Ammunition sales hit record high in first year of Obama administration - washingtonpost.com

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By David A. Fahrenthold and Fredrick Kunkle
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, November 2, 2009 4:42 PM

In a year of job losses, foreclosures and bag lunches, Americans have spent record-breaking amounts of money on guns and ammunition. The most obvious sign of their demand: empty ammunition shelves.

At points during the past year, bullets have been selling faster than factories could make them.

Gun owners have bought about 12 billion rounds of ammunition in the past year, industry officials estimate. That's up from 7 billion to 10 billion in a normal year.

It's happened, oddly, at a time when the two concerns that usually make people buy guns and bullets -- crime and increased gun control -- seem less threatening than usual.

The explanation for the run on bullets lies partly in economics: Once rounds were scarce, people hoarded them, which made them scarcer.

But the rush for bullets, like this year's increase in gun sales, also says something about how suspicious the two sides of the gun-control debate are of one another, even at a time when the issue is on Washington's back burner.

The run started, observers say, as people heeded warnings from the gun-rights lobby that a new Democratic administration would make bullets more expensive or harder to get. Now that the shortage is starting to ease, gun-control groups are voicing their own dark worries about stockpiled ammunition.

In between, in the 12 months since last October, gun shops sold enough bullets to give every American 38 of them.

"We've had people buy ammunition for calibers they don't even have the gun for: 'Oh, I want to get this gun eventually. And when I get it, ammunition may be hard to get,' " said Michael Tenny, who runs a Fort Worth-based Internet sporting goods store called Cheaper Than Dirt.

Tenny said some of his ammunition tripled in price, but he still sold it: "It's just like playoff tickets."

It was already a political truism that Democrats prompt sales of both guns and ammo. The U.S. government taxes both to support wildlife conservation, and those receipts jumped after Bill Clinton was elected and after Democrats retook Congress in 2006.

But the spike under Obama seems to be on a different scale: The receipts are on pace to set a record in 2009, according to U.S. Treasury Department data, with tax revenue due from guns up 42 percent and revenue due from ammunition at 49 percent. Recently, analysts have said earnings reports from gunmakers seem to show demand for weapons slackening.

The increase in gun buying during the past year explains a large part of the increase in ammunition sales to the private market, experts on the industry say -- but probably not all of it.

They say that bullets were bought not just by new gun owners, but also by those who already owned weapons. And they say bullet sales might have increased even faster if supply had kept up with demand.

Bullet makers say the reasons for these shortages include the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which have made bullet components such as copper and brass more expensive.

For gun owners in the Washington area and elsewhere, the run on ammunition has created shortages and price increases on everything from cheap .22-caliber bullets used for target shooting to the expensive hollow-point 9mm rounds bought for home defense.

In Maryland and Virginia, as in many states, anyone over 21 can buy an unlimited amount of ammunition without a special license or background check. The District has tighter rules for its one licensed ammunition dealer: gun owners can buy bullets only in the same caliber as their registered gun.

The high sales have alarmed some anti-gun groups. Josh Sugarmann, of the Violence Policy Center said he worried about a revival of the anti-government militia movement of the Clinton era.

"This is a pattern that is repeating itself, and it is a pattern that has tremendous risk attached to it," Sugarmann said.

But gun-rights groups say the buyers are law-abiding, and responding to legitimate concerns.

"I think it's Katrina. I think it's terrorism. I think it's crime. And I also think that it's people worrying about [whether] they'll be attacked by politicians," said Wayne LaPierre, executive vice president of the National Rifle Association. "They're suspicious, and justifiably so."

But the most recent FBI crime statistics, from 2008, showed that violent crime rates were the lowest since 1989. The numbers for this year have not been assembled yet, but police groups say violent crime still appears to be down, although there may have been an uptick in property crimes.

As for the subject of gun control, experts say that far from being under attack, groups opposed to gun control have won a remarkable string of victories. Clinton's ban on assault weapons expired in 2004. The U.S. Supreme Court struck down the District's restrictions on handguns, ruling that the Second Amendment creates an individual right to gun ownership.

Under Obama, the White House has said it wants to stop the illegal flow of U.S. guns to Mexican drug cartels, and directed Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. to review the way current gun laws are being enforced.

But a spokesman said that "the president respects and supports the Second Amendment and the tradition of gun ownership in this country." In the biggest gun-related debate of his tenure, Obama sided with gun groups, signing a bill to loosen the rules on firearms in national parks.

Still, in interviews with gun owners and ammunition dealers, many said the run on bullets was sparked by worries about what Obama might do.

"It was just logical, based on his record as a state senator and his record in the U.S. Senate," said Dave Sugg, 37, a consultant in Ashburn, after taking target practice with a .22 caliber semi-automatic Ruger rifle at a shooting range.

Courting goodwill in Rio's mean streets - washingtonpost.com

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Community policing offered in slums as an alternative to tough security forces

By Juan Forero
Tuesday, October 27, 2009

RIO DE JANEIRO -- The residents of Santa Marta, one of this violent city's many hillside slums, had never seen someone quite like the new police captain, a woman who strolled its maze of passageways to shake hands and ask residents what services the government might deliver.

They had also not seen officers quite like the ones she commanded. Instead of wearing riot gear, they had on soft blue berets, and instead of storming Santa Marta with guns blazing, a scene common to Rio's shantytowns, they came to generate goodwill with residents normally fearful of police.

The recent arrival of Capt. Pricilla de Oliveira Azevedo and her officers was part of a new community policing strategy that officials in Rio hope will curtail the kind of violence that erupted this month. Street gangs shot down a police helicopter, killing three officers, and gunfights in the streets left more than 30 dead.

The mayhem shook the city and raised concerns about whether the government is prepared to tame bustling shantytowns ahead of the 2016 Olympics, which Rio recently won after defeating Chicago and two other cities. Though capturing the Olympics was a personal victory for President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, authorities here were mortified when the violence in this picturesque seaside city was televised worldwide.

The tough police tactics that Rio's security forces have long used -- complete with assault rifles, armored personnel carriers and helicopters -- have by no means ended in the city's favelas, as the slums are known.

But Azevedo said that in Santa Marta and in a handful of other once-violent districts, the strategy is to replace the militarized police with patrol officers. She said officers permanently deployed in the favelas would be better positioned to develop intelligence from residents about drug trafficking and to help government authorities determine where new state funds are needed to build homes and provide social programs.

"For a long time this community was abandoned," said Azevedo, 31, who has served in some of the city's toughest districts. "It is difficult to be able to change a 50-year situation in one year, but our intention is to change the minds of people and their impression of the police."

The task will not be easy. Favelas have multiplied from a few hundred a decade ago to more than 1,000. Many spread across steep hillsides, their narrow, concrete passageways leading to tiny cinder-block homes built haphazardly, one above the other. Two million to 3 million of Rio de Janeiro state's 14 million people live in the slums, and most of the country's 5,717 homicides last year took place there.

Life in the favelas has always been hard, but as the slums have grown, and the gangs have grown more violent, the police over the years began to slowly withdraw. Gangs such as the Pure Third Command and the Red Command were left in control, with the Brazilian state virtually absent.

The police would still go into the favelas, residents said, but only to engage traffickers in gun battles like the one that proceeded the helicopter's downing. The police say the gangs are heavily armed, not just with assault rifles but also with rocket launchers and grenades.

"They always arrives at the time when kids are going to school and people are going to work," Daniela Barreto, 27, who lives in a favela called Rocinha. "It's horrible. People start running and panicking."

An Italian-born director of a school in Rocinha said children play-act what they see in the streets, favoring the gangsters who live in their midst. "They play policeman and narcotics dealer, but no one wants to be the policeman," said Barbara Olivi.

Teams of off-duty police officers and firefighters have formed their own militias, which extort local businesses and also fight the drug dealers for preeminence. The United Nations found last year that the police in Rio killed an average of four people a day, prompting the U.N. special rapporteur on extrajudicial executions, Philip Alston, to call the hard-line police operations "murderous and self-defeating."

In recent days, Rio's newspapers have been filled with accounts of how a pair of police officers robbed two men who just moments before had mugged and shot a well-known community leader, Evandro João Silva. When the officers came upon Silva, the authorities said, they did nothing to help him, a sequence captured on a surveillance camera and replayed on local television news programs.

Police officers said they were ashamed by that episode. But it is not hard to find officers in the favelas who favor a hard-line approach to policing. Sgt. Gilson, who asked that his last name not be used because he is not authorized to speak to reporters, said he considers himself a "war veteran" after 17 years on the force.

Toting an assault rifle as he spoke, Gilson said casualties are a necessary byproduct of operations to take back the favelas. "If it weren't like that, the Americans would have left Iraq," he said. "If we show weakness, we will lose."

Jose Mariano Beltrame, Rio's secretary of public security, said authorities are trying to curtail brutality and corruption in the favelas by deploying police officers recently graduated from the academy. Those in the toughest districts are also receiving a bonus that increases their salary by 50 percent.

"These newly trained officers come to the job without the inherent vices that they would pick up on the streets," Beltrame said. The objective, he added, is to return control of the favelas to the state.

Pastor Dione Dos Santos, a former gang member who leads an evangelical church that tries to get criminals to give up their lawless ways, said he does not oppose having more police in the neighborhoods. But he said community-policing units do not make up for a lack of services and opportunities in the favelas, nor does the deployment of new officers automatically alleviate residents' tense relationship with police.

"It's not enough to bring in a police officer who doesn't know the problems of the community," Dos Santos said. "The people don't respect the police because the police don't give them any respect."

In Dresden, Cultural Beauty Meets the Bigotry of Marwa al-Sherbini’s Murder

By MICHAEL KIMMELMAN

DRESDEN, Germany — In early July thousands of mourners took to the streets in Egypt, chanting “Down with Germany.” Thousands more Arabs and Muslims joined them in protests in Berlin. In Iran, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad added to the outcry by denouncing German “brutality.”

The provocation was the murder on July 1 of Marwa al-Sherbini, a pregnant Egyptian pharmacist here. She was stabbed 18 times in a Dresden courtroom, in front of her 3-year-old son, judges and other witnesses, reportedly by the man appealing a fine for having insulted Ms. Sherbini in a park. Identified by German authorities only as a 28-year-old Russian-born German named Alex W., he had called Ms. Sherbini an Islamist, a terrorist and a slut when she asked him to make room for her son on the playground swings. Ms. Sherbini wore a head scarf.

The killer also stabbed Elwi Okaz, Ms. Sherbini’s husband and a genetic research scientist, who was critically wounded as he tried to defend her. The police, arriving late on the scene, mistook him for the attacker and shot him in the leg.

More than a week passed before the German government, responding to rising anger across the Arab world, expressed words of sorrow while stressing that the attack did occur during the prosecution of a racist and that the accused man was originally from Russia.

Dresden is one of the great cultural capitals of Europe. It is also the capital of Saxony, a former part of East Germany that, along with having a reputation as Silicon Saxony, has made more than a few headlines in recent years for incidents of xenophobia and right-wing extremism. One wonders how to reconcile the heights of the city’s culture with the gutter of these events.

This year’s annual report of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Germany’s domestic intelligence agency, showed that far-right crime rose last year by 16 percent across the country. Most of these offenses were classified as propaganda crimes — painting swastikas on Jewish headstones or smashing the windows of restaurants run by immigrants — but politically motivated violent acts like murder, arson and assault accounted for 1,042 of the nearly 20,000 crimes recorded, a rise of 6.3 percent over 2007.

And these violent crimes turned out to be far more commonplace in parts of the former East Germany. Saxony, with roughly 5 percent of the country’s population, accounted for 12 percent of the violence classified as far right in nature, the report said.

These days Dresden’s center, once obliterated by Allied bombs, is a marvel of civility, a restored Baroque fairyland surrounded by Socialist-era and post-Socialist-era sprawl. The rebuilt Frauenkirche, the great Baroque cathedral where Bach played, again marks the skyline with its bell-shaped dome, as it did for centuries.

The ruin of the Frauenkirche became a gathering spot for protests against the East German regime during Communist times. In February, as usual on the anniversary of the Allied air raids, neo-Nazis marched through the streets. Some 7,500 of them carried banners condemning the “bombing holocaust.” They were outnumbered, Spiegel Online reported, by anti-Nazi demonstrators, but 7,500 was nonetheless twice as many neo-Nazis as showed up last year.

The other day only the benign clop-clop of horse-drawn carriages sounded across the cobblestone square outside the cathedral, the carriages bouncing camera-toting tourists past high-end jewelry shops and overpriced cafes. Nearby, the Zwinger palace, perhaps the most beautiful of all Baroque complexes, attracted the usual supplicants to Raphael’s Sistine Madonna, which was paired in the Gemäldegalerie with an African sculpture.

Germany is now a bastion of democracy in the heart of Europe. But the far right is on the rise across the Continent, and xenophobia is gaining in this country, not least among youth and not least singling out Muslims. A recent two-year government survey of 20,000 German teenagers classified one in seven as “highly xenophobic” and another 26.2 percent as “fairly xenophobic.”

“It was known that the figures were high,” Interior Minister Wolfgang Schäuble said. “But I’m appalled that they’re this high.”

The newspaper Tagesspiegel reported that Alex W. asked Ms. Sherbini in the courtroom, “Do you have a right to be in Germany at all?” before warning her that “when the N.D.P. comes to power, there’ll be an end to that.”

“I voted N.D.P..,” he added.

No surprise.

The far-right National Democratic Party, a marginal but noisy troublemaker on the German political scene with a tiny official membership (some 7,000), is as strong in Saxony as it is anywhere. Recent polls have routinely shown its support in the state as nearing 10 percent of the population; it claims 8 seats out of the 124 in the state parliament in Dresden. On Tuesday the party issued a statement calling for a black politician, Zeca Schall, working on regional elections in Thuringia for the ruling Christian Democratic Union, “to head home to Angola.” Thuringia should “remain German,” the statement said. Mr. Schall, Angolan-born, has lived in Thuringia, another region in the former East, since 1988.

High-tech industries and research institutes like the one where Ms. Sherbini’s husband works, which recruit foreign experts, have lifted Dresden economically above much of the rest of the former East, and last year nearly 10 million tourists fattened the city’s coffers. With half a million residents, some 20,000 of them foreigners, the capital looks prosperous and charming, like its old self.

All of which gets back to the problem of reconciliation: What are the humanizing effects of culture?

Evidently, there are none.

To walk through Dresden’s museums, and past the young buskers fiddling Mozart on street corners, is to wonder whether this age-old question may have things backward. It presumes that we’re passive receivers acted on by the arts, which vouchsafe our salvation, moral and otherwise, so long as we remain in their presence. Arts promoters nowadays like to trumpet how culture helps business and tourism; how teaching painting and music in schools boosts test scores. They try to assign practical ends, dollar values and other hard numbers, never mind how dubious, to quantify what’s ultimately unquantifiable.

The lesson of Dresden, which this great city unfortunately seems doomed to repeat, is that culture is, to the contrary, impractical and fragile, helpless even. Residents of Dresden who believed, when the war was all but over, that their home had somehow been spared annihilation by its beauty were all the more traumatized when, in a matter of hours, bombs killed tens of thousands and obliterated centuries of humane and glorious architecture.

The truth is, we can stare as long as we want at that Raphael Madonna; or at Antonello da Messina’s “St. Sebastian,” now beside a Congo fetish sculpture in another room in the Gemäldegalerie; or at the shiny coffee sets, clocks and cups made of coral and mother-of-pearl and coconuts and diamonds culled from the four corners of the earth in the city’s New Green Vault, which contains the spoils of the most cultivated Saxon kings. But it won’t make sense of a senseless murder or help change the mind of a violent bigot.

What we can also do, though, is accept that while the arts won’t save us, we should save them anyway. Because the enemies of civilized society are always just outside the door.