Showing posts with label Indonesia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indonesia. Show all posts

Aug 15, 2010

Telling a new story of the Indonesian past

Inside Indonesia

Review: Stephen Druce’s new book unveils the Ajattappareng kingdoms of South Sulawesi

Campbell Macknight

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Tourists on their way northwards to Tanah Toraja speed through the area surrounding Parepare, South Sulawesi’s second city, and probably think it’s all fairly dull. By this stage of the trip, they have had their fill of fertile rice fields, glimpses of the sea through the coconut palms and the distinctive South Sulawesi houses on stilts. It is highly unlikely that they have heard anything of the story of the Ajattappareng kingdoms which ruled over this land from 1200 to 1600 CE, even if they have been exceptionally diligent in searching out the best histories of Indonesia.

Historians of Indonesia have long discussed the scope and nature of their subject: what should be written about, what questions asked and, above all perhaps, whose questions should be addressed? The debate had particular force in the late colonial and immediately post-colonial period, but as a quick scan of the books on offer in any branch of Gramedia or airport bookshop will show, there is still plenty to argue about in the history of independent Indonesia.

So what is so important then about a new book dealing with the events of half a millennium ago in a small area of South Sulawesi?
The tale of the ‘lands west of the lakes’

Perhaps the first thing to notice about Stephen Druce’s The Lands West of the Lakes: A History of the Ajattappareng Kingdoms of South Sulawesi 1200 to 1600 CE is that it is possible to write well over 300 pages on this topic. Who would have thought there was so much to say about so long ago in such a relatively small area of what is modern-day South Sulawesi? Until now, most people would have assumed that there were no more than a few mythical folktales here; certainly no ‘real’ history.

Some things found in the local manuscripts do sound like folktales, such as the story of La Bangéngngé, the pure white-blooded man who descended from a mountain top and married Wé Tépulingé, a pure white-blooded woman who rose from a spring near the shore of the bay below. Their descendants, who came to rule in the various ‘lands west of the lakes’, inherited their rights of precedence, which they justified in elaborate, if not necessarily consistent, genealogical records. Yet whatever we may make of tales of how things began, by the sixteenth century, if not earlier, we have enough confirmation from other written sources to rely on the names and relationships of particular rulers. The politics of power within and between kingdoms, domains and tributaries is clear.

This is also the story of the steady expansion of wet-rice agriculture from about 1200 CE onwards with forest clearance and the laborious construction of irrigation works assisted by the movement of hill people down to the plain. Surplus rice then featured among many items of export – as it still does from this very fertile area – and in return came ever greater quantities of the ceramics which are so useful to the archaeologist. The diagnostic thirteenth and fourteenth century pottery fragments (potsherds) from China are found first on the coast and in sites along the former courses of the great Saddang river. Suppa’, on the bay of Parepare, was the first beneficiary of this trade and around 1400 CE was developing not just as an agricultural power but also as a maritime one. The following century, however, saw the rise of Sidenreng, an inland power with wide-spreading rice fields. By the sixteenth century, the jockeying for power between these kingdoms and the other major states across the peninsula, such as Gowa, Wajo’, Luwu’ and Boné, had begun.

Much has happened in this area since 1600 CE: the arrival of Islam, various colonial wars, and the final imposition of Dutch control at the beginning of the twentieth century. To tell that story, however, would require another book and the use of very different kinds of evidence.
Uncovering Ajattappareng

It is an old story that the historian needs a good pair of boots; this research must have worn out several pairs. It also helps to have a talent for gaining people’s trust and a good ear to listen to what they say, as well as competency in a range of local languages. It is a revelation what sharp eyes and careful hearing can pick up about long past centuries. The book reeks of both fieldwork, often with a team of friends, and the library.

The book is not, though, an easy read. Druce ranges across many types of evidence: geomorphology, linguistics, archaeology, cartography, oral history, the analysis of Bugis documents, and so on. By the nature of the case, he has to present in detail the evidence from which his tale is woven. For example, one cannot understand what happened without following the complex shifts in the course of the Saddang River. There is much to be learned by comparing different versions of what is meant to be the same genealogy - who had an interest in changing things? Some conventional historians may have trouble interpreting the statistical information on the numbers and kinds of pottery fragments collected from various sites, but this evidence is vital to the story. The maps are needed to locate tiny villages and the long Bugis names take some adjusting to.

It is a revelation what sharp eyes and careful hearing can pick up about long past centuries. The book reeks of both fieldwork, often with a team of friends, and the library

Experts will know that interesting work of this type has been done in South Sulawesi over the last few decades and Druce is well aware of his predecessors. He makes use of the methods and results of others, including local scholars, with due acknowledgment.

The fact that this is not the richest, or the most powerful, or the most famous of the various areas in the Bugis and Makassar lands only makes this story the more unexpected. To those who aspire to write future histories of Indonesia, Druce offers up a challenge to look to South Sulawesi for insight:

Historical and archaeological research carried out in South Sulawesi over the last twenty years or so provides us with well-documented examples of the transformation of several Austronesian-speaking societies from simple chiefdoms to large political entities constructed largely around indigenous concepts. This makes South Sulawesi, with its extensive written and archaeological sources, of fundamental importance in understanding the historical evolution of Austronesian societies in Indonesia and beyond.

The importance of this book is that it opens the window, for anyone with a serious interest, on a whole new chapter of Indonesian history. This has nothing to do with the glories of Borobudur and Prambanan, or the intricacies of Javanese inscriptions and literature. It precedes the adoption of Islam which, in this area, was most unusually achieved by force, and the Dutch are nowhere on the scene. The book gives us a picture of how people managed their lives in the archipelago before the impact of these great cultural, religious and political forces. It is a genuinely pre-colonial history of at least one small part of Indonesia.

Stephen Druce, The Lands West of the Lakes: A History of the Ajattappareng Kingdoms of South Sulawesi 1200 to 1600 CE (KITLV Press, Leiden, 2009).

Campbell Macknight (macknight@ozemail.com.au) first visited South Sulawesi over forty years ago and still finds it just as interesting. He is currently a Visiting Fellow in Anthropology at the Australian National University.
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From soil to God

Inside Indonesia

Review: Chris Wilson bares the dynamics of conflict behind the violence in North Maluku

Ward Berenschot

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Christian militia in Tobelo
Photo given to Chris Wilson, 2003
Will we ever have an integrated, comprehensive explanation for the bewildering explosions of violence that accompanied the end of the New Order? In a relatively short time span – roughly between 1997 and 2002 – ethnic groups fought each other in Kalimantan, anti-Chinese pogroms took place in (mainly) Java and Sumatra, while Muslims and Christians went after each other in Central Sulawesi, Ambon and North Maluku. This violence was due – at least according to the main studies of this period – to anxieties caused by the destabilisation of established hierarchies and patronage channels during the New Order’s collapse.

Chris Wilson’s study of one such violent region – North Maluku – takes the reader beyond general explanations, and shows how these national developments interacted with local anxieties and power struggles to produce a tragedy from which North Maluku is yet to recover. Based on nine months of fieldwork in different regions of North-Maluku, Wilson discusses how in 1999 and 2000 a relatively small land dispute between ethnic groups gradually morphed into an all-out religious war. In a clear and accessible style, Wilson reconstructs how this relatively minor land dispute in a remote district called Malifut escalated due to the political strategising around the upcoming election of a new governor. When angry victims of this conflict were relocated to Ternate, a chain of reaction and counter-reaction was started that led to more than 3000 deaths, with about 250,000 people displaced.

This violence then spread through North Maluku in different phases. The dispute in Malifut was followed by an anti-Christian pogrom in Ternate and Tidore, which then stimulated Christians in north Halmahera to violently expel the Muslim minority. This was followed, curiously enough, by intra-Muslim fighting in Ternate until the conflict degenerated into a religious war; in the early months of 2000, a ‘jihad army’ of local volunteers were fighting Christian troops in several parts of Halmahera. The violence was the stuff of nightmares: the raging mobs raped, ate hearts, cut off the heads of their victims, and left both churches and mosques full of dead bodies.

Why did this tragedy take place? The ingenuity of Wilson’s book lies in the way the author uses different theoretical perspectives to analyse how the conflict gradually escalated. On each phase he applies a different perspective, familiarising the reader with resource mobilisation theory, instrumentalist theories of violence, theories about identity and the concept of security dilemma. These different perspectives make sense: Wilson shows how the earlier phases can be understood in the light of power struggles between elites, while in the later stages fear of the other side was so intense that, according to Wilson, people engaged in violent pre-emptive attacks to regain a sense of security. It is this application of a broad range of theories of violence that makes Wilson’s book valuable for readers whose interest lies beyond North Maluku or Indonesia: Wilson’s theoretically informed case-study can stimulate thinking on the conflict dynamics behind many other cases of ethnic or religious violence.

It is this application of a broad range of theories of violence that makes Wilson’s book valuable for readers whose interest lies beyond North Maluku or Indonesia

Wilson ends up criticising the general explanation for the post-New Order violence that focuses merely on the collapse of the New Order power struggles. He calls for a ‘syncretic approach’ that focuses not only on the broader structures but also on the motivation of the people on the ground. He wants analysts to pay attention to ‘the interaction of static and changing structures with (…) human agency’: how do social structures cause ordinary people to want violence? That is a promise Wilson does not really fulfill. His book is so focused on describing the violent events themselves, that we get very little information on the social structures in which people in North Maluku live their lives.

And we do not really get to know the violent actors, as Wilson offers very few quotations from his informants about their motivations. What was it about North Maluku that made this province so susceptible to violence? How did the nature of day-to-day life underlie the way people came to accept the use of violence?

As a reader, because I did not get close to the experiences and perceptions of those who perpetrated the violence, I was left with a slightly bewildered feeling. Wilson’s book made me understand the dynamics of the different conflict-phases in North Maluku, but not why people were so easily swayed by these dynamics.

But that is not completely fair to Chris Wilson. One can only do so much in one study: the documentation and analysis of the complex waves of violence must itself have been a gigantic task. By performing it so well he has done a major service to future historians and all those who want to get a better understanding of this dark period in Indonesia’s history.

Chris Wilson, Ethno-Religious Violence in Indonesia: From Soil to God. Oxon: Routledge, 2008.

Ward Berenschot (w.j.berenschot@uva.nl) wrote his PhD thesis on Hindu-Muslim violence in India; he is currently working on a research project that compares India’s and Indonesia’s communal violence.
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Aug 13, 2010

Indonesian Cleric's Arrest Disrupts Radicalization in Southeast Asia

VOA
Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir talks to journalists in Jakarta (file photo)
Photo: AP
Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir talks to journalists in Jakarta (file photo)
Radical Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir was arrested August 9 after a months-long investigation into a terrorist group calling itself al-Qaida in Aceh. Analysts say his arrest was more significant than just the disruption of a terrorist plot. It demonstrated, they say, a new emphasis by Indonesian authorities on preventing radicalization and terrorist recruitment in Southeast Asia.

Radical Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir was charged Wednesday with helping plan terrorist attacks in Indonesia. It is a crime that carries a maximum penalty of death. Police say he was involved in setting up a terrorist cell and militant training camp in Aceh Province that was plotting high-profile assassinations and attacks on foreigners in the capital.

Symbolic importance

But terrorism expert Rohan Gunaratna with the Singapore-based Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies says Bashir's symbolic importance to the radical Islamic movement surpasses any operational role he may have played.

"Bashir remains a central figure in terrorism in Southeast Asia and globally," Gunaratna said. "He's the public face. He's the iconic figure when it comes to terrorism in Southeast Asia. There is no one who is more prominent than Abu Bakar Bashir in Southeast Asia."

Who is he?

The 71-year-old cleric is a co-founder and spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiyah, the al-Qaida linked terrorist network. Its purpose is to establish an Islamic caliphate extending over the Muslim areas of south-east Asia.

Jemaah Islamiyah is blamed for a series of bombings that killed over 250 people in the last decade, including those on Bali in 2002 and 2005.

Bashir spent more than two years in prison for his involvement in the 2002 terrorist bombings on Bali that killed 202 people. The Indonesian Supreme Court threw out his conviction in 2006.

Bashir has denied any involvement in terrorism but he continues to speak out and founded a legal organization called Jama'ah Ansharut Tauhid or JAT that promotes the creation of an Islamic state in Indonesia. His arrest had been anticipated after several JAT members were arrested in May for allegedly funding terrorist activities in Aceh.

No mistakes

Security analyst Ken Conboy with Risk Management Advisory says police took its time collecting intelligence and evidence against Bashir so as not to repeat the mistakes they made the last time the arrested him.

"The government really blew the case against him," Conboy said. "They had him in prison. They couldn't make any of the bigger charges stick and even the charges they did eventually get, he was let free. So I think the government really stumbled the last time around and I am sure this time they were being very very methodical and making sure they had as tight as case as possible before they arrested him."

Bashir blames pressure from the United States and Australia for his arrest and some hardline Islamic organizations in Indonesia defend him as a victim of anti-Islamic forces.

Extensive influence

Gunaratna says Bashir's influence in radicalizing Muslims and recruiting terrorists extended throughout Southeast Asia. Malaysia recently arrested three suspected militants believed to have ties with the radical cleric.

And he says Bashir's arrest is a turning point for the region's war on terror. It shows that Indonesian authorities are now willing to go after ideological figures with significant public support that promote extremist causes.

"The president of Indonesia should be congratulated because previous presidents did not take the threat seriously," Gunaratna noted, "and certainly the government of Indonesia should send to prison not only those who are operational terrorists but ideological terrorists, people who write, who advocate and who support terrorism. And Abu Bakar Bashir belongs to all those categories."

But he says this new emphasis on cracking down on those propagating extremist messages is just beginning, and more must be done to prevent the radicalization of another generation of Muslims in Southeast Asia.
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Aug 9, 2010

New Asean Chair in 2011 Raises Expectations

Coat of arms of ASEANImage via Wikipedia
Irrawaddy

By SAW YAN NAING Monday, August 9, 2010



JAKARTA—Indonesia will take over the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) in 2011, and many observers have high expectations from the region's largest democracy.

Some believe that Indonesia will be a good Asean chair because the nation is now viewed by many to be a model country as a defender of human rights within the Asean grouping.

Thung Ju Lan, a professor at the Research Center for Society and Culture in the Indonesia Institute of Science, told The Irrawaddy in Jakarta that Indonesia can be a catalyst to find a common platform for the rest of Asean members, especially in regard to Burma improving its human rights record.

Sources within Asean in Bangkok also told The Irrawaddy that when Indonesia becomes Asean chair, it may actively pressure the Asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) to push Burma to improve its human rights record and t0 work harder on democratic reform.

During the Asean summit in Hanoi last month, Asean Deputy Secretary-General Bagas Hapsoro told the Jakarta Post that he wished to see Jakarta become the “Brussels of the East,” increasing in power and relevance under the 2008 Asean Charter.

“There will be a lot of meetings, not only in Jakarta but also in other cities,” said Bagas, when Indonesia becomes the host of Asean.

Some believe that Indonesia’s role is set to increase further, becoming a regional center for economic and diplomatic activity, since the Asean office is based in Jakarta.

Other observers, however, have raised concerns about the expectations of the secretariat’s capability to facilitate the bloc’s vision of making Asean states a fully integrated community by 2015.

Addressing the issue of multi-cultural differences and the various needs of ethnic minorities, Thung Ju Lan, said, "The first thing we need is to try to understand the differences and respect them."

Some observers also noted that Asean's core principle of non-interference in a member country's internal affairs is a de facto Asean element that has been used by the Burmese military regime since 1962 to avoid censure and deflect criticism.

Anggara, who uses one name, a humarn rights advocate and lawyer who is executive director of the Indonesian Advocates Association in Jakarta, told The Irrawaddy that his country needed to somehow redefine the non-interference principle in order to promote human rights more effectively.

At the recent 16th Asean summit in Hanoi, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said the bloc wanted very much to see the Burmese election attain international recognition and credibility.

In March 2010, during his visit to Burma, Marty Natalegawa told his Burmese counterpart, Nyan Win, in Naypyidaw that Jakarta expected the regime to “uphold its commitment to have an election that allows all parties to take part.”
Some observers have said change will come slowly in Burma and it will come from within despite the Burmese military regime's suppression of democracy.

An Indonesian human rights defender, Rafendi Djamin, who is a representative of Indonesia to the Asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), said Burma's future is not guaranteed to improve after its planned election.

“There will be a lot of risk,” he said. “ And the country will have to find a way to deal with difficult situations. The more repressive the regime is, the more you need smart people to be able to sustain the [democracy] movement.”
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Supporting syariah, advancing women

Inside Indonesia

The life and work of an Islamic teacher in Aceh shows that the struggle for gender equality is about much more than syariah.

David Kloos



Umi Rahimum at her dayah
David Kloos

In Aceh, a special formulation of Islamic law, the qanun, was implemented in 2003, and ever since, national and international media covering Aceh have been obsessed with it. Although this interest is perhaps understandable, it also results in distorted, incomplete, and sometimes false portrayals of local dynamics.

The issue of gender equality is a case in point. Media claiming to present a balanced view of current events in Aceh often concentrate on the public debate between fierce defenders of Islamic law on the one hand, and Aceh’s critical, visible and eloquent women’s rights movement on the other. While locating and portraying this debate is itself laudable (most media reports do not even reach this degree of sensitivity), what also happens is that the broader struggle for gender equality is equated with the debate about syariah. But in reality, this struggle takes multiple forms.
Umi Rahimun’s story

It is possible to illustrate this point by narrating, in very broad strokes, the life, work, and ideas of Umi Rahimun, a female religious teacher who lives in a rural area just outside the provincial capital of Banda Aceh. Umi Rahimun (the address umi, or umm, means ‘mother’ in Arabic) is the leader of a dayah – a traditional Islamic school – that she founded in 2001.

The vast majority of the boys and girls attending her school, of which there are well over 300, are of primary school age. They go to ‘ordinary’ (secular) school in the morning, and in the afternoon they go to Rahimun’s school. There they are taught elementary religious knowledge and skills, such as reading and reciting the Quran. In the evening a new group of around 60 older students arrives to study more advanced subjects, such as Quranic interpretation, Islamic jurisprudence, and mysticism.

Rahimun was born in 1968 in a well-to-do family in Banda Aceh. Her father, after a short military career, had been a prosperous textile trader. However, in the 1970s the family became impoverished, and her childhood was characterised by economic hardship, the divorce of her parents, and the death of her mother when she was 14 years old. While it had been Rahimun’s childhood dream to become a teacher, after she finished high school her family was too poor for her to enrol in teachers college. Instead, she decided to pursue her studies in a dayah. First she studied for two years in Samalanga in North Aceh. After that she moved to one of the largest and most prestigious dayah in Aceh, the Dayah Darussalam in South Aceh, where she spent six years.

Rahimun came back to Banda Aceh in 1996, immediately after the death of her father. Although by that time she was 27 years old, she decided that it was still too early to find a job or get married. Instead, she enrolled in the state Islamic university, a somewhat unusual move for an alumnus of a traditional dayah. By then, she was able to make a living teaching private religious lessons to children of wealthy families.

When she graduated in 2003, she had already established her own school in a village where her family owned some land. At the time, the armed conflict in Aceh between the Acehnese separatist movement and the Indonesian army had escalated, and Rahimun’s older sister especially objected to the idea of a woman going to live alone in a rural area at a time of civil war. But Rahimun pushed through, and assisted by a former classmate from the university, whom she married in 2004, she eventually made her school into the successful institution it is today.
Education and ambition

In recalling her life story, Umi Rahimun speaks proudly about the way she was able to combine ‘modern’ and ‘traditional’ education, each with its particular virtues. At the same time, she criticises the division between secular and religious schools as unnatural, and a product of Dutch colonialism. Although she shares this view with many other ulama (religious scholars), she also explicitly acts on it.

While teaching a religious curriculum, she tries to avoid the normative, black and white (halal versus haram, or allowed versus forbidden) view of the world encountered in many dayah. In her view, a narrow focus on personal worship and rules of behaviour does not offer enough preparation to help solve today’s big problems, such as pollution, war, or corruption. She regards such issues equally as ‘moral’ problems, and actively discusses them in her lessons. In addition, she encourages her students to search for knowledge elsewhere. In fact, most of her evening students also study at the Islamic university or the (secular) Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh.



Learning the basics: day students study how to recite the Quran
David Kloos

Seeking knowledge beyond the dayah is crucial, she believes, because the centuries-old religious treatises making up the dayah curriculum ‘tell you nothing about climate change or the hole in the ozone layer’.

Umi Rahimun also urges her female students to learn about Islam while ‘becoming doctors and scientists’. She blames culturally defined patriarchal relations (not Islam) for the subordinate role of women in Acehnese society: ‘Islam does not forbid women to work outside the household, and women in Aceh have always done so. In fact, there is no difference between working on a rice field and working in an office, but there is still a lack of understanding in our culture, which makes some men claim that women cannot work as teachers or in offices. This needs to be changed.'

In this respect Umi Rahimun explicitly thinks of herself as part of the Acehnese women’s rights movement. But this does not mean she merely criticises ‘men’ or ‘culture’. She argues that Acehnese women should also raise their own expectations and ambitions. In engaging with her female students, she keeps repeating that they ‘should not be fearful, not let themselves be restricted, and become smart and eloquent’. This is especially important, says Umi Rahimun, if they want to help restore the existing imbalance in Aceh between men and women in important leadership positions. ‘According to Islam, the husband leads his wife. But this goes only for the household. Outside the household women are equal to men and may take up positions according to their capabilities. So why then, if I enter the Office for Religious Affairs in Banda Aceh, and I look at the leadership chart on the wall, do I only see the faces of men?’

Umi Rahimum argues that Acehnese women should also raise their own expectations and ambitions. In engaging with her female students, she keeps repeating that they ‘should not be fearful, not let themselves be restricted, and become smart and eloquent’

While the school is Rahimun’s most important platform, another activity into which she weaves her activist agenda is teaching Islam to adult women at weekly classes in various locations. She told me that, at first, she became anxious if her students’ questions strayed far from the topics which are central to the centuries-old texts that are the foundation of teaching and discussion in a dayah. Such topics might include proper practices of worship, marriage, or inheritance. However, over the course of years she has become more confident about discussing contemporary issues and problems. Nowadays, she discusses topics such as divorce, domestic violence, sexuality and reproductive health or sexually transmitted diseases (like HIV/AIDS), if possible relating solutions to examples drawn from the old texts.

Doing so is sometimes difficult. The treatises normally used in the dayah are notoriously patriarchal and male-centred. At the same time, she is not confined to them either. When her adult students ask her whether Islam allows them to demand help from their husbands in the household, she uses the well known story of the Prophet Muhammad sewing his own clothes to show that it is perfectly right to ask for help, or even obligatory. As for more fraught subjects, such as domestic violence and the right to divorce, it is sometimes necessary to move straight to the Quran. Thus, she urges women to read the phrases in the Quran about the rights of women, asking them rhetorically, ‘how can men be able to lead their families when they cannot act morally themselves?’
Thinking about gender

Umi Rahimun traces her ideas about gender relations and the education of women to several influences. She mentions both her parents: her father who, employing the vocabulary of an army veteran, had always encouraged her to be ‘strong and brave’, to ‘struggle’, and even to become a ‘patriot’ and a ‘hero’; and her mother, who, even though working as a housewife, was always busy teaching other women in her neighbourhood how to cook, sew, and manage a household.



Umi Rahimum and her staff
David Kloos

Another important influence was her teacher in Labuhan Haji, the dayah where she spent six years (including three as a teacher). Her teacher had been ‘less narrow-minded’ than most ulama, often telling his students to pursue knowledge outside the confines of the dayah. Today, her main influence is an altogether different source, namely the connections she forges with various women’s organisations and activists in Banda Aceh, which help her to increase her vocabulary about women’s rights and stiffen her determination to improve the position of women. Finally, in conversations she always stresses her own personal struggle to overcome hardships as a crucial inspiration.

Of course, all of this does not necessarily mean that Umi Rahimun is morally less conservative than many of her male colleagues. For example, when talking to her students about sexuality, she will just as readily discuss the necessity to cover their body as she will the issue of women’s rights. And while she disseminates knowledge about HIV, she also connects the spread of the virus to what she thinks of as morally reprehensible acts like adultery and prostitution, emphasising the necessity of an ‘ethical life’ and ‘control of desire’. She is against abortion, even in the case of rape, because it is ‘prohibited by Islam’. But at the same time she underlines that young boys especially should be educated about such matters, arguing that, in the case of rape, it is men – not women – who act immorally.
Syariah is not the point

Coming back again to the issue of syariah, it may not be surprising that Umi Rahimun supports its implementation in Aceh. However, her support does not mean that she is not critical of its application. Like many other Acehnese, she complains that the way Islamic law is now implemented punishes the behaviour of women rather than men, and ordinary people rather than the elite. Thus she questions politicians’ and administrators’ zealousness in patrolling headscarves and tight pants, ‘while not doing anything about the drunks and gangsters harassing women and men in bus terminals’. Their one-sided view, she suspects, probably has more to do with increasing their own power and visibility than with the moral uplifting of Acehnese society.

But this is not really the point I want to make here. In fact, Umi Rahimun’s story has little to do with syariah. Yet it has everything to do with changing gender relations and the practices that evolve from them. In her lessons she discusses the importance of moral behaviour, but also the lack of women in leadership structures, and how to remedy this situation. Her mission is for Acehnese women to become trained, disciplined, knowledgeable, and therefore ready to be amongst Aceh’s future leaders.

It is true that most leaders and students of the Acehnese dayah, including women, are supporters of the new syariah laws. However, this does not automatically mean that these women cannot also be agents in the female struggle for gender equality. Umi Rahimun’s story shows that to understand the struggle for women’s rights in Aceh one must look beyond the division between conservative patriarchal male leaders on the one hand, and urban, progressive, middle-class female activists on the other. The picture that results may be more ambivalent, but it is also more realistic.

David Kloos (d.kloos@let.vu.nl) is a PhD candidate at the History department of the VU University, Amsterdam (The Netherlands). He is currently conducting research on Islamic education and everyday Islam in Aceh.
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Art for Allah’s sake

Inside Indonesia

A unique pesantren, founded and led by an internationally recognised Indonesian calligrapher, attracts men and women from all over the archipelago


Virginia Hooker

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Pak Didin (first right) entertains visitors to the calligraphy pesantren,
with marawis ensemble waiting to play.
Virginia Hooker

Concentrating intensely, a group of young Muslims guide their pens to form the flowing Arabic letters which spell out the verses of the holy Qur’an. They are talented artists who have come from across the Indonesian archipelago to study with Didin Sirojuddin, one of Indonesia’s leading calligraphers and to devote themselves to mastering the complex rules of Islamic calligraphy.

‘Writing for Allah’ is both an act of devotion and a peaceful and positive expression of Islam. The first letter of the Arabic alphabet, the upright single stroke called ‘alif,’ is believed to have been created by a divine pen activated by mystical light. The students studying with Pak Didin, as he is known, use a range of different sizes of styluses made from wood imported from Saudi Arabia for classical calligraphy. The sizes and proportions of each letter are based on a strict code of geometric rules devised by the 10th century master, Ibn Muqla. The size of the dot made by the point of the stylus is used as the basic measure to calculate the height and width of each letter.

Pak Didin’s students follow the ancient rules of calligraphy. But they are firmly planted in the here and now. They do modern calligraphy using felt pens. And when they need to double-check the wording or spelling of a Qur’anic verse they borrow an iPhone to log in to a Qur’an website, locate the verse, and check their copy against it. Modern technology makes its contribution to the accurate rendering of God’s sacred words.
A unique pesantren

Indonesia has thousands of pesantren, Islamic schools and colleges, which teach the Islamic sciences, including Arabic calligraphy. But Pak Didin’s pesantren is the only one which is devoted entirely to the study and practice of calligraphy. Although he has taught calligraphy both in Jakarta and in a number of provinces since the 1980s, he believed only the establishment of a special centre dedicated to advanced accredited courses would produce a new generation of professional calligraphers.

It was a painstaking process, beginning in 1996, to garner support from religious leaders, identify a suitable location, and raise funding to buy land and build a pesantren. In August 1998 the first students were enrolled at the Pesantren for Qur’anic Calligraphy. At present it is a modest group of buildings located on the outskirts of West Java’s beautiful hill resort of Sukabumi, although Pak Didin hopes to expand. The buildings feature open-air pavilions surrounded by trees and overlooking terraced rice fields, misty mountains, and fast-running streams. Pak Didin encourages his students to take their materials out into the beautiful surroundings so that their work can be inspired by the natural beauty and reflect God’s power of creation.

Didin admires the civilisation of ancient Greece because it valued and loved knowledge. It continues to inspire him, especially Socratic philosophy. ‘Socrates was very close to God and would hold dialogues with members of society – I do that too,’ explains Didin. Socrates would walk through Athens asking questions of those he passed so that he could try to help them. Didin practises the same philosophy with his students. He also applies it at national calligraphy competitions which bring together Indonesian calligraphers from all over the archipelago. Beginning in 1988 he started asking the participants what they felt they needed to develop Indonesian calligraphy and what the obstacles were. Their replies became a stimulus for his work.

The 120 students who enrol annually for the full-time, two semester, diploma course at the pesantren study classical and contemporary styles of calligraphy. They also study Qur’anic interpretation and Islamic civilisation, marketing and entrepreneurship, social service and preparation for calligraphy competitions. There are regular visits to galleries, museums and exhibitions, and meetings with established calligraphers. The pesantren also encourages music and the marawis (drum) ensemble of young men often accompanies groups of young women who sing kasidah, or religious songs, set to lively tunes with subtle, beautiful rhythms. A part-time, intensive course is offered at Pak Didin’s Jakarta base in Ciputat which is well-attended every weekend. Children can learn the basics of calligraphy at a kindergarten run by his wife at the Sukabumi pesantren or in special school holiday courses. Pak Didin has published many books on calligraphy, including sets of graded texts for his students.

Pak Didin’s staff are as dedicated as he is and all teach for minimal pay. This means that even the poorest of students - if they have talent and commitment - can enrol for courses. Pak Didin stresses that all his staff are appointed on merit. He does not follow the old tradition of pesantrens dominated by one religious teacher whose relatives and family hold key positions in the pesantren. He says that the calligraphy pesantren belongs to all who use it.
From comics to calligraphy

Born near Kuningan in West Java in 1957, Pak Didin was always drawing. Between 1969 and 1975 he attended the famous Pondok Moderen Gontor in East Java and began his formal study of calligraphy. He continued his studies at the State Islamic Institute (now University) Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta, where he has long been a lecturer. One of his hobbies was illustrating comic books and his talent was recognised by Hamka’s son, Rusydi. He was so impressed that he invited the young Didin to become a reporter with the magazine Panji Masyarakat, where he worked during the 1980s. This was also the period he was making his name as winner of national and international calligraphic competitions.

Pak Didin is acknowledged as one of Indonesia’s best practitioners of classical calligraphy. He is also well-known for his calligraphic paintings in which ‘classical’ calligraphy is combined with abstract art, featuring icon-like representations. These works have been shown in many public exhibitions and purchased by collectors. Even in his abstract art calligraphy, we can see Pak Didin’s interest in social issues. But it is in his designs for calendars that his conviction that calligraphy can serve society is most evident. Since the early 1990s, Pak Didin has been preparing calendars with each month’s picture featuring a vibrantly inscribed verse from the Qur’an. The themes differ from year to year based on the key social issue of that time. The annual themes have included corruption, justice, education for children, poverty and hunger, using Qur’anic verses appropriate to each issue. In this way, he is providing a daily reminder to his fellow Muslims of God’s words of guidance for them.
Calligraphy competitions

Pak Didin encourages his students to enter calligraphy competitions. He believes competing fosters their talent, broadens their experience and deepens their religious practice. Pak Didin was himself grand champion of the all-ASEAN calligraphy competition of 1987. He serves as a judge for Indonesian competitions and is invited to exhibit and judge in contests throughout the Middle East, in Turkey and Pakistan, as well as in Southeast Asia.

There were not many contestants in the early 1980s, when calligraphy had just been accepted as a serious category in the Indonesian National Qur’an Recitation Competition. Gradually, with the encouragement of masters such as Pak Didin, the numbers have grown into the hundreds. Women and men enter a range of categories, the most demanding of which lasts for seven hours. During that time contestants have to inscribe a set Qur’anic verse in seven different styles of script, and illuminate the verse with a decorated border.

Pak Didin judges at calligraphy competitions across Indonesia, from local to provincial and national levels. He takes the opportunity to use his ‘Socratic dialogue’ technique to ask judges, officials and competitors for their opinions and their needs. Based on this feedback he says, ‘Young students of calligraphy in regional areas are crying out for attention and for more intensive training.’ His pesantren at Sukabumi and his centre in Jakarta teach hundreds of students each year, but not thousands. It is Pak Didin’s dream to make specialist teaching available to more and more Indonesians across the country. Many of the graduates from his courses become teachers and return to their home villages to continue and extend his work.
Piety and beauty

Calligraphy is multi-faceted in its effects on Muslims. Those who actually write the letters experience a direct relationship with the sacred words of revelation as each letter is inscribed and placed on a surface. They perform an act of devotion as they re-create and give substance to the words of the Qur’an. Viewers of a completed work of calligraphy, whether it be placed on a wall, a calendar, a plate, or even a headband, may or may not be able to understand the meaning of the Arabic words. Even if they do not understand the message from Allah, they are able to appreciate the visual effect of the beauty of the letters as a work of art.

The harmony between the dimensions of each letter, their relationship to each other, and the pleasing symmetry each calligraphic phrase presents to viewers, is symbolic of the perfection of Allah and His essential oneness. It serves as a reminder of Allah’s power and omnipotence in all spheres of creation. It invites the viewer to reflect, if only briefly, on the spiritual aspects of being. As Panji Masyarakat noted, for Pak Didin ‘calligraphy is not only about aesthetics it also about metaphysics’.

Recognising the grace and benefits that contact with calligraphy brings, Indonesian Muslims purchase objects decorated with Qur’anic calligraphy to display in their mosques, offices and homes. As the Muslim middle class strengthens, its members increasingly dedicate part of their income to pious acts. And more and more members of this new middle class are deciding to spend money on learning calligraphy. If they have insufficient talent or time to devote to classes, they buy calligraphic works, even if these are calendars and wall hangings.

Graduates from the certificate course at the unique calligraphy pesantren are conscious of the spiritual benefits their calligraphic practice brings. They are also increasingly confident that they can make a livelihood selling serious and not so serious works of calligraphic art. Many also say they want to continue Pak Didin’s work of teaching calligraphy to those young Indonesians who are ‘crying out for attention and for more intensive training.’ As a result of Pak Didin’s work, his graduates are ensuring that calligraphy, the noblest of the Islamic arts, remains a living tradition. Not confined to museums or art galleries their writing for Allah is within reach of almost all Indonesian Muslims.

Virginia Hooker (Virginia.Hooker@anu.edu.au) is a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Political and Social Change, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University. She would like to thank Bapak and Ibu Sirojuddin for their hospitality and patience and Ismatu Ropi MA who introduced the author to them. Pak Didin very kindly gave the author permission to photograph and re-produce his work here.
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Aug 5, 2010

Indonesian Social Science Review, Vol. 1, 2010

Vol.1 - 2010


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Aug 1, 2010

The spirit of Sudirman

Inside Indonesia

A mural competition in Yogyakarta sees Indonesians reinterpreting their revolutionary past in the light of present concerns


Matthew Woolgar

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Between midnight and 4am on 15 November 2009 approximately 2000 people took part in ‘Yogya Wall Nation’, a mural competition held in the centre of Yogyakarta. The participants produced around 500 murals for the competition which were then displayed for several weeks along the length of Jalan Malioboro, a famous shopping stretch in central Yogyakarta.
The theme of the mural display was 'The Spirit of Sudirman' - Sudirman being the first Commander in Chief of the Indonesian armed forces. He is also officially recognised in Indonesia as a national hero for his role in the revolutionary struggle against the Dutch.

One competition, many motivations

The competition was organised with the involvement of local army units and the Yogyakarta city government. Registration took place in army posts and the army also provided logistical support, for example installing the completed murals on bamboo frames along Jalan Malioboro. Indeed, the idea for the competition emerged during inspections of student accommodation by the army and police forces as part of an anti-terrorism exercise.
Lieutenant Colonel Arudji Anwar explained that most student rooms were ‘without posters of the Indonesian heroes who founded the nation’. He saw, however, ‘lots of posters of people from foreign countries’, which deeply concerned him. This led to the idea of a mural contest as a means to raise consciousness of, and pride in, Indonesian national heroes.
If for the army the competition offered the opportunity to promote its national heroes, for the city government the competition supported their efforts to develop Yogyakarta as a centre for culture and tourism. In particular, the competition provided the chance to help develop Yogyakarta's reputation as a 'city of murals'. This is part of a wider effort that has seen the local authorities commission street art around the city, for example, to mark Yogyakarta’s Biennial celebrations.
Although the competition was aimed at young people, it drew participants from diverse backgrounds. Competitors ranged from tattooed punks to policemen and came from as far away as Bali and Sumatra. They were partly drawn by the attraction of cash prizes for the winning murals, with a total of Rp.21,000,000 (A$2500) to be divided between six prize-winning murals. More importantly however, the competition offered them the chance to express their own interpretation of Indonesia’s past.

One spirit, many interpretations

The theme of the event gave competitors wide scope to re-interpret the life of Sudirman and the Indonesian national struggle. The organisers judged the images against values they took to represent the 'Spirit of Sudirman': a refusal to give up, simplicity or modesty and a willingness to make sacrifices for the nation.
In practice, however, participants used the contest’s theme as a stimulus to tackle a range of concerns about present Indonesian politics together with its society and culture. Murals dealt with issues in the news at that time or with local significance, as well as exploring the themes of national and cultural identity.
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Corruption was a theme of a number of murals. This issue had particular potency because the contest took place not long after evidence had emerged implicating the police and public prosecutors in a conspiracy to frame two leaders of the Corruption Eradication Commission, which sparked demonstrations across the country. In the above mural the simplicity of Sudirman's life is contrasted with the greed of corrupt officials. The text on the right reads 'General Sudirman persevered in struggling for independence, a modest man and leader.' The lead rat is saying 'I'm the king of state corruption.'
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Education was another prominent theme, given its special importance for Yogyakarta, which is known as a centre of learning and is home to a large number of institutions of higher education, including the prestigious Gadjah Mada University.
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Some of the complexities of the influence of western culture were evident in the use of the figure Superman. The first image shows Sudirman, on the left, facing Superman as an equal. Sudirman is wearing a blangkon, a type of Javanese headdress. Behind him are bamboo spears, weapons that are particularly associated in Indonesia with the struggle for independence. The caption reads 'A great and mature nation is a nation that values its heroes.' In the second, Sudirman, again wearing a blangkon, tears back his Superman suit to reveal a batik-style design. The caption reads 'It’s time we were proud of our own culture.'
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Insecurity about Indonesian cultural identity was apparent in several images. The caption in the above image reads: 'Struggling to defend Indonesian culture’. The inclusion of a dancing woman is particularly significant. Earlier in 2009 a widely publicised dispute erupted over the use of the Balinese Pendet dance in Malaysian tourism adverts. Many Indonesians felt this was a case of Malaysia trying to 'steal' Indonesian culture. Other symbols of Indonesian cultural identity are visible in the background: on the left is a becak and at the top of the image are two signs for shops selling batik.
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Several murals, including this one, had captions in Javanese, demonstrating the enduring significance of a distinctly Javanese culture in Yogyakarta. The caption of the above image encourages people to act themselves in defence of the culture rather than leaving the work to others.
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Others, such as the one above, interpreted the spirit of Sudirman as a journey striving towards a bright future for the nation. However, there was also a note of uncertainty about what that future would entail. The mural below highlights this uncertainty. The caption asks where Indonesia is, or should be, heading.
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Yogya Wall Nation was a great success, attracting more participants than were expected and bringing together people from diverse backgrounds. The organisers were so impressed that they extended the length of time the murals were displayed and there are plans to make the competition an annual event. Contestants became involved for various reasons but the contest acted as a focus to bring these disparate groups together.
A key attraction for the artists was the opportunity to freely express their particular view on the importance of the ‘spirit of Sudirman’. The result was that the competition's theme acted as a starting point to make varied statements about a whole range of pressing issues, showing how vibrantly Indonesia's past and present are being contested in post-reformasi Indonesia.
Matthew Woolgar (matthew.woolgar@googlemail.com) graduated in History from the University of Oxford. He is currently in Yogyakarta studying Indonesian language.
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