where corruption blocks good governance and accountability," TI said.

TI also welcomed action by the OECD and G20 group of richest nations to tackle tax havens and other places where corrupt government officials often harbour their money.

"Corrupt money must not find a safe haven," it said. "The OECD's work in this area is welcome, but there must be more bilateral treaties on information exchange to fully end the secrecy regime."

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Nov 16, 2009

Afghanistan to Form Anti - Graft Unit as Pressure Grows - NYTimes.com

Hamid Karzai - World Economic Forum Annual Mee...Image by World Economic Forum via Flickr

Filed at 11:33 a.m. ET

KABUL (Reuters) - Afghanistan will form a new anti-corruption unit to investigate high-level graft after widespread criticism and demands from Washington for it to do more amid a wider regional strategy review.

The announcement, which included a major crime unit, comes a day after U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton bluntly warned that President Hamid Karzai and his government must do better, saying Washington wanted to see tangible evidence of Kabul's fight against rampant corruption.

On Monday, three days before Karzai was due to be sworn in for another five-year term, the government said it would set up a new body to tackle corruption and other crime.

Afghanistan has made similar announcements in the past, although previous efforts have borne little fruit.

"President Hamid Karzai ... has dedicated his five years to fighting corruption," Interior Minister Hanif Atmar, flanked by U.S. ambassador Karl Eikenberry and British ambassador Mark Sedwill, told reporters at a news briefing in Kabul on Monday.

The new anti-corruption unit, part of the Attorney General's department, would be formed to prosecute public corruption cases involving high-level officials and other major crimes, the Interior Ministry said later in a statement.

However Afghan officials gave few other details about the new unit and answered only a handful of questions.

Ambassador Eikenberry said the issue needed to be taken seriously.

"(Corruption) requires action. Words are cheap. Deeds are required," he said.

Analysts feared the new anti-corruption might just be a knee-jerk reaction to Western criticism, or be used to settle political scores.

"On the one hand they are responding to the international demands to do more against corruption, but we will have to wait until they become active and come up with results," Thomas Ruttig, co-director of independent research organisation Afghan Analysts Network, told Reuters.

Attention has focussed on the legitimacy of Karzai's new government after a fraud-marred election in August, with U.S. President Barack Obama still to decide on a new strategy for Afghanistan that might include sending up to 40,000 more troops.

RAMPANT CORRUPTION

Karzai fell out of favour with many in the West before the August 20 election, his government seen as riddled with corruption.

Karzai and Finance Minister Hazrat Omar Zakhilwal have railed at the increasingly trenchant criticism from the West since Karzai's re-election was confirmed earlier this month despite findings of widespread vote fraud.

Zakhilwal has said the Western must share the blame for corruption in Afghanistan, while Karzai has accused Western donors of mismanaging the billions of dollars of foreign aid that prop up Afghanistan's war-battered economy.

The next tests for Karzai will be whether he names new faces to his cabinet as he has promised and which international dignitaries attend his swearing-in on Thursday.

Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi said on Monday he and President Asif Ali Zardari would attend and expected a "round table" with Afghan and other foreign officials.

Obama has said stabilising Afghanistan was an important part of Washington's strategy against terrorist networks which he said remained the greatest threat to U.S. security.

Fighting graft is also seen as critical in winning back Afghan support in the war against a resurgent Taliban.

Last week, it emerged Eikenberry had expressed deep concerns in memos to Obama about sending in more troops until Karzai's government improved its performance.

A central question as Obama debates whether to send more troops is whether Karzai can be a credible partner.

Obama, facing dissent among his advisers, has been criticised at home for "dithering" on the Afghan war strategy, with political pressure rising to make a decision soon.

General Stanley McChrystal, the top U.S. and NATO commander in Afghanistan, has requested 40,000 more troops for the war and says the mission is at risk of failure without them.

Prosecutors in the new anti-graft unit would be trained by officials from the EU police mission in Afghanistan, as well as others from Britain and the United States. Training and vetting would include polygraph tests, the statement said.

A major crimes unit would also be established, as Clinton had said on Sunday must be done, which would refer major corruption and other criminal cases to the new anti-graft body.

(Additional reporting by Yara Bayoumy and Hamid Shalizi in KABUL, Caren Bohan in SHANGHAI and Chris Buckley in BEIJING; Writing by Paul Tait; Editing by David Fox)

(For more Reuters coverage of Afghanistan and Pakistan, see: http://www.reuters.com/news/globalcoverage/afghanistanpakistan)

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Nov 11, 2009

Afghan Future Threatened by Ex-Warlords in Gov't - NYTimes.com

KABUL, AFGHANISTAN - AUGUST 9: Afghan Deputy C...Image by Getty Images via Daylife

KABUL (AP) -- Warlords helped drive the Russians from Afghanistan, then shelled Kabul into ruins in a bloody civil war after the Soviets left.

Now they are back in positions of power, in part because the U.S. relied on them in 2001 to help oust the Taliban after the Sept. 11 attacks. President Hamid Karzai later reached out to them to shore up his own power base as America turned its attention to Iraq after the Taliban's rout.

With the Taliban resurging, the entrenched power of the warlords is complicating Karzai's promises to rid his new government of corruption and cronies, steps seen as critical to building support among Afghans against the insurgents.

''You can't build a new political system with old politicians accused of war crimes,'' said lawmaker Ramazan Bashardost, who finished third in the country's fraud-marred August election. ''You can't have peace with warlords in control.''

Two of Karzai's vice presidents -- Mohammed Qasim Fahim and Karim Khalili -- are ex-warlords. His outgoing military adviser, Abdul Rashid Dostum, has been accused of overseeing the suffocation deaths of up to 2,000 Taliban prisoners during the 2001 U.S.-led invasion.

The term warlord is applied to the commanders of the Afghan resistance who fell out with each other after the defeat of the Soviets. They see themselves as political figures and patriots who defend their people in areas of the country where the central government has little or no control. They often refer to themselves as ''mujahadeen,'' which means holy warriors.

Karzai sought support from those branded as warlords to bolster his weak power base, win re-election and build alliances with ethnic groups. He has defended those ties publicly, pointing out that the U.S. backed the same people eight years ago when it engineered the war to oust the Taliban and brought Karzai to power.

But the U.S. and its allies fear that the continued strength of the warlords undermines government authority. It is hard to convince ordinary Afghans to obey the laws, pay their taxes and support the government when it is dominated by men who flounted the rules to amass power and fortunes.

International pressure is mounting on Karzai to rid his government of corruption and sideline the warlords. Leaders of the U.S., Britain and other troop-contributing countries cannot ask their own soldiers to risk their lives for a corrupt government.

''I am not prepared to put the lives of British men and women in harm's way for a government that does not stand up against corruption,'' Prime Minister Gordon Brown said Friday.

Last week, Kai Eide, the U.N. mission chief in Afghanistan, suggested time was running out. ''We can't afford any longer a situation where warlords and power brokers play their own games,'' he said. ''We have to have ... significant reform.''

And Obama told the Afghan leader last week that assurances of reform had to be backed up with action.

Presidential spokesman Humayun Hamidzada defended Karzai, saying he has appointed to government posts Afghans from all walks of life and from all political backgrounds. He said ''the path of inclusivity'' was crucial for stability.

A survey by the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, however, found a majority of Afghans believe security will improve if war criminals are brought to justice.

Removing them from government is ''by far the most important issue facing the country today,'' said Brad Adams, the Asia director of Human Rights Watch.

The New York-based rights group has called for several senior officials in Karzai's administration to be tried for war crimes alongside some of Washington's biggest enemies, like Taliban leader Mullah Omar and insurgent chief Gulbuddin Hekmatyar.

Faction leaders defend their roles in the civil war of the 1990s, which broke out when the pro-Soviet government collapsed following the departure of Moscow's troops. Some of them held out against the Taliban after the Islamist movement seized Kabul in 1996. The Bush administration supported them in the 2001 attack against the Taliban, enabling the U.S. to oust the Islamists from power without committing large numbers of U.S. ground troops.

But some of the alleged crimes attributed to the warlords were so odious that Washington could not ignore them. Witnesses claim Dostum's forces placed Taliban prisoners in sealed cargo containers and suffocated them to death before burying them en masse, according to a State Department report. Dostum denies involvement in the deaths.

The U.S. and its allies pressured Karzai into firing Fahim, his new vice president, as defense minister and dropping him from the ticket in the 2004 election. He tapped him again as his running-mate this year, a move that helped split the opposition vote.

All that has encouraged a climate of impunity that has trickled down through Afghan society. Rights groups accuse soldiers and police loyal to warlords of kidnapping, extortion, robbery and the rape of women, girls and boys.

In the countryside, local commanders ''run their own fiefdoms with illegal militias, intimidate people into paying them taxes, extract bribes, steal land, trade drugs,'' said John Dempsey of the U.S. Institute of Peace. ''They essentially rule with impunity and no government official, no judge, no policeman can stand up to them.''

Karzai has tried to rein in warlords before, dispatching his finance minister to haul back sacks of cash from governors reluctant to pay tax to the central government.

But removing strongmen from power or putting them on trial is risky: it could inflame ethnic tensions and alienate regional commanders whose support both Kabul and Washington need to contain the burgeoning insurgency.

A September report released by New York University's Center on International Cooperation said the NATO-led coalition is fueling the problem by relying on militias loyal to local commanders -- some involved in rights abuses and drug trafficking -- in an effort to bolster security.

The war plan advanced by America's top Afghanistan commander, Gen. Stanley McChrystal, mentions ''regional power brokers'' with ''loyal armed followers,'' but does not advocate removing them. The U.S. used local armed groups in Iraq to fight al-Qaida and similar militias in Afghanistan have been successful in providing intelligence about the Taliban.

Karzai has been pressured to take action before. In 2005, he was pushed to approve a reconciliation and justice plan that included a vetting system to keep grave rights abusers out of government. But almost none of it was implemented, Dempsey said. Even building a monument or declaring a holiday for war victims was deemed too controversial because Afghanistan and its international backers feared examining the past too closely could destabilize the fragile government.

Sima Samar, chairwoman of the country's human rights commission, said warlords do not necessarily have to be tried. They could face truth commissions, or start by simply apologizing.

There is a lack of political will in bringing them to justice, she said. ''We will never have sustainable peace until we tackle our past.''

Another presidential spokesman, Hamed Elmi, said commanders like Fahim should be praised. They ''played a vital role defending our country against the Soviet occupation and the Taliban. And for the last eight years, they've supported the U.S. in the war on terror.''

He said Afghanistan's criminal justice system is ready to try anyone for rights abuses, ''but so far, we've seen no proof they've done anything wrong.''

Human Rights Watch has documented the indiscriminate killing of civilians by militias loyal to both Fahim and Khalili during the 1990s, which it says constitute war crimes. The group interviewed scores of witnesses accusing militias of murder, pillage and the abduction of ethnic rivals in violation of international humanitarian law.

Akbar Bai, a leader of the country's Turkmen minority -- who Dostum beat and briefly kidnapped last year after storming his Kabul home with 100 armed fighters -- said the U.S. and its Afghan allies are ''fighting the wrong war.''

''Karzai's No. 1 problem is the warlords,'' said Bai, who was released only after government troops surrounded Dostum's mansion. ''If you don't remove these people from power, you'll never see peace in Afghanistan.''
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Nov 5, 2009

BBC - Resignations in Indonesia scandal

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President of Indonesia.Image via Wikipedia

Two of Indonesia's senior law enforcement officials have resigned over a growing corruption scandal.

Deputy attorney general Abdul Hakim Ritonga and Chief Detective Susno Duadji were linked to an alleged plot to weaken the anti-corruption agency.

Their names came up in recordings in which the suspected plot was allegedly discussed by police and prosecutors.

The case is being seen as a test of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's promises to clamp down on corruption.

The president said more resignations or suspensions could be expected.

"I've advised the police chief and the attorney general to suspend those whose names were mentioned in the tape recordings and discharge them from their duties," AFP news agency quoted him as telling a cabinet meeting.

The resignations of Mr Ritonga and Ch Det Susno Duadji came after calls for their dismissal from Indonesians who have taken to the streets protesting against the suspected plot to weaken the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

Indonesia's Watergate

Human rights groups say the KPK has become a target of the police force because it has been so successful in investigating and charging corrupt officials.

Indonesia is often ranked as one of the most corrupt countries in the world, but the efforts of the KPK have encouraged investors to believe the country is trying to clean up its act, says the BBC's Karishma Vaswani in Jakarta.

The case, which has been dubbed Indonesia's Watergate, has transfixed the nation, says our correspondent.

The tapes were played in a nationally televised session of the Constitutional Court, as part of the defence of two KPK officials arrested on bribery charges.

Corrupt officials

The recorded discussion is allegedly between a businessman and several people thought to be in Indonesia's powerful police force and the attorney general's office.

Discussions on the tapes revealed the speakers were involved in plans to significantly weaken the KPK by implicating two of their officials in bribery charges.

It is a powerful body that has gained the reputation of being tough on corrupt officials - including those in high places, says our Jakarta correspondent.

The KPK officials, Chandra Hamzah and Bibit Samad Riyanto, were released on Tuesday.

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Nov 4, 2009

Trial in Chongqing, China, Reveals Vast Web of Corruption - NYTimes.com

Don't be blind to corruptionImage by xiaming via Flickr

CHONGQING, China — Wen Qiang had a fondness for Louis Vuitton belts, fossilized dinosaur eggs and B-list pop stars. For a public employee in charge of the local judiciary, he also had a lot of money: nearly $3 million that investigators found buried beneath a fish pond.

But Mr. Wen’s lavish tastes were nothing compared with the carnal appetites of his sister-in-law, Xie Caiping, known as “the godmother of the Chongqing underworld.” Prosecutors say she ran 30 illegal casinos, including one across the street from the courthouse. She also employed 16 young men who, according to the state-run press, were exceedingly handsome and obliging.

In recent weeks, Ms. Xie, Mr. Wen and a cavalcade of ranking officials and lowbrow thugs have been players in a mass public trial that has exposed the unseemly relationships among gangsters, police officers and the sticky-fingered bureaucrats.

The spectacle involves more than 9,000 suspects, 50 public officials, a petulant billionaire and criminal organizations that dabbled in drug trafficking, illegal mining, and random acts of savagery, most notably the killing of a man for his unbearably loud karaoke voice.

But like all big corruption cases in China, this one is as much about politics as graft. The political machine in Chongqing, a province-size mega-city of 31 million people in the southwest, has been broken up by a new Communist Party boss, Bo Xilai, who is the son of a revolutionary party veteran and has his eye on higher office.

Mr. Bo, a former trade minister sent to Chongqing to burnish his managerial credentials, has conducted the crackdown in a way that appears devised to maximize national attention. The drawn-out nature of the trial and the release of lurid details of the criminal syndicate have given him a reputation as a leading corruption fighter, though the inquiry has yet to implicate any really high-ranking party officials.

So far six people have been sentenced to death. Ms. Xie got off relatively lightly, receiving an 18-year prison term on Tuesday.

How Mr. Bo’s performance is regarded by the party elite is a matter of speculation. There are some suggestions that his swagger, including boastful comments to the news media, strikes some fellow officials as excessive. Anticorruption campaigns by China’s one-party state are generally calibrated to show resolution in tackling venality, but also to reassure the public that whatever problems are uncovered are localized and effectively contained.

“These guys are all for fighting corruption, but they are a little alarmed by the way Bo Xilai has been going about it and building up his personality,” said Sidney Rittenberg, one of the few American citizens to join the Communist Party here and a confidant of Chinese leaders since 1944. “People I talk to say he’s getting too big for his britches.”

A so-called princeling whose father, Bo Yibo, was an economic planner and a onetime ally of the paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, Mr. Bo, 60, is already a member of the Communist Party’s powerful Politburo. He is often talked about as a future top leader in Beijing, although in the party’s rigid hierarchy the No. 1 posts in the party and the government have already been assigned to other younger officials.

Recent statements by Mr. Bo suggest he understands the perils of drawing too much attention. Two weeks ago, he defended the crackdown, saying he was forced to act by the rampant violence and brazen criminality that had given this perpetually foggy city a reputation for lawlessness.

“The public gathered outside government offices and held up pictures of bloodshed,” he said. “The gangsters slashed people with knives just like butchers killing animals.”

In the three weeks since trials began, the crowds have continued to come, and their stories of bloodshed are indeed horrifying. They press outside the gates of the Fifth Intermediate Court, hoping to glimpse the orange-vested defendants who are paraded through the hearings.

Others desperately seek out reporters willing to hear tales of crimes unpunished. “The bandits used to live in the mountains; now they live in the Public Security Bureau,” said Zheng Yi, a vegetable wholesaler.

Unlike past sweeps that brought down crime bosses and their henchmen, the crackdown in Chongqing has yielded a number of wealthy businessmen and Communist Party officials, exposing the depth of corruption that has resulted from the mixing of state control and free-market economics in China.

Ko-lin Chin, who studies the intermingling of organized crime and government in China, said the line between legitimate business and illegal conduct had become increasingly blurred, although most official corruption involved bribery, not violence.

“As these gangs have become more powerful, their existence depends entirely on the cooperation and tolerance of the Communist Party,” said Mr. Chin, a professor of criminal justice at Rutgers. “But when things get out of hand, as they did in Chongqing, the party can really go after these groups with a vengeance.”

Among those on trial this week is Li Qiang, a local legislator and billionaire who the authorities say owned a fleet of 1,000 cabs and 100 bus routes. So great was his power, they say, that he orchestrated a taxi strike last year that brought the city to a standstill. On trial with him are three government officials suspected of acting as his “protection umbrellas” in exchange for payments of about $100,000 each.

While Mr. Li stood in the dock, more than 200 people gathered outside in the rain, including women who said they were roughed up in October last year when they refused to vacate their homes for a redevelopment project. One of them, Wu Pinghui, 67, said 40 people were herded into a government-owned bus and dumped in the countryside. By the time they made it back, their homes were gone.

“We called 110,” she said, referring to the Chinese emergency number, “but the police said they couldn’t get involved in a government affair.”

Hong Guibi also came to the courthouse. She said the Communist Party chief of her village, enraged when she and her husband refused to give him part of their orchard, watched as thugs attacked the couple with cleavers. Ms. Hong, 47, was critically wounded, and her husband was killed. “The neighbors heard our screams, but they were afraid to do anything,” she said.

Although heartened that so many are being prosecuted, Ms. Hong is still waiting for someone to come after the village chief. “If I could just kneel down in front of Bo Xilai,” she said, “I’m sure he would solve my problem.”

Xiyun Yang contributed reporting.
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Nov 2, 2009

Thanh Nien Daily - State assets misused, wasted: NA deputies

State assets misused, wasted: NA deputies



State agencies are still using public assets ineffectively and sometimes causing a big waste of resources, deputies said at the National Assembly session on Thursday.

Reports by the NA Budget and Finance Committee showed many ministries and local departments are managing a large amount of public land and offices ineffectively and some are using the asset for wrong purposes, they said.

The management board of President Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum was found to have rented their office on Dien Bien Phu Street, Hanoi from 1997-2007 to earn more than VND3.6 billion (US$201,600).

Ho Chi Minh City Customs office was also named in the report as renting its land illegally while Vietnam Television in Hue had left the seventh, eighth, and ninth stories comprising 1,500 square meters of space unused in its office.

A Nissan car at the Da Nang Television in the central region had been left unused for the whole of last year while the Ministry of Transport did not keep records of two cars it was using, the report found.

The Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment did not maintain proper records of its fixed assets, it said.

The report also showed that as of the end of 2008, the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment still kept assets that it didn’t use or didn’t need worth VND24.9 billion. Similar assets with the Finance Ministry were valued at more than VND9.3 billion; with the Ministry of Labor, Invalids and Social Affairs at VND9.2 billion; with HCMC state agencies at VND11.7 billion; and with northern Hai Duong Province at VND83.2 billion.

Reported by Luu Quang Pho

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Oct 30, 2009

Seven members of House defense subcommittee scrutinized by ethics investigators - washingtonpost.com

{{w|John Murtha}}, U.S.Image via Wikipedia

Separate probes focus on ties to lobbying firm founded by Hill aide

By Carol D. Leonnig
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, October 30, 2009

Nearly half the members of a powerful House subcommittee in control of Pentagon spending are under scrutiny by ethics investigators in Congress, who have trained their lens on the relationships between seven panel members and an influential lobbying firm founded by a former Capitol Hill aide.

The investigations by two separate ethics offices include an examination of the chairman of the Appropriations subcommittee on defense, John P. Murtha (D-Pa.), as well as others who helped steer federal funds to clients of the PMA Group. The lawmakers received campaign contributions from the firm and its clients. A document obtained by The Washington Post shows that the subcommittee members under scrutiny also include Peter J. Visclosky (D-Ind.), James P. Moran Jr. (D-Va.), Norm Dicks (D-Wash.), Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio) , C.W. Bill Young (R-Fla.) and Todd Tiahrt (R-Kan.).

The document also indicates that the House ethics committee's staff recently interviewed the staff of Rep. Devin Nunes (R-Calif.) about his allegation that a PMA lobbyist threatened him in 2007 when he resisted steering federal funds to a PMA client. The lobbyist told a Nunes staffer that if the lawmaker didn't help, the defense contractor would move out of Nunes's district and take dozens of jobs with him.

The document obtained by The Post offers the most detailed picture yet of a widening inquiry into the relationships between lawmakers and PMA, a lobbying firm founded by Paul Magliocchetti that has been under criminal investigation by the Justice Department. A year ago, the FBI raided PMA's offices and carted away boxes of records dealing with its political donations and the firm's efforts to win congressionally directed funds, known as "earmarks," for clients.

The document shows that both the ethics committee and the Office of Congressional Ethics are looking into the matter. The OCE investigates and makes recommendations to the House ethics committee, which has the power to subpoena and sanction lawmakers. Internal ethics investigations of members of Congress are normally confidential, but The Post learned details of their work through the document, which became available on a file-sharing network.

Under the description of the OCE inquiry, the document says investigators are looking at House members who may have been "accepting contributions or other items of value from PMA's PAC in exchange for an official act." A Hill source cautioned that the ethics committee has not gathered a significant amount of material and has not zeroed in on specific lawmakers.

$200 million in earmarks

Together, the seven legislators have personally steered more than $200 million in earmarks to clients of the PMA Group in the past two years, and received more than $6.2 million in campaign contributions from PMA and its clients in the past decade, according to an analysis by Congressional Quarterly and Taxpayers for Common Sense.

The Post reviewed earmark and campaign records and found that the seven had each supported funding for PMA clients and also received donations. Young has recently received very little from PMA.

Under some political pressure, the House ethics committee disclosed in June that it had an ongoing investigation into this matter. The move came days after the FBI subpoenaed Visclosky's office for records relating to PMA and as other House members called for the ethics committee to act. The committee did not disclose the members it was scrutinizing then, and the specific details of the OCE's work have not been publicly known.

While lawmakers received generous contributions, PMA used its growing influence with the panel over the past decade to become one of the top 10 lobby shops in Washington and took in $114 million in lobbying fees, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a watchdog group.

The chairman of the House ethics committee, Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.), initially declined to verify that the document The Post obtained was generated by the ethics committee. Late Thursday, she issued a statement explaining how it had been accidentally released by a low-level staffer through a file-sharing network. She declined to discuss the PMA probe and said many lawmakers may be under review by the committee at any point in time.

"No inference to any misconduct can be made from the fact that a matter is simply before the Committee," she said in her statement.

The OCE has interviewed some of the lawmakers, including Kaptur last week and Moran a few weeks ago. It has invited others in for interviews, such as Visclosky, and posed numerous questions to the members' staff.

Moran, a senior member of the defense panel whose former top aide went to work for the PMA Group, said he recently sat for a lengthy interview with two aides from the OCE. He said he asked the new ethics office to interview all of his current and former staff members, including his former chief of staff who became a PMA lobbyist, Melissa Koloszar.

"I said they should be interviewed separately, privately and completely," he said. "We wanted them to investigate."

Two investigations

Several Hill staffers said they are confused by what appears to be a dual track, with the OCE and the ethics committee simultaneously pursuing similar questions.

Kaptur's spokesman said her office does not understand the duplication but is happy to answer all questions. "The congresswoman has always emphasized openness and transparency, and it almost goes without saying she will continue to cooperate with the OCE and, if it goes to the [ethics committee], with that committee as well," said Kaptur spokesman Steve Fought. "She has nothing to hide."

Murtha's office declined to comment. The offices and representatives of Dicks, Visclosky, Young and Tiahart did not respond to questions about the scrutiny.

As the ethics committee began gathering evidence this summer about PMA's operating methods on Capitol Hill, it contacted the office of Nunes, who had earlier complained to the committee about a lobbyist's aggressiveness in seeking an earmark. Nunes agreed to comment on the incident when The Post asked him about detailed information it had obtained about his complaint.

"I didn't appreciate being threatened," Nunes said. "To me, it was a symptom of the disease we have in Congress, where a lot of members have simply gotten addicted to contributions from companies that are getting their earmarks."

Don Fleming, the PMA lobbyist who allegedly threatened Nunes, is now at Flagship Government Relations, a firm started by several departed PMA lobbyists. Fleming did not confirm the encounter, but he said in a statement Thursday that "an important responsibility of any government relations professional is to communicate to policymakers the impact that their decisions have on our clients." He added that he has "always adhered to the strictest code of professional ethics."

Moran said he continued to believe that Magliocchetti was a good lobbyist who knew that he had to get Defense Department backing for the earmarks he was seeking from Capitol Hill. Describing him as "the only Democratic defense [lobbyist] for the most part," Moran said Magliocchetti also was someone Democrats naturally turned to for fundraising help from the military contractor community.

"When you needed to raise money for the Democratic campaign committee, he was always the first one you went to," Moran said, adding, "I don't know how he raised his money."

Moran hosted an event for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee in his Alexandria home last year, the lawmaker said, with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) as the guest of honor. Magliocchetti and some of his clients were in attendance, writing checks for $28,500 each, Moran said.

Staff writers Paul Kane and Ellen Nakashima and research editor Alice Crites contributed to this report.

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Dozens in Congress under ethics inquiry - washingtonpost.com

WASHINGTON - OCTOBER 30:  An image of a viking...Image by Getty Images via Daylife

Document was found on file-sharing network

By Ellen Nakashima and Paul Kane
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, October 30, 2009

House ethics investigators have been scrutinizing the activities of more than 30 lawmakers and several aides in inquiries about issues including defense lobbying and corporate influence peddling, according to a confidential House ethics committee report prepared in July.

The report appears to have been inadvertently placed on a publicly accessible computer network, and it was provided to The Washington Post by a source not connected to the congressional investigations. The committee said Thursday night that the document was released by a low-level staffer.

The ethics committee is one of the most secretive panels in Congress, and its members and staff members sign oaths not to disclose any activities related to its past or present investigations. Watchdog groups have accused the committee of not actively pursuing inquiries; the newly disclosed document indicates the panel is conducting far more investigations than it had revealed.

Shortly after 6 p.m. Thursday, the committee chairman, Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.), interrupted a series of House votes to alert lawmakers about the breach. She cautioned that some of the panel's activities are preliminary and not a conclusive sign of inappropriate behavior.

"No inference should be made as to any member," she said.

Rep. Jo Bonner (Ala.), the committee's ranking Republican, said the breach was an isolated incident.

The 22-page "Committee on Standards Weekly Summary Report" gives brief summaries of ethics panel investigations of the conduct of 19 lawmakers and a few staff members. It also outlines the work of the new Office of Congressional Ethics, a quasi-independent body that initiates investigations and provides recommendations to the ethics committee. The document indicated that the office was reviewing the activities of 14 other lawmakers. Some were under review by both ethics bodies.

A broader inquiry

Ethics committee investigations are not uncommon. Most result in private letters that either exonerate or reprimand a member. In some rare instances, the censure is more severe.

Many of the broad outlines of the cases cited in the July document are known -- the committee announced over the summer that it was reviewing lawmakers with connections to the now-closed PMA Group, a lobbying firm. But the document indicates that the inquiry was broader than initially believed. It included a review of seven lawmakers on the House Appropriations defense subcommittee who have steered federal money to the firm's clients and have also received large campaign contributions.

The document also disclosed that:

-- Ethics committee staff members have interviewed House Ways and Means Chairman Charles B. Rangel (D-N.Y.) about one element of the complex investigation of his personal finances, as well as the lawmaker's top aide and his son. Rangel said he spoke with ethics committee staff members regarding a conference that he and four other members of the Congressional Black Caucus attended last November in St. Martin. The trip initially was said to be sponsored by a nonprofit foundation run by a newspaper. But the three-day event, at a luxury resort, was underwritten by major corporations such as Citigroup, Pfizer and AT&T. Rules passed in 2007, shortly after Democrats reclaimed the majority following a wave of corruption cases against Republicans, bar private companies from paying for congressional travel.

Rangel said he has not discussed other parts of the investigation of his finances with the committee. "I'm waiting for that, anxiously," he said.

-- The Justice Department has told the ethics panel to suspend a probe of Rep. Alan B. Mollohan (D-W.Va.), whose personal finances federal investigators began reviewing in early 2006 after complaints from a conservative group that he was not fully revealing his real estate holdings. There has been no public action on that inquiry for several years. But the department's request in early July to the committee suggests that the case continues to draw the attention of federal investigators, who often ask that the House and Senate ethics panels refrain from taking action against members whom the department is already investigating.

Mollohan said that he was not aware of any ongoing interest by the Justice Department in his case and that he and his attorneys have not heard from federal investigators. "The answer is no," he said.

-- The committee on June 9 authorized issuance of subpoenas to the Justice Department, the National Security Agency and the FBI for "certain intercepted communications" regarding Rep. Jane Harman (D-Calif.). As was reported earlier this year, Harman was heard in a 2005 conversation agreeing to an Israeli operative's request to try to obtain leniency for two pro-Israel lobbyists in exchange for the agent's help in lobbying House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) to name her chairman of the intelligence committee. The department, a former U.S. official said, declined to respond to the subpoena.

Harman said that the ethics committee has not contacted her and that she has no knowledge that the subpoena was ever issued. "I don't believe that's true," she said. "As far as I'm concerned, this smear has been over for three years."

In June 2009, a Justice Department official wrote in a letter to an attorney for Harman that she was "neither a subject nor a target" of a criminal investigation.

Because of the secretive nature of the ethics committee, it was difficult to assess the current status of the investigations cited in the July document. The panel said Thursday, however, that it is ending a probe of Rep. Sam Graves (R-Mo.) after finding no ethical violations, and that it is investigating the financial connections of two California Democrats.

The committee did not detail the two newly disclosed investigations. However, according to the July document, Rep. Maxine Waters, a high-ranking member of the House Financial Services Committee, came under scrutiny because of activities involving OneUnited Bank of Massachusetts, in which her husband owns at least $250,000 in stock.

Waters arranged a September 2008 meeting at the Treasury Department where OneUnited executives asked for government money. In December, Treasury selected OneUnited as an early participant in the bank bailout program, injecting $12.1 million.

The other, Rep. Laura Richardson, may have failed to mention property, income and liabilities on financial disclosure forms.

File-sharing

The committee's review of investigations became available on file-sharing networks because of a junior staff member's use of the software while working from home, Lofgren and Bonner said in a statement issued Thursday night. The staffer was fired, a congressional aide said.

The committee "is taking all appropriate steps to deal with this issue," they said, noting that neither the committee nor the House's information systems were breached in any way.

"Peer-to-peer" technology has previously caused inadvertent breaches of sensitive financial, defense-related and personal data from government and commercial networks, and it is prohibited on House networks.

House administration rules require that if a lawmaker or staff member takes work home, "all users of House sensitive information must protect the confidentiality of sensitive information" from unauthorized disclosure.

Leo Wise, chief counsel for the Office of Congressional Ethics, declined to comment, citing office policy against confirming or denying the existence of investigations. A Justice Department spokeswoman also declined to comment, citing a similar policy.

Staff writers Carol D. Leonnig and Joby Warrick and staff researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.

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Oct 29, 2009

Afghan Corruption: Shocking Revelations. Also, Gambling Happens in Casinos. - Declassified Blog - Newsweek.com

World Map: Failed States Index 2008Image via Wikipedia

Mark Hosenball

The revelation in today's New York Times that a brother of Afghan president Hamid Karzai, Ahmed Wali Karzai, has been receiving regular payments for years from the CIA is sort of like reporting that the Pope is Catholic and that bears relieve themselves in the woods. While CIA spokesman Paul Gimigliano said that the CIA does not comment on "these kinds of allegations," other current and former U.S. government officials say that nobody should be the slightest bit surprised to learn that the U.S. government has been paying for the goodwill of Karzai's brother—and likely that of other (perhaps many other) members of the Afghan president's circle. Nor, say the officials, should anyone be surprised that such Afghan personalities might have ties to the local opium trade, as the Times alleges Ahmed Wali Karzai does (with somewhat less certainty than its assertions regarding CIA payments). If anything, what is somewhat surprising is that U.S. officials say that the available evidence suggests that Hamid Karzai himself is relatively "clean." One U.S. official who has recently been looking into Afghan corruption said that President Karzai has filed an official disclosure listing his only wealth as about $10,000 worth of clothing and jewelry. While there is no way to verify this information, the official and another former U.S. official said that Hamid Karzai's reputation is relatively free of the allegations of corruption that have been laid against his brother. Nonetheless, the officials say the Afghan president does have wealthy friends and supporters who might give him a helping hand materially or financially if and when he needs it. Ahmed Wali told the Times that while he cooperated with U.S. military and civilian officials, he did not take money from the CIA and is not involved in the drug trade.

While few among the Washington cognoscenti are questioning the Times's allegations, the story has set off a round of speculation about why it surfaced now, who might have leaked it, and for what reason. Despite strong suspicions to the contrary, early indications are that the story was not deliberately leaked by the Obama administration or its political proxies as part of some clandestine campaign to undermine politically besieged Hamid Karzai's prospects in an anticipated presidential runoff election. Whatever the intent behind the disclosures, however, they're certainly another wild card in an Afghan political outlook that by the day appears more uncertain and fraught.

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Oct 19, 2009

'It doesn't seem right' - washingtonpost.com

Title: AIDS: Pathology: Patient: Kaposi's Sarc...Image via Wikipedia

A group plagued by service, cost complaints is awarded $4.5 million. How?

By Debbie Cenziper
Monday, October 19, 2009

Alexander Harrington walked into the house "where miracles happen every day" with a single suitcase and $3 to his name, fresh out of prison and determined not to spend another day doped up in dark alleyways.

At 59, he had been living with HIV for more than a decade. Now, he was four years sober with grandchildren he wanted to see. While visiting a local medical clinic, he had heard about a house of second chances, part of a District-funded AIDS nonprofit group called Miracle Hands Community Development Corp., that provided emergency housing, counseling, job training and help with finding a permanent place to live.

Harrington moved into the house in Northeast Washington in April.

In a bedroom with filthy floors that he shared with three other men, he waited for counseling and job training. He waited for a chance to learn where he might go once his limited stay at the house had ended.

After a few weeks, he caught a bus to the D.C. Health Department's HIV/AIDS Administration to seek services there. He was told he'd get a call back and waited some more.

Then, on a Friday afternoon in May, as men lounged around the steamy house and a single supervisor sat in the dining room, Harrington struggled with the news that it was time to go. He said he left Miracle Hands without job training or a lead on permanent housing.

"It doesn't seem right," he said, packing his suitcase for the streets.

In a city fighting to control a devastating AIDS epidemic, Miracle Hands promised to reach into the poorest pockets of the District, offering a lifeline in African American neighborhoods long overlooked by established AIDS groups.

But the nonprofit group, which became one of the most heavily funded AIDS organizations in the city, has been racked by complaints from city monitors, former clients and other AIDS groups about a lack of services and supplies, missing records and questionable expenses, The Washington Post found.

Twice, monitors suggested the city withhold money to the group. But former HIV/AIDS Administration housing chief Debra Rowe continued to provide steady support to Miracle Hands, which over five years was awarded about $4.5 million, much of it from Rowe's department.

Included was $420,000 in housing funds for a highly anticipated job training center that more than three years later has yet to open. Meanwhile, more than 400 people with HIV or AIDS are on a years-long waiting list for supportive housing.

"It was not a wise decision," HIV/AIDS Administration spokesman Michael Kharfen said of funding the renovation.

The story of Miracle Hands shows how start-up nonprofit groups that pledged to help the sick in a city with the nation's highest AIDS rate were able to draw millions from a D.C. agency that time and again failed to ensure its money was well spent. From 2004 to 2008, the HIV/AIDS Administration -- entrusted with spending the city's AIDS dollars -- paid more than $25 million to groups marked by financial problems or questions about the quality of care and services, including Miracle Hands.

Miracle Hands officials defend their programs, saying they are properly staffed and equipped and especially needed in the District's poorest neighborhoods.

From its headquarters in a 14,000-square-foot warehouse on Queens Chapel Road NE and rental houses throughout the city, Miracle Hands said it has provided support groups, housing and a day treatment center offering showers, meals and therapy. Group officials said that they offer support to housing clients but that the services are optional.

Miracle Hands' executive director is 52-year-old Cornell Jones, who once ran a massive cocaine ring on the streets of Northeast. Arrested in the 1980s, he served time in prison and emerged to start Miracle Hands in the late 1990s to help ex-offenders, the homeless and troubled children. He had business ventures as well: Next door to Miracle Hands, Jones opened a popular nightclub called D.C. Tunnel.

"This deadly disease . . . is not a gay, white Dupont Circle disease anymore. . . . The [city] didn't have a clue how to attack that population," Jones said. "We came in with some new ideas . . . and try to give these clients everything that they need."

Jones and Rowe said they have a long-standing professional relationship. Like Jones, Rowe had overcome a drug past, serving time in prison for heroin and cocaine charges before building a career focused on people with AIDS.

One Miracle Hands supervisor said Rowe visited frequently and would help Jones with paperwork.

"She did a lot of work for Miracle Hands," supervisor James Lynch-Bey said.

But Jones said Rowe did not favor his group, noting that Miracle Hands applied for funding through a competitive process. City officials, however, said department heads such as Rowe supervise the selection process, weigh in on how grants are awarded and monitor the money.

Rowe also had a personal connection to Miracle Hands: Three of her family members and a friend were hired by Jones.

Rowe, 50, said she never benefited personally from Miracle Hands and did not provide favored treatment to any group. She said she did the best she could under difficult circumstances, taking over a housing department that funded and monitored many struggling nonprofit groups.

"It was a mess," she said. "Everybody said that Debra Rowe was the one that can fix it."

When asked by The Post about Miracle Hands' performance, Rowe said that the HIV/AIDS Administration's "records speak for themselves" and that if she had found "serious discrepancies" she would have stepped in.

She acknowledged that her 28-year-old son was hired by Jones to work as a Miracle Hands housing staffer and that her father and uncle worked parking lot duty at D.C. Tunnel.

Rowe said she saw no conflict. She said she did not realize her father and uncle worked there until she visited the club. Her son, she said, took the job in 2003, when Rowe was a public health adviser at the HIV/AIDS Administration but a year before she had taken over as housing chief. One Miracle Hands roster showed Rowe's son's salary was $29,120.

Rowe also said she had referred her friend Danette Williams to Miracle Hands when Williams needed a job. Jones hired Williams as the Miracle Hands program director in 2004; she is now the deputy director.

In December 2006, the FBI launched a probe into the District's AIDS funding, Rowe's connections and others involved in funding decisions, seizing files from Miracle Hands and Rowe. Rowe and her attorney said the case was recently closed.

FBI Supervisory Special Agent Darlene G. Hoyns, however, said the case remains active.

Williams said Miracle Hands has recently received praise from the HIV/AIDS Administration, citing high marks on a capacity assessment, which considered such criteria as experience and the completion of invoices.

City officials, however, say the assessment does not measure the quality of services or a program's overall success.

Despite the FBI investigation and complaints about services, the HIV/AIDS Administration continued to provide grant money to Miracle Hands, with more than $700,000 awarded this year. Kharfen said recent site visits for the group have not identified deficiencies, although the city no longer funds the group's long-term housing and day programs.

"It shows you how embedded the culture is here," said Ron Harris, a local AIDS case manager. "It's that Debra Rowe mind-set: Everybody gets paid."

'That's my people'

Rowe said she had met Jones years ago while trying to encourage young people to get tested for HIV. She said she would often recruit at D.C. Tunnel, where she liked to watch go-go guitarist Chuck Brown play.

Rowe and Jones had both come a long way.

Jones was once a drug kingpin with international ties. A police search of his home when he was arrested for drug distribution in 1985 found $870,000 in cash, plus jewelry, furs, 28 airline tickets to Las Vegas, five guns, cocaine, a currency-counting machine and a drug identification kit.

He was paroled in 1995 after serving nine years of a 27-year sentence. Three years later, Jones opened Miracle Hands to take in people from the streets.

"That's my people. That's who I knew all my life," Jones said. "I was a fairly decent criminal. I thought I could be a fairly decent manager . . . for that population as well."

Jones based the operation in the warehouse, part of a complex of buildings in an industrial park in Northeast that was purchased through a limited liability company, managed by Jones, for $1.4 million in 2002.

Rowe had rebuilt her life as well, completing a master's degree in human services after serving 15 months in prison on drug charges. In 1999, seven years out of prison, she took a job at the HIV/AIDS Administration.

Miracle Hands started receiving money shortly before Rowe was promoted to interim housing director in late 2004. The $10 million-a-year program is funded by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

Monitors quickly began to note problems, with one writing that Miracle Hands' invoices were "routinely late and lack[ed] requisite documentation." Jones wasn't meeting monitors for site visits at Miracle Hands and had skipped training sessions at the HIV/AIDS Administration, records show.

Williams said Jones opted to skip meetings early on because he worried that his criminal past would taint the organization.

"He realized that due to his history, many would perceive Miracle Hands as being a 'rogue' organization," Williams said.

HIV/AIDS Administration monitors also found that insurance information, spending plans, and employee résumés and contracts were missing.

Still, Jerry Brown, a friend and colleague of Rowe's at the HIV/AIDS Administration, noted improvements and recommended future partnerships with Miracle Hands.

In mid-2005, a monitor noted that Miracle Hands had billed the city for "questionable" jobs. Among the payments: $9,000 for an unnamed computer specialist and $3,600 for an unnamed mental health professional, with the monitor writing, "Who/Where/Agency?"

Williams told The Post that the issues pointed out by monitors were "small."

For part of its tenure, Miracle Hands also lacked a basic requirement for doing business in the District: a license.

Monitors repeatedly asked Miracle Hands about the license and other required documentation, records show. Monitor Rony Mohram wrote directly to Rowe and others in August 2005: "Since we are precluded from continuing to fund out of compliance vendors, please advise me on what to do in regards with this matter."

Monitor Jonathan Alston responded: "We should withhold payment of any outstanding invoices until they comply. That's my suggestion."

By then, Rowe had risen to interim housing chief at the agency. She defended Miracle Hands, responding in an e-mail that the group had been seeking a license for eight months. Rowe forwarded a letter that she had received from Williams. The two women had met years earlier when they worked with another AIDS group, the Abundant Life Clinic.

Williams appealed to Rowe in a letter about the licensing delay, writing, "Your consideration and understanding in this matter is greatly appreciated."

The matter was dropped, records show. Miracle Hands received a business license in mid-2005, more than two years after the group started receiving grants. Rowe told The Post that licensing in the city can be long and tedious.

"There are other groups that didn't have it," she said.

Years later, Miracle Hands' records continue to show lapses: The nonprofit group has never filed a federal tax return, IRS records show. Williams said the recent returns could not be filed because records had been seized by the FBI.

'Out of proportion'

Some reports have praised Miracle Hands for well-kept houses and a strong management team.

One monitor once wrote, "My recommendation for this provider is to continue to do great work for the community." A quality-assurance consultant noted the group's managers had "compassion, dedication and cultural proficiency."

Time and again, however, Miracle Hands was criticized for inconsistencies in record-keeping, billing and client care.

An independent audit for 2005 by an outside firm found that Miracle Hands had made only one payment to an employee that year and owed nearly $60,000 in outstanding salaries.

Williams said employees weren't always paid on time because of delays in processing invoices at the city.

In 2006, monitors found more problems, noting that Miracle Hands again had not turned in paperwork required to do business with the city, such as proof of liability insurance. Monitors continued to call on Miracle Hands for missing audits, client reports and budgets.

The same year, HIV/AIDS Administration official Gunther Freehill e-mailed Rowe about a Miracle Hands job-readiness program, saying: "They have billed a total of about $6,600 for the first four months of their grant and have reported nothing more than that they are preparing curriculum. The costs are a little out of proportion."

There were other problems at a day program run by Miracle Hands out of a ramshackle house in Southeast. In May 2006, a housing case manager documented dirty and dangerous conditions: peeling wallpaper, soiled carpets, an uneven stairwell and no fire escape. The report was forwarded to Rowe.

Staffers at other AIDS groups also noticed the conditions.

"The house was in terrible shape," said Priscilla Norris, head nurse at the Northwest AIDS hospice Joseph's House, who visited the day program about two years ago. "There was no day treatment. It was just a place to go and watch TV."

One afternoon in the spring, The Post found men sitting side by side in the living room watching TV. The house was hot, with the windows held open by books. The ceilings had holes, and the floor was lopsided. The only place for napping was a closet with a ripped cot. The upstairs meeting room had no books, no pencils, no computers, no paper.

When The Post made an arranged visit last month, a card table was set up in the living room. Seven men were talking to case manager Willie Cheeks.

As Jones and Williams looked on, Cheeks said, "In order to be competitive out there, you have to have a skill."

One of the men responded, "In the institution, I had heard that this program was very instrumental."

Jones said that in the past, the HIV/AIDS Administration provided little money for his group's day program. Still, he said, clients are offered hot meals and therapy. Williams added that computers and supplies are stored to prevent theft and that the cot is offered only if a client is not feeling well. She also said that the house has new carpeting, a new stove and a restored front porch and that other repairs have been made.

Besides its day program, Miracle Hands says it offers job training in its warehouse, a squat, rundown building with worn carpeting and a vast room in the back. One day in the spring, The Post found that the only person there was the group's finance manager, Malik Savage. There was one sheet of drywall, a couple piles of wood on the floor and a single computer in the back, which Savage said was once used to teach telecommunications. Donated computers were piled one on top of the other in a storage room.

Williams said they had not been set up because they were missing hard drives.

A budget from a 2007 grant shows that Miracle Hands proposed charging $60,000 for use of the warehouse for job training. But the budget included only $1,000 for supplies associated with the training courses, such as drywall, metal studs, screw guns, tape and wiring.

Williams said the contractors who teach the classes bring supplies.

Harris, the local AIDS case manager, said he has repeatedly tried to refer clients to the Miracle Hands job-training programs but was never able to reach anyone.

"It was a brick wall," he said. "I never heard of anyone who did job training there."

Williams said the job programs were "comprehensive." Miracle Hands officials said there will always be some disgruntled clients.

"Miracle Hands is a good organization, committed and steadfast to its mission to help those in need," Williams said.

Former Miracle Hands client Michael Tyree also cited a lack of supplies in the group's housing program, where he stayed for two months in 2007. Sick with AIDS and throat cancer, he said he often couldn't find food and slept on beds without sheets or blankets.

"The whole house was completely dirty. They didn't feed you at all," Tyree said. "To me, Miracle Hands was just about the money. They say they were helping people, but they weren't."

Tyree now lives at the nonprofit Joseph's House. He has his own room in the basement with pictures of his nieces on the wall.

Sitting on his bed one spring morning, bundled in a red bathrobe, he said, "This feels like my home."

'The darndest places'

While Jones was operating Miracle Hands, he was struggling to keep his nightclub afloat.

City dispatchers had received 77 calls for service to D.C. Tunnel between 2006 and 2008 after reports of assaults, theft, disorderly conduct and destruction of property. The club was the site of two shootings within 90 days last year.

D.C. Police Chief Cathy L. Lanier requested at the time that the city revoke the club's alcohol license. Jones and his partners agreed to sell the club, pay a $10,000 fine and not apply for a liquor license for four years.

Jones said he saw nothing wrong with running a nightclub next to a program that is supposed to help people with HIV, many of whom are recovering addicts.

"The club was there first," Jones said, adding that it did not open until 10 p.m., after the AIDS program had closed. "The club only opened after the sun goes down. That's when the party comes out."

Said Rowe, "People start [AIDS groups] in the darndest places."

Under Rowe's tenure, the Miracle Hands warehouse next to the nightclub got a big boost from the city:

In 2005, she moved to give Miracle Hands $335,000 to renovate the warehouse, which was supposed to create a state-of-the-art job-training center.

"I had the vision for a job-training center for people living with HIV/AIDS," Rowe told The Post.

Before the grant was approved, however, Health Department supervisor Charles Nichols urged Rowe in an e-mail to justify the money because it was to be given to Miracle Hands without competitive bidding.

"The sole-source justification to allow Miracle Hands to receive these funds must address . . . why we should renovate a building for them. . . . I prefer you issue a competitive [request] so that we can make sure we are getting the best value for our resources," Nichols wrote.

HIV/AIDS Administration officials say Nichols eventually called off the noncompetitive deal.

In 2006, through a competitive process, Miracle Hands was awarded $279,000 for the renovation from Rowe's department. Miracle Hands was the only bidder, Rowe said.

Rowe also signed off on an $84,000 advance on the grant money, records show, in part so Miracle Hands could hire a general contractor for the renovation.

Yet no work was being done. Month after month, monitors noted the lack of progress, with monitor Sheree Avent writing in November 2006, "This issue has been brought to the attention of . . . Debra Rowe." Avent later followed up in an e-mail to Rowe: "Construction has not begun. . . . It is my recommendation that . . . [funding] levels need to be modified."

Grants supervisor Carine Mathurin followed up, e-mailing Rowe: "Shouldn't we de-obligate some of this money?"

Rowe e-mailed back: "No, the funds should not be de-obligated . . . [the Housing program] is well aware of the start-up issues in reference to this grant . . . [the Housing program] is fine with this."

In late 2006, Jones submitted a $494,000 estimate for the renovation work from El Cos. of Chantilly. But the address on the estimate does not exist, according to the U.S. Postal Service. The company has no phone listing in the District or Virginia.

The contact on the estimate was Edward Hunter, who is the stepbrother of Savage, the Miracle Hands finance manager, records and interviews show.

Williams said Miracle Hands solicited quotes from other contractors. She could not provide any of the proposals, saying the paperwork was seized by the FBI.

She said Hunter has construction experience and noted that the company has a trade name registration in the District. His estimate, Williams said, was far below those provided by other companies.

Edward Hunter said his business is a sole proprietorship and has not done any work in the District or Virginia. He said he does not recall how he heard that Miracle Hands was looking for a contractor.

"I was trying to get my business off the ground. . . . I figured I'd get lucky and get an opportunity," Hunter said.

As for the problems with his company's address on the estimate, he said that his wife rented space at a real estate office on the street he had listed and that it is possible numbers were transposed.

In March 2007, Rowe's department issued a second grant for the renovation, this time for $140,000, bringing the city's total investment over two years to $420,000.

Two months later, Avent, the monitor, wrote that the location for the project had changed.

Instead of renovating the Miracle Hands warehouse, work would be done at another warehouse owned by Jones two doors down, on the far side of the nightclub. Avent said she had requested a new work plan and time frame for completion of the project.

She also noted renovations at the new location were lagging, writing, "The rehabilitation work was a few weeks behind schedule and should be completed by August."

Through last year, however, monitors continued to document delays at the new site. A report issued by Miracle Hands last October said the project was scheduled to be completed within two months.

The facility has still not opened -- more than three years after the renovation money was first awarded. Williams said Miracle Hands ran out of money and needs $300,000 more. She added that much of the project has been done, including architectural plans and work on windows, walls and plumbing.

"What we have to do is nickel-and-dime it," she said.

Neither Miracle Hands nor the city could provide invoices or receipts to account for the $420,000. Kharfen, the HIV/AIDS Administration spokesman, said the agency has no plans to provide more money for the project, adding that the city's housing dollars must be invested in housing.

Rowe said Miracle Hands continues to work to complete the project.

"It was a lot of people's dreams," she said.

In April 2008, Rowe was removed from her $97,000-a-year job as the AIDS housing chief and subsequently left city government.

She is now an administrator with a new nonprofit group for ex-offenders, Returning Citizens United.

Jones is a founding member.

"Where else would I turn except to still work on behalf of that marginalized population?" Rowe said.

Staff researcher Meg Smith contributed to this report.

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