Aug 9, 2010

Supporting syariah, advancing women

Inside Indonesia

The life and work of an Islamic teacher in Aceh shows that the struggle for gender equality is about much more than syariah.

David Kloos



Umi Rahimum at her dayah
David Kloos

In Aceh, a special formulation of Islamic law, the qanun, was implemented in 2003, and ever since, national and international media covering Aceh have been obsessed with it. Although this interest is perhaps understandable, it also results in distorted, incomplete, and sometimes false portrayals of local dynamics.

The issue of gender equality is a case in point. Media claiming to present a balanced view of current events in Aceh often concentrate on the public debate between fierce defenders of Islamic law on the one hand, and Aceh’s critical, visible and eloquent women’s rights movement on the other. While locating and portraying this debate is itself laudable (most media reports do not even reach this degree of sensitivity), what also happens is that the broader struggle for gender equality is equated with the debate about syariah. But in reality, this struggle takes multiple forms.
Umi Rahimun’s story

It is possible to illustrate this point by narrating, in very broad strokes, the life, work, and ideas of Umi Rahimun, a female religious teacher who lives in a rural area just outside the provincial capital of Banda Aceh. Umi Rahimun (the address umi, or umm, means ‘mother’ in Arabic) is the leader of a dayah – a traditional Islamic school – that she founded in 2001.

The vast majority of the boys and girls attending her school, of which there are well over 300, are of primary school age. They go to ‘ordinary’ (secular) school in the morning, and in the afternoon they go to Rahimun’s school. There they are taught elementary religious knowledge and skills, such as reading and reciting the Quran. In the evening a new group of around 60 older students arrives to study more advanced subjects, such as Quranic interpretation, Islamic jurisprudence, and mysticism.

Rahimun was born in 1968 in a well-to-do family in Banda Aceh. Her father, after a short military career, had been a prosperous textile trader. However, in the 1970s the family became impoverished, and her childhood was characterised by economic hardship, the divorce of her parents, and the death of her mother when she was 14 years old. While it had been Rahimun’s childhood dream to become a teacher, after she finished high school her family was too poor for her to enrol in teachers college. Instead, she decided to pursue her studies in a dayah. First she studied for two years in Samalanga in North Aceh. After that she moved to one of the largest and most prestigious dayah in Aceh, the Dayah Darussalam in South Aceh, where she spent six years.

Rahimun came back to Banda Aceh in 1996, immediately after the death of her father. Although by that time she was 27 years old, she decided that it was still too early to find a job or get married. Instead, she enrolled in the state Islamic university, a somewhat unusual move for an alumnus of a traditional dayah. By then, she was able to make a living teaching private religious lessons to children of wealthy families.

When she graduated in 2003, she had already established her own school in a village where her family owned some land. At the time, the armed conflict in Aceh between the Acehnese separatist movement and the Indonesian army had escalated, and Rahimun’s older sister especially objected to the idea of a woman going to live alone in a rural area at a time of civil war. But Rahimun pushed through, and assisted by a former classmate from the university, whom she married in 2004, she eventually made her school into the successful institution it is today.
Education and ambition

In recalling her life story, Umi Rahimun speaks proudly about the way she was able to combine ‘modern’ and ‘traditional’ education, each with its particular virtues. At the same time, she criticises the division between secular and religious schools as unnatural, and a product of Dutch colonialism. Although she shares this view with many other ulama (religious scholars), she also explicitly acts on it.

While teaching a religious curriculum, she tries to avoid the normative, black and white (halal versus haram, or allowed versus forbidden) view of the world encountered in many dayah. In her view, a narrow focus on personal worship and rules of behaviour does not offer enough preparation to help solve today’s big problems, such as pollution, war, or corruption. She regards such issues equally as ‘moral’ problems, and actively discusses them in her lessons. In addition, she encourages her students to search for knowledge elsewhere. In fact, most of her evening students also study at the Islamic university or the (secular) Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh.



Learning the basics: day students study how to recite the Quran
David Kloos

Seeking knowledge beyond the dayah is crucial, she believes, because the centuries-old religious treatises making up the dayah curriculum ‘tell you nothing about climate change or the hole in the ozone layer’.

Umi Rahimun also urges her female students to learn about Islam while ‘becoming doctors and scientists’. She blames culturally defined patriarchal relations (not Islam) for the subordinate role of women in Acehnese society: ‘Islam does not forbid women to work outside the household, and women in Aceh have always done so. In fact, there is no difference between working on a rice field and working in an office, but there is still a lack of understanding in our culture, which makes some men claim that women cannot work as teachers or in offices. This needs to be changed.'

In this respect Umi Rahimun explicitly thinks of herself as part of the Acehnese women’s rights movement. But this does not mean she merely criticises ‘men’ or ‘culture’. She argues that Acehnese women should also raise their own expectations and ambitions. In engaging with her female students, she keeps repeating that they ‘should not be fearful, not let themselves be restricted, and become smart and eloquent’. This is especially important, says Umi Rahimun, if they want to help restore the existing imbalance in Aceh between men and women in important leadership positions. ‘According to Islam, the husband leads his wife. But this goes only for the household. Outside the household women are equal to men and may take up positions according to their capabilities. So why then, if I enter the Office for Religious Affairs in Banda Aceh, and I look at the leadership chart on the wall, do I only see the faces of men?’

Umi Rahimum argues that Acehnese women should also raise their own expectations and ambitions. In engaging with her female students, she keeps repeating that they ‘should not be fearful, not let themselves be restricted, and become smart and eloquent’

While the school is Rahimun’s most important platform, another activity into which she weaves her activist agenda is teaching Islam to adult women at weekly classes in various locations. She told me that, at first, she became anxious if her students’ questions strayed far from the topics which are central to the centuries-old texts that are the foundation of teaching and discussion in a dayah. Such topics might include proper practices of worship, marriage, or inheritance. However, over the course of years she has become more confident about discussing contemporary issues and problems. Nowadays, she discusses topics such as divorce, domestic violence, sexuality and reproductive health or sexually transmitted diseases (like HIV/AIDS), if possible relating solutions to examples drawn from the old texts.

Doing so is sometimes difficult. The treatises normally used in the dayah are notoriously patriarchal and male-centred. At the same time, she is not confined to them either. When her adult students ask her whether Islam allows them to demand help from their husbands in the household, she uses the well known story of the Prophet Muhammad sewing his own clothes to show that it is perfectly right to ask for help, or even obligatory. As for more fraught subjects, such as domestic violence and the right to divorce, it is sometimes necessary to move straight to the Quran. Thus, she urges women to read the phrases in the Quran about the rights of women, asking them rhetorically, ‘how can men be able to lead their families when they cannot act morally themselves?’
Thinking about gender

Umi Rahimun traces her ideas about gender relations and the education of women to several influences. She mentions both her parents: her father who, employing the vocabulary of an army veteran, had always encouraged her to be ‘strong and brave’, to ‘struggle’, and even to become a ‘patriot’ and a ‘hero’; and her mother, who, even though working as a housewife, was always busy teaching other women in her neighbourhood how to cook, sew, and manage a household.



Umi Rahimum and her staff
David Kloos

Another important influence was her teacher in Labuhan Haji, the dayah where she spent six years (including three as a teacher). Her teacher had been ‘less narrow-minded’ than most ulama, often telling his students to pursue knowledge outside the confines of the dayah. Today, her main influence is an altogether different source, namely the connections she forges with various women’s organisations and activists in Banda Aceh, which help her to increase her vocabulary about women’s rights and stiffen her determination to improve the position of women. Finally, in conversations she always stresses her own personal struggle to overcome hardships as a crucial inspiration.

Of course, all of this does not necessarily mean that Umi Rahimun is morally less conservative than many of her male colleagues. For example, when talking to her students about sexuality, she will just as readily discuss the necessity to cover their body as she will the issue of women’s rights. And while she disseminates knowledge about HIV, she also connects the spread of the virus to what she thinks of as morally reprehensible acts like adultery and prostitution, emphasising the necessity of an ‘ethical life’ and ‘control of desire’. She is against abortion, even in the case of rape, because it is ‘prohibited by Islam’. But at the same time she underlines that young boys especially should be educated about such matters, arguing that, in the case of rape, it is men – not women – who act immorally.
Syariah is not the point

Coming back again to the issue of syariah, it may not be surprising that Umi Rahimun supports its implementation in Aceh. However, her support does not mean that she is not critical of its application. Like many other Acehnese, she complains that the way Islamic law is now implemented punishes the behaviour of women rather than men, and ordinary people rather than the elite. Thus she questions politicians’ and administrators’ zealousness in patrolling headscarves and tight pants, ‘while not doing anything about the drunks and gangsters harassing women and men in bus terminals’. Their one-sided view, she suspects, probably has more to do with increasing their own power and visibility than with the moral uplifting of Acehnese society.

But this is not really the point I want to make here. In fact, Umi Rahimun’s story has little to do with syariah. Yet it has everything to do with changing gender relations and the practices that evolve from them. In her lessons she discusses the importance of moral behaviour, but also the lack of women in leadership structures, and how to remedy this situation. Her mission is for Acehnese women to become trained, disciplined, knowledgeable, and therefore ready to be amongst Aceh’s future leaders.

It is true that most leaders and students of the Acehnese dayah, including women, are supporters of the new syariah laws. However, this does not automatically mean that these women cannot also be agents in the female struggle for gender equality. Umi Rahimun’s story shows that to understand the struggle for women’s rights in Aceh one must look beyond the division between conservative patriarchal male leaders on the one hand, and urban, progressive, middle-class female activists on the other. The picture that results may be more ambivalent, but it is also more realistic.

David Kloos (d.kloos@let.vu.nl) is a PhD candidate at the History department of the VU University, Amsterdam (The Netherlands). He is currently conducting research on Islamic education and everyday Islam in Aceh.
Enhanced by Zemanta

Art for Allah’s sake

Inside Indonesia

A unique pesantren, founded and led by an internationally recognised Indonesian calligrapher, attracts men and women from all over the archipelago


Virginia Hooker

hooker2.jpg
Pak Didin (first right) entertains visitors to the calligraphy pesantren,
with marawis ensemble waiting to play.
Virginia Hooker

Concentrating intensely, a group of young Muslims guide their pens to form the flowing Arabic letters which spell out the verses of the holy Qur’an. They are talented artists who have come from across the Indonesian archipelago to study with Didin Sirojuddin, one of Indonesia’s leading calligraphers and to devote themselves to mastering the complex rules of Islamic calligraphy.

‘Writing for Allah’ is both an act of devotion and a peaceful and positive expression of Islam. The first letter of the Arabic alphabet, the upright single stroke called ‘alif,’ is believed to have been created by a divine pen activated by mystical light. The students studying with Pak Didin, as he is known, use a range of different sizes of styluses made from wood imported from Saudi Arabia for classical calligraphy. The sizes and proportions of each letter are based on a strict code of geometric rules devised by the 10th century master, Ibn Muqla. The size of the dot made by the point of the stylus is used as the basic measure to calculate the height and width of each letter.

Pak Didin’s students follow the ancient rules of calligraphy. But they are firmly planted in the here and now. They do modern calligraphy using felt pens. And when they need to double-check the wording or spelling of a Qur’anic verse they borrow an iPhone to log in to a Qur’an website, locate the verse, and check their copy against it. Modern technology makes its contribution to the accurate rendering of God’s sacred words.
A unique pesantren

Indonesia has thousands of pesantren, Islamic schools and colleges, which teach the Islamic sciences, including Arabic calligraphy. But Pak Didin’s pesantren is the only one which is devoted entirely to the study and practice of calligraphy. Although he has taught calligraphy both in Jakarta and in a number of provinces since the 1980s, he believed only the establishment of a special centre dedicated to advanced accredited courses would produce a new generation of professional calligraphers.

It was a painstaking process, beginning in 1996, to garner support from religious leaders, identify a suitable location, and raise funding to buy land and build a pesantren. In August 1998 the first students were enrolled at the Pesantren for Qur’anic Calligraphy. At present it is a modest group of buildings located on the outskirts of West Java’s beautiful hill resort of Sukabumi, although Pak Didin hopes to expand. The buildings feature open-air pavilions surrounded by trees and overlooking terraced rice fields, misty mountains, and fast-running streams. Pak Didin encourages his students to take their materials out into the beautiful surroundings so that their work can be inspired by the natural beauty and reflect God’s power of creation.

Didin admires the civilisation of ancient Greece because it valued and loved knowledge. It continues to inspire him, especially Socratic philosophy. ‘Socrates was very close to God and would hold dialogues with members of society – I do that too,’ explains Didin. Socrates would walk through Athens asking questions of those he passed so that he could try to help them. Didin practises the same philosophy with his students. He also applies it at national calligraphy competitions which bring together Indonesian calligraphers from all over the archipelago. Beginning in 1988 he started asking the participants what they felt they needed to develop Indonesian calligraphy and what the obstacles were. Their replies became a stimulus for his work.

The 120 students who enrol annually for the full-time, two semester, diploma course at the pesantren study classical and contemporary styles of calligraphy. They also study Qur’anic interpretation and Islamic civilisation, marketing and entrepreneurship, social service and preparation for calligraphy competitions. There are regular visits to galleries, museums and exhibitions, and meetings with established calligraphers. The pesantren also encourages music and the marawis (drum) ensemble of young men often accompanies groups of young women who sing kasidah, or religious songs, set to lively tunes with subtle, beautiful rhythms. A part-time, intensive course is offered at Pak Didin’s Jakarta base in Ciputat which is well-attended every weekend. Children can learn the basics of calligraphy at a kindergarten run by his wife at the Sukabumi pesantren or in special school holiday courses. Pak Didin has published many books on calligraphy, including sets of graded texts for his students.

Pak Didin’s staff are as dedicated as he is and all teach for minimal pay. This means that even the poorest of students - if they have talent and commitment - can enrol for courses. Pak Didin stresses that all his staff are appointed on merit. He does not follow the old tradition of pesantrens dominated by one religious teacher whose relatives and family hold key positions in the pesantren. He says that the calligraphy pesantren belongs to all who use it.
From comics to calligraphy

Born near Kuningan in West Java in 1957, Pak Didin was always drawing. Between 1969 and 1975 he attended the famous Pondok Moderen Gontor in East Java and began his formal study of calligraphy. He continued his studies at the State Islamic Institute (now University) Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta, where he has long been a lecturer. One of his hobbies was illustrating comic books and his talent was recognised by Hamka’s son, Rusydi. He was so impressed that he invited the young Didin to become a reporter with the magazine Panji Masyarakat, where he worked during the 1980s. This was also the period he was making his name as winner of national and international calligraphic competitions.

Pak Didin is acknowledged as one of Indonesia’s best practitioners of classical calligraphy. He is also well-known for his calligraphic paintings in which ‘classical’ calligraphy is combined with abstract art, featuring icon-like representations. These works have been shown in many public exhibitions and purchased by collectors. Even in his abstract art calligraphy, we can see Pak Didin’s interest in social issues. But it is in his designs for calendars that his conviction that calligraphy can serve society is most evident. Since the early 1990s, Pak Didin has been preparing calendars with each month’s picture featuring a vibrantly inscribed verse from the Qur’an. The themes differ from year to year based on the key social issue of that time. The annual themes have included corruption, justice, education for children, poverty and hunger, using Qur’anic verses appropriate to each issue. In this way, he is providing a daily reminder to his fellow Muslims of God’s words of guidance for them.
Calligraphy competitions

Pak Didin encourages his students to enter calligraphy competitions. He believes competing fosters their talent, broadens their experience and deepens their religious practice. Pak Didin was himself grand champion of the all-ASEAN calligraphy competition of 1987. He serves as a judge for Indonesian competitions and is invited to exhibit and judge in contests throughout the Middle East, in Turkey and Pakistan, as well as in Southeast Asia.

There were not many contestants in the early 1980s, when calligraphy had just been accepted as a serious category in the Indonesian National Qur’an Recitation Competition. Gradually, with the encouragement of masters such as Pak Didin, the numbers have grown into the hundreds. Women and men enter a range of categories, the most demanding of which lasts for seven hours. During that time contestants have to inscribe a set Qur’anic verse in seven different styles of script, and illuminate the verse with a decorated border.

Pak Didin judges at calligraphy competitions across Indonesia, from local to provincial and national levels. He takes the opportunity to use his ‘Socratic dialogue’ technique to ask judges, officials and competitors for their opinions and their needs. Based on this feedback he says, ‘Young students of calligraphy in regional areas are crying out for attention and for more intensive training.’ His pesantren at Sukabumi and his centre in Jakarta teach hundreds of students each year, but not thousands. It is Pak Didin’s dream to make specialist teaching available to more and more Indonesians across the country. Many of the graduates from his courses become teachers and return to their home villages to continue and extend his work.
Piety and beauty

Calligraphy is multi-faceted in its effects on Muslims. Those who actually write the letters experience a direct relationship with the sacred words of revelation as each letter is inscribed and placed on a surface. They perform an act of devotion as they re-create and give substance to the words of the Qur’an. Viewers of a completed work of calligraphy, whether it be placed on a wall, a calendar, a plate, or even a headband, may or may not be able to understand the meaning of the Arabic words. Even if they do not understand the message from Allah, they are able to appreciate the visual effect of the beauty of the letters as a work of art.

The harmony between the dimensions of each letter, their relationship to each other, and the pleasing symmetry each calligraphic phrase presents to viewers, is symbolic of the perfection of Allah and His essential oneness. It serves as a reminder of Allah’s power and omnipotence in all spheres of creation. It invites the viewer to reflect, if only briefly, on the spiritual aspects of being. As Panji Masyarakat noted, for Pak Didin ‘calligraphy is not only about aesthetics it also about metaphysics’.

Recognising the grace and benefits that contact with calligraphy brings, Indonesian Muslims purchase objects decorated with Qur’anic calligraphy to display in their mosques, offices and homes. As the Muslim middle class strengthens, its members increasingly dedicate part of their income to pious acts. And more and more members of this new middle class are deciding to spend money on learning calligraphy. If they have insufficient talent or time to devote to classes, they buy calligraphic works, even if these are calendars and wall hangings.

Graduates from the certificate course at the unique calligraphy pesantren are conscious of the spiritual benefits their calligraphic practice brings. They are also increasingly confident that they can make a livelihood selling serious and not so serious works of calligraphic art. Many also say they want to continue Pak Didin’s work of teaching calligraphy to those young Indonesians who are ‘crying out for attention and for more intensive training.’ As a result of Pak Didin’s work, his graduates are ensuring that calligraphy, the noblest of the Islamic arts, remains a living tradition. Not confined to museums or art galleries their writing for Allah is within reach of almost all Indonesian Muslims.

Virginia Hooker (Virginia.Hooker@anu.edu.au) is a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Political and Social Change, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University. She would like to thank Bapak and Ibu Sirojuddin for their hospitality and patience and Ismatu Ropi MA who introduced the author to them. Pak Didin very kindly gave the author permission to photograph and re-produce his work here.
Enhanced by Zemanta

Aug 7, 2010

Online Polling, Once an Outcast, Burnishes Its Image

WSJ.com
Aug 7, 2010
By CARL BIALIK

The Numbers Guy Blog


Each day, 5,000 Americans fill out an online survey rating corporate brands on such criteria as quality, value and reputation. Their responses are compiled into a daily tracking index that aims to show the ebbs and flows of brand value.
The tracking poll, conducted by U.K. survey company YouGov PLC, has shown how much an automobile recall cost Toyota in reputation, and how long it took to bounce back. Its German arm has made headlines for measuring the deep dive in the reputation of a German fitness-studio chain after its founder's music festival last month ended in a deadly stampede. And BP PLC has used the poll to follow public response to the massive oil spill this year from its well in the Gulf of Mexico, according to a person familiar with the matter. (A BP spokeswoman declined to disclose which measures the company uses.)

Daily tracking polls are becoming a must-have for companies who have suffered blows to their public standing. Online polls are fast, and often less expensive than telephone surveys. But getting measurements quickly on so many companies involves taking steps that could dent the reliability of the numbers.

Those pitfalls, including questions about maintaining a random sample of participants, worry data experts who study survey methodologies. Still, the growing acceptance of Web-based surveys marks a turning point in the polling industry. Until recently, many established pollsters had shunned their online counterparts or said their methods were dubious. Now, some traditional telephone pollsters have begun incorporating online polling themselves.

The American Customer Satisfaction Index, a poll founded at the University of Michigan, until this year conducted surveys exclusively by phone. "We used to think telephone sampling was the way to go," says David VanAmburg, managing director of the index, which now is produced by a for-profit company in Ann Arbor, Mich. But then people started ditching landline phones—one in five households, at last count, were cellphone-only. This spring, ACSI began blending online and telephone polling.

YouGov began tracking American opinion of corporate brands three years ago for its poll, which it calls BrandIndex. (YouGov has conducted polls for U.K. papers the Sun and the Times, which like The Wall Street Journal are owned by News Corp.) Each day, the company sends out enough surveys to members of its one-million-person panel of U.S. adults in order to receive back at least 5,000 completed surveys on 1,100 brands. Each brand is rated by between 50 and 125 people per day, and the results are combined into a single score.

"If you have a crisis or a potential crisis, you can have a sense of, how much of an impact is this having with consumers?" says Ted Marzilli, the New York-based global managing director for BrandIndex.

Other research companies take a different approach to using the Web to monitor corporate reputations. New York firm NM Incite, for example, monitors chatter on blogs and social networks, using automated tools to detect whether comments such as Twitter posts are positive or negative. While some respondents to an online poll might not be customers of the brand they rate, or might not have much influence over others, people who comment on blogs and social-networking sites are likely to have an outsize impact on brands.

A problem, though, is ensuring that the software correctly categorizes online buzz. "That's the hard part," says Pete Blackshaw, executive vice president of digital strategic services for NM Incite, a joint venture of the media-measurement firm Nielsen Co. and McKinsey & Co. "Anyone who claims perfection is misleading you." The company continually updates its algorithm and occasionally has analysts review material, he adds.

More Numbers Guy
Alternative Ways to Gather Census Data
Scientists Tabulate Mysteries of the Aged
When Coincidences Look Like Outbreaks

Some data experts wouldn't consider YouGov's survey panel, recruited exclusively online, to be randomly chosen. For one, not all Americans have Internet access. Also, polls that recruit participants online favor the heaviest Web users, who are more likely to spot the ads seeking brand raters.

Mr. Marzilli says the company ensures respondents are representative of the overall population by such factors as age and gender. He also questions whether those who aren't online "would view BP or Toyota inherently differently than people with Internet usage." And he pointed to the company's success using similar panels for political polling—for instance, predicting Barack Obama would beat John McCain by six percentage points in the national popular vote for president in 2008. President Obama won by seven percentage points.

Even survey experts who have doubts about the reliability of online polling say it is a useful way of tracking changes in public opinion over time. "There is probably no other mechanism available" for the intensive daily results like those the BrandIndex seeks to generate, says Michael Brick, vice president of Westat, a company that conducts polls for the U.S. government. "If you use caution with the results, you can get something valuable out of them."




Write to Carl Bialik at numbersguy@wsj.com
Enhanced by Zemanta

Muslim History Belies Stereotypes in 'Ground Zero Mosque' Dispute

TIME
Aug 7, 2010

Muslims pray during the 'Islam on Capitol Hill 2009' event at the West Front Lawn of the U.S. Capitol on September 25, 2009 in Washington, D.C.
Alex Wong / Getty Images

By Ishaan Tharoor

Opposition to a proposed mosque near Ground Zero swelled into a furor this week after its planners on Aug. 3 passed the last municipal hurdle barring them from building it. New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg spoke passionately in defense of the project. "Let us not forget that Muslims were among those murdered on 9/11 and that our Muslim neighbors grieved with us as New Yorkers and as Americans," Bloomberg said in a speech that day. "We would betray our values and play into our enemies' hands if we were to treat Muslims differently than anyone else."

Bloomberg's predecessor didn't agree. The former mayor of New York City, Rudy Giuliani, claimed that the project, which is partially intended to be an interfaith community center, would be a "desecration," adding that "decent" Muslims ought not object to his opinion. Other GOP politicians and talking heads who have far less to do with the events of 9/11 — or, for that matter, New York — have joined the chorus, arguing in some instances that a mosque near Ground Zero would be a monument to terrorists. (See the moderate imam behind the "Ground Zero mosque.")

Such Islamophobia is unsurprising in the post–Cold War age of al-Qaeda and sleeper cells. And Islam, of course, has long been a bogeyman for the West. For centuries, a more advanced, more powerful Islamic world haunted the imagination of snow-bitten Christendom. When the Spanish arrived in the Americas, they brought the language of the Reconquista with them, sometimes referring to Aztecs and Mayans as "Moors" and to their ziggurats as "mosques." The Sultanate of Morocco was the first government in the world to recognize the existence of an independent United States, in 1778. But it was America's naval expeditions to North Africa — the two early–19th century Barbary Wars — that first marked the U.S.'s arrival on the global stage and crystallized a new American patriotism at home. (See pictures of the richness and diversity of Muslims in America.)

The early history of Muslims in the U.S. was a lonely one. While there are isolated reports of "Moorish" sailors and even an Egyptian dwelling in corners of the colonies, the first significant populations were slaves from West Africa. Bilali Mohammed was born in Guinea in roughly 1770 and died in 1857 on a plantation on Sapelo Island in Georgia, leaving behind a 13-sheaf document in Arabic. It's a treatise of religious jurisprudence specific to the society of Muslim West Africa and one of the earliest classic slave narratives. Abdulrahman Ibraheem Ibn Sori, like the literary figure of Oroonoko in Aphra Behn's famous 1688 novel of the same name, was royalty from a Guinean kingdom before being abducted and whisked away to slavery in Mississippi. As word of a lettered, regal "Prince of Slaves" spread across the country, Ibn Sori won allies and friends and was eventually freed in 1828 by an order from President John Quincy Adams. He left the U.S. for the former slave republic of Liberia in Africa but died of fever soon thereafter, never to return to the land of his birth.

Most Muslim African slaves were far less lucky, and memory of their varied cultural heritage dissipated over generations of enslavement. Black Islam would be revived in the first half of the 20th century as a creed of empowerment and redemption. The Nation of Islam, founded in 1933, sought to step away from the indignity of the past with a wholesale rejection of the predominantly white, Christian nation that surrounded them; to this day, the website of the now much diminished group identifies black Americans as descendants of a "Lost Nation of Asia." For prominent activists like Malcolm X, Islam was a badge of otherness, of distinction and pride in the face of old injustices.

On the sidelines of these struggles, other Muslims were more than happy to try to fit in. By the end of the 19th century, immigrants from the Ottoman Empire began settling in pockets across the U.S. Some of the first active Muslim congregations in the country began in towns like Cedar Rapids, Iowa (led by Lebanese), and Biddeford, Maine (led by Albanians). In 1926, Polish-speaking Tatars opened one of the first mosques in Brooklyn. By the latter half of the 20th century, the majority of Muslims moving to the U.S. were from South Asia and Arab states. Today, there are an estimated 7 million Muslims living in the U.S., from myriad communities and all walks of life. To speak of them in generalities would be pointless.

Nevertheless, since 9/11, a spotlight has fallen on American Islam and the potential extremists in our midst. There are villains: from Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, the blind Egyptian imprisoned for life for his involvement in the 1993 World Trade Center bombings, to New Mexico–born Anwar al-Awlaki, an Islamist lecturer who is thought to have preached to a few of the 9/11 hijackers and is now in hiding in Yemen, the first U.S. citizen to wind up on a CIA targeted kill list. Curiously, a conspicuous number of U.S. jihadists have come from non-Muslim backgrounds, like the "American Taliban" John Walker Lindh, who grew up in a prosperous San Francisco suburb, and David Headley, a half Pakistani born in Washington who, before allegedly planning the Mumbai terrorist attacks in November 2008, was running a bar in Philadelphia. Concerted Homeland Security measures seem to rope in occasional terrorism suspects — like the 14 arrests this week of U.S. residents allegedly linked to the al-Shabab militant group in Somalia. But many Muslim communities have come under siege, facing a barrage of media scrutiny and xenophobic bluster.

In this context, figures like Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf — the Arab-American cleric behind the mosque project near Ground Zero — stand out. A consummate moderate who has made a career preaching about the compatibility of Islamic and American values, Rauf has been cast as a dangerous radical by the mosque's opponents. Few of them are moved by the name of Rauf's proposed building: Cordoba House, named for the city in Spanish Andalucia where Muslims, Jews and Christians once co-existed for centuries in an extraordinary flourishing of culture and science. In these times, the richness and diversity of Muslim experience, in the U.S. and elsewhere, seem far from the minds of most Americans.
Enhanced by Zemanta

Aug 6, 2010

U.S. charges 14 with giving support to Somali insurgent group

YOUR LINK TO THE UNITED STATES JUSTICE DEPARTM...Image by roberthuffstutter via Flickr
By Greg Miller
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, August 6, 2010; A05

Federal authorities unsealed terrorism-related charges Thursday against 14 people accused of providing funding and recruits to a militant group in Somalia with ties to al-Qaeda, part of an expanding U.S. effort to disrupt what Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. called a "deadly pipeline" of money and fighters to al-Shabab.

It is the first time that the Justice Department has publicly revealed criminal charges against two U.S. citizens, Omar Hammami and Jehad Mostafa, who have risen through al-Shabab's ranks to become important field commanders for the organization.

The indictments were unsealed in Alabama, California and Minnesota, the latter being home to the largest Somali population in the United States.

In Minnesota, officials said, FBI agents arrested two women on Thursday on charges that included soliciting donations door-to-door for al-Shabab, which the United States designated a terrorist organization in 2008. The other 12 suspects were in Somalia or were otherwise at large.

The indictments "shed further light on a deadly pipeline that has routed funding and fighters to al-Shabab from cities across the United States," Holder said. "We are seeing an increasing number of individuals -- including U.S. citizens -- who have become captivated by extremist ideology and have taken steps to carry out terrorist objectives, either at home or abroad."

For years, al-Shabab was seen primarily as an insurgent group struggling to topple Somalia's weak government and to impose strict Islamic law. But the group's focus "has morphed over time," a senior FBI official said. Al-Shabab has attracted a growing number of foreign fighters to its camps and has demonstrated a new ability to export violence, and it has been praised by Osama bin Laden.

Last month, the group claimed responsibility for bombings in Uganda that killed at least 76 people. A State Department terrorism report released Thursday said al-Shabab and al-Qaeda "present a serious terrorist threat to American and allied interests throughout the Horn of Africa."

Holder said none of those charged is accused of plotting attacks against U.S. targets. Most are accused of sending money or signing up for a war aimed at ousting the U.S.-backed government in Mogadishu. Even so, al-Shabab's ties to al-Qaeda and its ability to tap support inside the United States have caused concern that the group could be used to carry out a domestic attack.

"What it reaffirms is that we do have a problem with domestic radicalization," said Frank J. Cilluffo, an official in the George W. Bush administration who heads the Homeland Security Policy Institute at George Washington University.

The indictments follow the arrest last month of Zachary Adam Chesser, 20, of Fairfax County, who was detained in New York while attempting to depart for Africa. Authorities said he planned to join al-Shabab.

As part of a multiyear FBI investigation, 19 people have been charged in Minnesota with supporting al-Shabab. Nine have been arrested, including five who have pleaded guilty; the others are not in custody.

But the most significant figures indicted are the two Americans who have emerged as battle-tested leaders of al-Shabab.

Hammami, 26, is a native of Alabama and a key player in al-Shabab's efforts to recruit supporters in the United States and other Western nations, officials said. Hammami, who goes by Abu Mansoor al-Amriki, or "the American," appeared in a rap-themed video this spring that attracted widespread attention online.

"He has assumed an operational role in that organization," Holder said.

Like Anwar al-Aulaqi, the Muslim cleric in Yemen tied to recent terrorist plots, Hammami is seen as a "bridge figure" who uses his familiarity with U.S. culture to appeal to Western audiences. But Aulaqi is known primarily for his radical online sermons, whereas Hammami has earned credibility as a fighter in Somalia's civil war, counterterrorism experts said.

"This guy actually has operational experience," Cilluffo said. "He is one of the top jihadi pop stars."

Mostafa, 28, is also an increasingly important figure, officials said. A U.S. citizen and former resident of San Diego, Mostafa served as a top lieutenant to Saleh Nabhan, a senior al-Qaeda and al-Shabab operative killed in a U.S. military strike last year. Since then, Mostafa "is believed to have ascended to the inner circle of al-Shabab leadership," a U.S. counterterrorism official said.

Mostafa is believed to have met Aulaqi about a decade ago in San Diego, the official said, although it is unclear whether they have remained in contact.

The only suspects taken into custody were Amina Farah Ali, 33, and Hawo Mohamed Hassan, 63, both naturalized U.S. citizens from Somalia who resided in Rochester, Minn. The two women are accused of working with counterparts in Somalia to hold conference calls with Somali natives in Minnesota, urging them to "forget about" other charities and focus on "the Jihad," according to charges filed in U.S. District Court in Minnesota.

The records indicate that the women collected more than $8,000 in donations since 2008. They routed the money to al-Shabab recipients in Somalia through "hawala" transfers widely used in Third World countries to move money and bypass traditional banks. Hassan is also accused of making false statements to the FBI; she had denied that she was involved in raising funds for al-Shabab.

Staff writer Spencer S. Hsu contributed to this report.
Enhanced by Zemanta

Indonesia: End Policies Fueling Violence Against Religious Minority

demo monas 1Image by mlutfi via Flickr
Human Rights Watch

Rescind Laws That Oppress the Ahmadiyah Community
August 2, 2010

Related Materials:
Indonesia: Court Ruling a Setback for Religious Freedom
Indonesia: Reverse Ban on Ahmadiyah Sect

Indonesian officials have again reacted to official discrimination and vigilante violence against the Ahmadiyah by restricting their right to practice their religion. The government should show that it is serious about ending religious violence by holding those responsible to account.


Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director


(New York) - Indonesian authorities should end discriminatory policies against the Ahmadiyah religious community and investigate and prosecute anti-Ahmadiyah violence, Human Rights Watch said today. Human Rights Watch urged President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to revoke a local government order to close Ahmadiyah mosques and a repressive national decree against the Ahmadiyah community.

Since July 26, 2010, municipal police and hundreds of people organized by militant Islamist groups have made several attempts to force an Ahmadiyah mosque in Manis Lor village, Kuningan regency, West Java, to close, resulting in violence. The municipal police were acting on the orders of the regent of Kuningan to close the mosque. On July 29, the religious affairs minister, Suryadharma Ali, publicly stated that the Indonesian government would not tolerate violence in religious disputes, but he also warned that the Ahmadiyah followers "had better stop their activities" and said the police would enforce a 2008 decree barring them from spreading their faith.

"Indonesian officials have again reacted to official discrimination and vigilante violence against the Ahmadiyah by restricting their right to practice their religion," said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The government should show that it is serious about ending religious violence by holding those responsible to account."

About two-thirds of Manis Lor's approximately 4,500 residents are Ahmadiyah, making it the largest Ahmadiyah community in Indonesia. Ahmadiyah identify themselves as Muslims but differ with other Muslims about whether Muhammad was the "final" monotheist prophet; consequently, some Muslims perceive the Ahmadiyah as "heretics."

A June 2008 national decree requires the Ahmadiyah community to "stop spreading interpretations and activities that deviate from the principal teachings of Islam," including "spreading the belief that there is another prophet with his own teachings after Prophet Mohammed." Violations of the decree can result in prison sentences of up to five years. Human Rights Watch has long called for the government to rescind this decree as it violates freedom of religion, recognized in various human rights treaties that Indonesia has ratified.

Aang Hamid Suganda, the regent of Kuningan, reportedly ordered the closure of eight Ahmadiyah mosques following a recommendation in June by the Indonesian Ulama Council, the country's top Muslim clerical body. Suganda claimed that the Ahmadiyah's religious activities had provoked conflict and that the closures were necessary to prevent the conflict from escalating.

On July 26, the municipal police - Satuan Polisi Pamong Praja, or Satpol-PP - acting on an executive order issued by Suganda, tried to close the An Nur mosque, where some of Manis Lor's Ahmadiyah conduct religious services. The police withdrew after hundreds of Manis Lor residents blocked the street leading to the mosque.

On July 28, police and local government security officers again tried to seal the mosque. Ahmadiyah residents resisted by throwing rocks and sticks. Later, hundreds of protesters organized by militant Islamist organizations, including the Movement against Illegal Sects and Non-Believers (GAPAS), the Islam Defenders Front (FPI), the Indonesia Mujahidin Council (MMI), and the Islamic Community Forum (FUI) attempted to forcibly close the mosque. Police blocked the mob from reaching the mosque.

The next day, at least 300 protesters again tried to close down the mosque. About 600 officers, including Mobile Brigade police (Brimob) and public order officials, tried to block their advance, using tear gas, but were unsuccessful. Protesters briefly clashed with approximately 200 Ahmadiyah members. Minor injuries and some property damage were reported. Suganda then issued an ultimatum to the Ahmadiyah community, saying that he would order the municipal police to close the mosque if religious activities there did not cease two days before the beginning of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, which starts on August 11.

West Java police reportedly deployed around 500 reinforcement officers from the anti-riot and Brimob units to the area in response to the violence. On July 30, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, Djoko Suyanto, called on the police to be "stern" in dealing with "anarchic action," and reported that President Yudhoyono had asked him to make sure that the police are "strict" in doing so. To date however, the police have not arrested anyone in connection with the violence and intimidation.

"When the Indonesian authorities sacrifice the rights of religious minorities to appease hard-line Islamist groups this simply causes more violence, as in Manis Lor," Pearson said. "While the police rightly stopped mobs from entering the mosque, their failure to arrest a single person will only embolden these groups to use violence again."

Suganda, the Kuningan regent, has said that he and other community religious leaders will travel to Jakarta in August to press senior government officials to do more to carry out the June 2008 national decree.

Indonesia's 1945 constitution explicitly guarantees freedom of religion in article 28(E). Under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Indonesia ratified in 2006, states are to respect the right to freedom of religion. This includes freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching." Members of religious minorities "shall not be denied the right, in community with other members of their group ... to profess and practice their own religion." Restrictions on the right to freedom of religion to protect public safety or order must be strictly necessary and proportional to the purpose being sought.

"Indonesia is obliged to prosecute those responsible for anti-Ahmadiyah violence and to repeal discriminatory laws and decrees, which militants rely on to justify their actions," Pearson said. "These laws actively undermine religious freedom in Indonesia and jeopardize the safety of members of religious minorities."
Enhanced by Zemanta

Aug 5, 2010

Data and Statistics – General Reference Resources

Logo of the usa.gov website, the web portal fo...Image via Wikipedia
USA.gov







       Aging Statistics
Enhanced by Zemanta

Indonesian Social Science Review, Vol. 1, 2010

Vol.1 - 2010


Files
Order By : ID | File Title | Downloads | Submit Date


file_icons/acrobat.gif Engaging the Dragon : The Dynamics of Indonesia-China Relations in the Post- Soeharto Era

Download download_trans.gif

blank.gif
Short Description: Abstract
This article analyzes Indonesia-China relations in the Post-Soeharto era. It highlights some important dynamics that inf...
Submitted On: 04 Aug 2010
Downloads: 5
Rating: stars/0.gifTotal Votes:0

file_icons/acrobat.gif Impact of Decentralization Toward Natural Resource Utilization and Environmental Damage in Indonesia : A Study at the District of Bintan and South Kalimantan Province

Download download_trans.gif

blank.gif
Short Description: Abstract

Decentralization that has granted regulating and controlling authorities to the
regional government basic...
Submitted On: 04 Aug 2010
Downloads: 3
Rating: stars/0.gifTotal Votes:0

file_icons/acrobat.gif Legal Pluralism and Political Reform in Indonesia 1999

Download download_trans.gif

blank.gif
Short Description: Abstract
Political reform in Indonesia in 1999 has resulted in the re-emergence of the issue of legal pluralism. During the &ldqu...
Submitted On: 04 Aug 2010
Downloads: 4
Rating: stars/0.gifTotal Votes:0

file_icons/acrobat.gif Public Policy and Economic Sociology: Clothing Industry in Indonesia

Download download_trans.gif

blank.gif
Short Description: Abstract
Throughout economic history of modern Indonesia, scholars and public policy makers consider disproportionately the role ...
Submitted On: 04 Aug 2010
Downloads: 2
Rating: stars/0.gifTotal Votes:0

file_icons/acrobat.gif Rural Development Initiatives in India: A Holistic Approach

Download download_trans.gif

blank.gif
Short Description: Abstract
This article aims to look at the role & importance of rural development & the initiatives that have been taken i...
Submitted On: 04 Aug 2010
Downloads: 2
Rating: stars/0.gifTotal Votes:0

file_icons/acrobat.gif The Production of Indonesian Sociology

Download download_trans.gif

blank.gif
Short Description: Abstract
I share the claim of the philosophy of science that research methods are inevitable
in the creation of adequate k...
Submitted On: 04 Aug 2010
Downloads: 3
Rating: stars/0.gifTotal Votes:0

file_icons/acrobat.gif Transnational Threats: Its Nature, Impacts, and How To Deal With

Download download_trans.gif

blank.gif
Short Description: Abstract
Transnational threats are threats to individual, the state, and international
community. They mostly come from no...
Submitted On: 04 Aug 2010
Downloads: 1
Rating: stars/0.gifTotal Votes:0
Enhanced by Zemanta

Aug 4, 2010

The New Challenge to Repressive Cuba

The New York Review of Books



Claudia Daut/Reuters/Corbis

Yoani Sánchez, the author of the blog Generation Y, in her apartment, Havana, Cuba, October 3, 2007

For decades, the Castro government has been very effective in repressing dissent in Cuba by, among other things, preventing its critics from publishing or broadcasting their views on the island. Yet in recent years the blogosphere has created an outlet for a new kind of political criticism that is harder to control. Can it make a difference?

There are more than one hundred unauthorized bloggers in Cuba, including at least two dozen who are openly critical of the government. The best known of their blogs, Generation Y, gets more than a million visitors a month and is translated into fifteen languages. Its author, thirty-four-year-old Yoani Sánchez, has won major journalism awards in the US and Europe and in 2008 Time magazine named her one of the world’s one hundred most influential people. Sánchez has set up a “blogger academy” in her apartment, and she helped found the website, Voces Cubanas, which hosts the work of thirty independent bloggers.

Like other government critics, these bloggers face reprisals. Last November, for example, Sánchez reported being detained and beaten by Cuban security agents. Weeks later, her husband and fellow blogger, Reinaldo Escobar, was subject to an “act of repudiation” by an angry mob of government supporters on a Havana street. Such public harassment, as Nik Steinberg and I reported in our recent New York Review piece, is commonly used against “dissidents” on the island, along with police surveillance, loss of employment, and restrictions on travel.
(The Cuban government requires its citizens to obtain permission to leave the island, and those marked as “counterrevolutionaries” are generally denied it.)

And then there is the perennial fear of the “knock on the door”—as Sánchez puts it—announcing the beginning of an ordeal that has been endured by countless critics: arrest, a sham trial, and years of “reeducation” in prison. Cuba has more journalists locked up than any other country in the world except China and Iran. (In early July, after the archbishop of Havana and the Spanish foreign minister interceded directly with Raúl Castro, the Cuban government announced that it would release fifty-two political prisoners who have been held since 2003. However, that group does not include any of the many other Cuban dissidents arrested since Raúl Castro took over from his ailing brother in 2006.)

Policing the Internet, however, is not so easy. The Cuban government controls the island’s Internet servers, just as it controls the printing presses and broadcasting transmitters. But the inherent porousness of the Web means that anyone with an Internet connection can disseminate new material without prior approval. The government can block the sites it does not like (it blocks Generation Y in Cuba, for instance), but it cannot stop other sites from springing up to replace them.

The biggest challenge for Cuban bloggers isn’t outright censorship. It’s simply finding a way to get online. To set up a private connection requires permission from the government, which is rarely granted. Public access is available only in a few government-run cybercafés and tourist hotels, where it costs approximately five US dollars an hour, or one third of the monthly wage of an average Cuban. As a result, bloggers often write their posts on home computers, save them on memory sticks, and pass them to friends who have Internet access and can upload them—for example workers in hotels and government offices. Others dictate their posts by phone to friends abroad, who then upload them through servers off the island.

No amount of resourcefulness, however, can change the fact that most people in Cuba are unable to access even the unblocked blogs. Indeed, the bloggers themselves are not always able to read their posts online. Some have never even seen their own sites.

Still, by reaching large audiences abroad, the critical blogs pose a threat to the Cuban government’s international image—which explains why the government and its supporters have reacted so virulently, attempting to discredit the bloggers as pawns or even paid mercenaries in the service of US imperialism. Granma, the official state news organ, published an article in its international edition dismissing Generation Y as “an example of media manipulation and interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign nation.” The editor of the pro-government blog Cubadebate put it this way: “The United States has been waging economic and political warfare against [Cuba] for the past 50 years. And this is just the latest form of that warfare.”

Yoani Sánchez herself, when asked by another blogger about the “external factors” that had contributed to Generation Y’s popularity, acknowledged that attention by The Wall Street Journal and other foreign publications had helped bring new visitors to her site. “But,” she went on, “what happened was the readers came and they stayed. Users could have come once and not come back. Press coverage doesn’t make a website.”

So why do the readers come back?

I asked the Cuban novelist José Manuel Prieto what the bloggers’ appeal was for Cuban exiles like himself. “First, it’s their moderation,” he said. “They criticize the Cuban government without calling for its overthrow.” Indeed, Sánchez, Escobar, and others are unequivocal in their condemnation of the US embargo against Cuba, a position that until recently was taboo within much of the exile community. In late May, for example, a group of Cubans, including Sánchez, Escobar, and several other bloggers from Voces Cubanas, signed a public letter to the US Congress, urging support for a bill to lift travel restrictions to Cuba.

But more than their politics, Prieto said, what’s appealing is their measured tone. Sánchez herself puts it this way: “I have never used verbal violence in my writings. I have not insulted or attacked anyone, never used an incendiary adjective, and that restraint may have garnered the attention and sympathy of many people.” Ironically, the bloggers’ moderation may be their most subversive quality. It makes it harder for the Castro government and its supporters to dismiss them as right-wing ideologues.

If these blogs are to serve as a catalyst for change, however, it will not be by influencing Castro sympathizers, who are less likely to read them anyway. Instead it will be their growing audience within the exile community, whose leaders have largely shaped US policy toward Cuba—policy that, as Steinberg and I have observed, is widely seen as a failure and in urgent need of a new direction. Like the Cuban leaders, the anti-Castro hard-liners have sought to discredit opposing views by questioning the motives and allegiances of those who hold them. They accuse critics of the US embargo of ignoring the Castros’ repressive policies. But this charge does not work with the independent bloggers in Cuba who question US policy. For not only are these writers themselves victims of the repression, they are today among its most credible witnesses.

Whether the bloggers can ultimately influence US policy is an open question. In any case, their objectives appear to be more modest—and more profound. They are not polemicists or pundits so much as poets and storytellers. They are less concerned with proposing new policies than chronicling the costs to ordinary people of the repressive policies already in place. The bloggers’ ability to evoke the realities of daily life in Cuba, Prieto says, is another principal source of their appeal.

Here is Sánchez describing one of Havana’s many sex workers:

With a tight sweater and gel-smeared hair, he offers his body for only twenty convertible pesos a night. His face, with its high cheekbones and slanted eyes, is common among those from the East of the country. He constantly moves his arms, a mixture of lasciviousness and innocence that at times provokes pity, at others desire. He is a part of the vast group of Cubans who earn a living from the sweat of their pelvis, who market their sex to foreigners and locals. An industry of quick love and brief caresses, that has grown considerably on this Island in the last twenty years.

Here she recounts the daily chore of getting water:

On the corner there is a hydrant which, at night, turns into the water supply for hundreds of families in the area. Even the water carriers come to it, with their 55 gallon tanks on rickety old carts that clatter as they roll by. People wait for the thin stream to fill their containers and then return home, with help from their children to push the wagon with the precious liquid….

I still remember how annoyed my grandmother was when I told her I couldn’t take it anymore, having to use the bathroom when there was nothing to flush with. Then we had to pull up the bucket on a rope from the floor below, helped by a pulley installed years before on the balcony. This up-and-down ritual has continued to multiply until it has become standard practice for thousands of families. In their busy daily routine they set aside time to look for water, load it and carry it, knowing that they cannot trust what comes out of the taps.

Another blogger, the forty-year-old novelist Ángel Santiesteban, records the struggle over scarce bread outside a bakery:

When the bread comes out of the oven, the mobilization starts, disorganized shoving…. Everyone shouts, offended if someone tries to join an acquaintance in the line or tries to sneak into a possible gap with the objective of cutting in; but the violators don’t listen, the insults don’t matter, hunger is worse than shame, and they keep on pushing.

Claudia Cadelo, the twenty-seven-year-old author of the blog Octavo Cerco, begins a post with this account:

I met him when I was eighteen: intelligent, tall, good-looking, mulatto, bilingual, and a liar. He said he was an Arab and that was a lie, he told me he had traveled and that was a lie, he told me he had a “yuma” girlfriend who was going to get him out of the country, and that too was a lie. But I liked him anyway, I like dreamers. We became friends.

Then life took us on two different paths: I got tired of waiting for a way to leave the country; while he chose the infinite wait. Once or twice a year we see each other, every time we are further apart: I deeply enmeshed in the thick of things, he waiting and waiting.

The post then takes us up to the present. The friend, now fifty, is still waiting, his old lies exposed, his charm long gone:

He is not alone, the “infinite waiting” has claimed almost all of my friends—the petition, visa, permit to leave, permit to live abroad, permit to travel or scholarship—everyone is waiting for that paper that will take them far away, very far from The Land of No-Time…. I have come to define it as a physical and spiritual state: you haven’t gone, but you are not here.




Getty Images

Reinaldo Escobar, a Cuban blogger married to Yoani Sánchez, holding onto friends as they are jostled by supporters of the Cuban government, Havana, November 20, 2009

Sánchez tells the story of a man who made his living repairing damaged books. One day the man opened a large volume that had been sent for restoration and discovered inside a “detailed inventory of all the reports that the employees of a company had made against their colleagues.” It was, Sánchez writes, a “testimony, on paper, of betrayals.”

As in the plot of Dangerous Liaisons, in one part it could be read that Alberto, the chief of personnel, had been accused of taking raw material for his house. A few pages later it was the denounced himself who was relaying the “counterrevolutionary” expressions used by the cleaning assistant in the dining room. The murmurs overlapped, producing a real and abominable spectacle in which everyone spied on everyone. Maricusa, the accountant—as witnessed by her office mate—was selling cigars at retail from her desk, but when she wasn’t involved in this illegal work she turned her attention to reporting that the administrator left some hours before closing. The mechanic appeared several times, mentioned for having extramarital relations with a woman in the union, while several reports against the cook were signed in his own hand.

On concluding the reading, one could only sense an enormous pain for these “characters” forced to act out a sinister and disloyal plot. So the restorer returned the book after having done the poorest [technical] job his hands had ever performed.

Some of the most telling posts probe the bloggers’ own reactions to the limits the government has placed on their freedoms. In one, Sánchez describes how she was unable to obtain copies of her own book, a compilation of her blog postings published in Chile, which she had hoped to distribute among her friends on the island. Instead, she received a note from the customs office explaining that the shipment of books had been confiscated on the grounds that the “content goes against the general interests of the nation.” In the post, she imagines what might have gone through the minds of the agents who confiscated the books and concludes:

If three years of publishing in cyberspace would serve to bring my voice only to these grim censors, I would have sufficient reason to be satisfied. Something of me would remain inside them, just as their repressive presence has marked my blog, pushing it to leap toward freedom.

Here Cadelo reflects on her failed effort to obtain a visa to travel abroad:

Today I look at my refusal of permission to travel and it gives me peace: I was not hurt, not surprised. It is the long line that I have been drawing of my path, it’s the certainty that I wasn’t wrong, it’s the proof that the Cuban government has taken the trouble to tell me so I will know—despite the Party and its State, the security forces and their impunity—that I have managed to live as a free woman.

The paradoxical satisfaction both bloggers describe reflects a sense of vindication: the government’s confiscation of Sánchez’s book and denial of a visa for Cadelo confirm their work—not only the truth of what they write but the fact that, in the government’s own estimation, their blogs matter.

Yet there appears to be something even more basic here: the satisfaction of discerning the value of things as perhaps only someone who is deprived of them can. To a large extent this is what these blogs are: chronicles of deprivation. What appears to affect these bloggers most acutely is being deprived of ways to discuss and disagree about their country’s problems. When they manage to initiate such debate—even if it takes place in a forum that is inaccessible to most Cubans—their enthusiasm is palpable.

Here is Sánchez’s answer to the question of why readers of her blog keep coming back:

They feel that Generation Y is a public place or a neighborhood where they can sit and talk or argue with a friend. And they have stayed there, right up to today. In this very moment my blog is alive, while I am sitting here, talking to you. People are recounting, narrating, publishing, and that is the most important kind of wealth there is.

Indeed, the posts on Generation Y routinely elicit thousands of comments from readers, most of them abroad. Some are angry diatribes. Some display the familiar intolerance of ideologues insisting on adherence to their beliefs. Most, however, are from people eager to contribute their own observations and commentary—and their own stories and vignettes—to this new “public place.” This open dialogue is a historic achievement for Cuba, and it is only possible thanks to the Internet. Yet the bloggers themselves have only limited access to this conversation, and most other Cubans on the island still have none.

One of the more moving passages I’ve come across in Generation Y follows an interview with a Spanish journalist who visited Sánchez’s apartment in Havana earlier this year. Here is Sánchez, one of the world’s more influential bloggers, describing what appears to be her first encounter with the iPhone. The passage conveys the playfulness and yearning that make her voice of moderation so appealing:

Between the walls of this house, which had heard dozens of Cubans talk of the Internet as if it were a mythical and difficult to reach place, this little technological gadget gave us a piece of cyberspace. We, who throughout the Blogger Academy work on a local server that simulates the web, were suddenly able to feel the kilobytes run across the palms of our hands. I had the desperate desire to grab [the Spanish journalist’s] iPhone and run off with it to hide in my room and surf all the sites blocked on the national networks. For a second, I wanted to keep it so I could enter my own blog, which is still censored in the hotels and cybercafés. But I returned it, a bit disconsolate I confess.

For a while on that Monday, the little flag on the door of my apartment asking for “Internet for Everyone” did not seem so unrealistic.

—A previous version of this article was published on the NYRblog.

See "Cuba—A Way Forward,"The New York Review, May 27, 2010.
Enhanced by Zemanta