Jun 4, 2012

Only way out - change the government

Only way out - change the government:

  • Kim Quek
  • 1:31PM Jun 4, 2012
COMMENT The simultaneous announcement on May 31 by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) on the following three corruption issues has once again brought into sharp focus the severely criticised integrity and independence of the commission:
  • Former minister and current Wanita Umno chief Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, whose husband and children had been landed with a plum multi-million government project (National Feedlot Corporation or NFC) a few years ago under highly dubious circumstances, is finally pronounced innocent of  improprieties after many months of swirling controversy.
  • Opposition PKR deputy president Azmin Ali’s 17-year-old corruption allegation, abandoned for further investigation then due to lack of corruption evidence, is now re-opened for further investigation with lightning speed upon a blogger highlighting the case in his website.
  • No further progress to the age-old investigation into the chief ministers of both Sabah and Sarawak, whose legendary corruption scandals are now world renown due to the long-running and continuous surfacing of stunning evidence in the cyberworld of their improprieties and fabulous unaccounted-for wealth.
As if the above glaring double standard applied by our law enforcers to leaders of the ruling coalition and its opponents is not enough to discredit the the Barisan Nasional (BN) government, Bank Negara (Malaysia’s central bank) also stepped into the fray by summoning the whistle-blower of the NFC scandal for interrogation.  

PKR strategic director Rafizi Ramli, who has been diligently exposing the many legal and financial improprieties of the project, was grilled for breach of the Banking and Financial Institutions Act (Bafia) for having disclosed banking details of players in the scandal.

Let me briefly touch on each of these scandals.

The NFC scandal
The exoneration of Shahrizat from wrongdoing immediately triggers off an alarm bell. It begs the question of whether a public servant can from now on openly commit corruption as long as the corrupt government largesse is parked under the name of his wife and children?  

nfc office frontHe may ask: If a minister’s spouse and family can legally receive an underserved windfall from the government through the minister’s connection, why can’t I also do the same? Doesn’t this MACC ruling open the floodgate of open corruption by public servants?  

What constitutes an act of corruption? 

Apart from the obvious case of receiving or giving a bribe, taking or giving undue favours through wrongful exercise of authority, or even interference of due process with illegitimate motive can also be considered corruption.
  
It is pertinent to remind ourselves that Anwar Ibrahim was sentenced to six years’ jail under a charge of corruption simply because he was alleged to have interfered with police investigation into allegations of sexual misconduct.
(In this case, it was an obvious miscarriage of justice, as the prosecution evidence of sexual misconduct was exposed in court to be a hoax, prompting the judge to hurriedly expunge all such relevant evidence in order to save the prosecution case from collapsing.)

I mention the Anwar case to demonstrate how far MACC has deviated from the high standard with which our laws define corruption.

Shahrizat’s family was given a pivotal national project to build up the country’s beef production and supply industry, for which they received a RM250 million soft loan and a RM13 million grant, despite being eminently unqualified - having neither the know-how nor the financial capacity to fulfill the mission.

azlanThe project was a flop as only miserable amount of beef was produced. Meanwhile, the family had splurged tens of million of ringgit from the loan and grant to acquire assets unrelated to the project, such as luxurious condos and commercial premises, premier housing lands, expensive limousine and high-end restaurants, in addition to each of the family members receiving exorbitant monthly salaries.

To any casual observer, this is an obvious case of high corruption, but not our MACC. After passing the ball to the police for months on ground that there was no corruption element, MACC finally relented under public pressure and agreed to investigate.

After a lapse of another few months, MACC finally came out with the current verdict: Shahrizat is not guilty.

How credible is this so-called investigation when the chief accusers, Rafizi and his colleagues, who have constantly exposed new evidences of improprieties were not interviewed even once by MACC to obtain their statements?

Would Shahrizat’s family have been given such a project if she had not been a cabinet colleague of the top decision-makers, considering that the family had no merit of their own whatsoever to qualify for such an undertaking?

Obviously, this is a favour granted to Shahrizat in her position as a key political ally to the top Umno leadership. As a result of this favour (or even a trade-off), the family had enjoyed enormous pecuniary benefits - benefits that Shahrizat cannot possibly dissociate herself from.  

If such illegitimate favouritism and financial benefits received by Shahrizat and her family is not  corruption, then what is?

Apart from Shahrizat having to answer for this apparent corrupt practice, the bigger culprits are the top decision-makers who awarded the project.

Unless satisfactory answers are forthcoming from them, they will be deemed guilty of abuse of power and corruption.


Both Premier Najib Abdul Razak, as chairperson of the high-impact project committee, and Deputy Premier Muhyiddin Yassin as then agriculture minister, who had jointly approved the award of the project, are clearly duty-bound to answer the questions as to why and how they had reached their decision.
As far as we know, MACC has not even commenced investigation in this direction.

MACC has often prided itself as an independent institution which pursues the corrupt without fear or favour. Now is the time to show its mettle. 

MACC, are you up to the task of uncovering the truth from Najib and Muhyiddin, who are the obvious potential culprits? If you are not, then please stop the nonsensical claim that you are an independent institution and a fearless corruption buster.

Azmin’s corruption allegation
On May 29, blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin (RPK) on the Malaysia Today website, accused Anwar Ibrahim of influencing the then-Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA, forerunner of MACC) to stop the investigation on allegation of corruption against Azmin Ali back in 1995. As a result, RPK said, the case was buried until he was given the investigation file recently by an ex-ACA officer, hence the current expose. 

RPK further claimed that ACA had found enough evidence to arrest and prosecute Azmin then, but had refrained from doing so due to orders to shelve the case. RPK also exhibited part of the file on the website.

Within hours of this RPK posting, MACC swung into immediate action by lodging a police report. The next day, MACC’s Operations Review Panel convened a meeting during which it decided to re-open investigation on the case.

Many Malaysians must have been amazed (or perhaps amused) by the uncharacteristically super efficiency displayed by MACC over this almost ancient allegation against Anwar-Azmin, being already accustomed to its customary lethargy in probing the many BN-linked mega scandals.
But what is the truth of RPK’s allegation?

NONEImmediately after the RPK accusation, then-ACA director general Shafee Yahya at the material time, whose biography by his wife Kalsom Taib entitled ‘The Shafee Yahya Story’ had already thrown light on this incident, came out to strongly deny such allegation. Shafee categorically said that the investigation on Azmin was discontinued not because of any order but because the probe had not uncovered strong elements of corruption to warrant prosecution.

Shafee has been recognised as a man of impeccable integrity, whose rectitude and moral  courage shone through in his now famous raid on the office of the powerful Economic Planning Unit (EPU) director-general Ali Abul Hassan (a top Mahathir Mohamad confidante) where Shafee uncovered large amount of unaccounted-for cash in Ali’s drawer back in 1998. 

For that raid, Shafee incurred the wrath of then-premier Mahathir who angrily rebuked the former and ordered the case against Ali Hassan closed. Several months later, Shafee found his tenure as DG of ACA truncated upon expiry of his service contract.

As we have the highest respect for Shafee’s honesty, we have no question over his version of the story on this Azmin episode.

The question we have is: why has MACC’s operation suddenly switched into such high gear over this apparently archaic and inconsequential allegation as if this is a matter of top national urgency, while it continues to crawl at its usual snail’s space over other BN mega corruption investigations that are a thousand times graver?

Isn’t it obvious that by practicing such awful double standards at this time, MACC has in effect turned itself into a part of the BN propaganda juggernaut to sabotage Pakatan Rakyat’s electoral prospects ahead of the imminent general election?

The scandal-ridden CMs of Sarawak and Sabah
The long reigning warlord-cum-timber baron of Sarawak, Chief Minister extraordinaire Taib Mahmud (since 1981), needs no introduction. His fabulous wealth, derived principally from his ruthless exploitation of Sarawak’s rainforest for personal gain and his monopoly of lucrative government contracts, is too enormous to enumerate.  

azlanTaib’s assets have been chronicled to the minutest details in recent years in the Internet, particularly in Sarawak Report and the Bruno Manser Fund, an outline of which was summarised in my article onMalaysiakini on April 2, 2011.
 
Suffice to say that Taib’s fortune, valued at billions of ringgit, is spread far and wide across the globe. These assets, held under scores of family-linked companies, encompass oversea real estates, enterprises at home and abroad, and large areas of Sarawak land dubiously alienated from the ancestral land of the native inhabitants (known as NCR land).

There have of course been many reports lodged against Taib over the past few years, but all to no avail. These reports, well documented with incontrovertible evidence of corruption, seem to have sunk to the bottom of the sea, as MACC has steadfastly refused to divulge its position over the Taib corruption issue, as if the subject is taboo.

It looks set that Taib will continue his high pillage of Sarawak with impunity as he has done for the past three decades. That is, while BN is still in the helm at Putrajaya.

azlanSabah Chief Minister Musa Aman’s timber corruption allegation came into the limelight when his agent Michael Chia was caught red handed with RM16 million worth of Singapore currency at the Hong Kong International Airport on Aug 14, 2008. When Chia was arrested, he reportedly pleaded with the police to release him on the grounds that the money belonged to Musa Aman and he was only an agent smuggling the money.

Subsequently, MACC launched a major investigation into timber corruption in Sabah and found, among others, Musa had corruptly awarded timber concessions worth tens of million of ringgit to his brother, Foreign Minister Hanifah Aman (via nominee companies), according to leaked MACC documents, as reported by Sarawak Report (part of the leaked documents were exhibited in the latter’s website).

Sarawak Report also said that this MACC investigation was, however, blocked by attorney-general Abdul Gani Patail who is also from Sabah, and related by marriage to the Aman family.

Meanwhile, the Hong Kong Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) had been busy investigating into money laundering sourced from Sabah timber corruption, following the arrest  of Chia.

It had uncovered the entire network of the multi-billion timber corruption money trail from Sabah via Hong Kong, British Virginia Island to its final destination, Switzerland, where the money is deposited into Musa’s personal account in UBS Zurich. 

A flow chart illustrating this complicated network of money flow was passed on to MACC, a copy of which is now with Sarawak Report. This flow chart gives elaborate details of names of account holders, bank account numbers and amounts transacted. The chart together with bank statements showing payers (Sabah timber tycoons) and payees (Musa’s nominees) can be viewed here.

However, these investigations in both Malaysia and Hong Kong have not reached any fruitful conclusion, as inter-country cooperation was blocked, again by Gani, when the latter refused to sign a co-operation agreement, according to Sarawak Report.

With Gani standing in the way, do not expect any new development in MACC’s investigation of Musa Aman timber corruption scandal. And Gani will stay as AG, while BN is still in Putrajaya.

Rafizi Ramli - turning a hero into a villain?
The interrogation of Rafizi by Bank Negara for breach of the Bafia reflects very badly on the BN government.

It is a vindictive move to punish the whistleblower, not an act to uphold the law.

NONERafizi (right) has in truth done the nation a great service by diligently and conscientiously exposing improprieties in a major public project failure that led to prosecution of a culprit. So, why should he be punished just because he had to disclose certain banking details in the course of performing his civic duty?

Section 97 of Bafia is intended to safeguard legitimate confidentiality of account holders, not to shield the illegitimate banking transactions of the corrupt.

So any attempt to use Section 97 against Rafizi is not only morally wrong, but also legally untenable.

Does BN also realise that such a sinister move against Rafizi is tantamount to admitting that its top leadership had a hand in these sordid NFC affairs, otherwise, why should it seek retaliation and intimidation through Bank Negara?

If the leadership of BN has any cow sense, it should cease such abhorrent action forthwith.

Looking over the above narration, doubters of BN’s critics should be satisfied that this BN government is not going to bring the country to where it promises to bring - transformation, greater prosperity, greater unity, etc, etc. BN’s abuse of our institutions to serve its parochial political interests in contemptuous disregard for law and decency has gotten from bad to worse.

One should be convinced by now that the BN leadership has neither the political will nor the capacity to reform or “transform” (coining Najib’s rhetoric), and the result can only be: greater corruption, more abuse of power and worsening social dissension and antagonism.

There is only one way out for the country: change the government.

KIM QUEK is a retired accountant and author of the banned book ‘The March to Putrajaya’.

~ Malaysiakini

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THAILAND: Children trafficked to sell flowers and beg

THAILAND: Children trafficked to sell flowers and beg:
PAK KRED, 4 June 2012 (IRIN) - In an impoverished town in Thailand, a trafficker offered a desperate woman living near the Burmese border US$160 on the spot, followed by an additional $120 per month for two of her 10 children to sell flowers in the Thai capital, Bangkok. The rent-a-child deal was to last three months, after which the boys would return home to their widowed Burmese mother.

Hong Kong Holds Tiananmen Vigil

Hong Kong Holds Tiananmen Vigil:
Updated at 3:53 p.m. EST on 2012-06-04
Tens of thousands of people converged on Hong Kong's Victoria Park on Monday to mark the 23rd anniversary of the 1989 military crackdown on student-led protests in Tiananmen Square as Beijing muzzled online talk on commemorating the event, organizers said.

"The candlelight vigil didn't begin formally until 8.00 p.m., but people were coming there as soon as they got off work, and by 6.00 p.m. there was already a football field full," said Fang Zheng, a former student protester who lost both legs in the crackdown on protests that had gripped Beijing by the People's Liberation Army.

"The organizers ... estimated that this year, a total of 180,000 people took part," Fang said. However, police estimated the crowds reached 80,000 at their peak, he added.

Many of those taking part appeared to have come from mainland China.

"I came specially, because I wanted to understand this event," said a participant surnamed Zhang from Shenzhen, just across the internal border with mainland China.

"When I get back, I'm going to tell people about the facts of what happened from start to finish, so that the next generation knows about it too."

Another mainland resident surnamed Yang said she had never seen an event similar to the vigil in China, where the government has detained a string of activists and petitioners and banned Internet posts relating to the politically sensitive anniversary.

"These events took place in Beijing, a long way away from them ... but they are still coming here because of what happened in Tiananmen Square," she said. "It's very moving."

In mainland China, the authorities boosted security in the capital, especially in the vicinity of Tiananmen Square, activists said.

"From May 31 to June 4 ... key personnel must reinforce preventive security measures and step up their efforts to seek out ... any intelligence reports related to the sensitive time of June 4," Beijing's Tongzhou district government said in a statement on its website this week.

Beijing-based rights activist Hu Jia said the notice shows that the government regards itself as being on a war footing with regard to social stability around the anniversary.

"I'm pretty certain that the Beijing state security police headquarters are personally involved in [security arrangements,]" Hu said, adding that he had been forbidden to leave his home since Sunday.

"I don't know how long this will go on for, but it's clearly aimed at the period around June 4," he said. "There are more than 10 officers down there."

Jilin-based retired university professor Sun Wenguang said he was under very close guard after handing out leaflets to passers-by calling for a reappraisal of the official verdict on the events of June 4, 1989 in the city's Zhongshan park.

"It has never been this tight before," he said. "There are eight vehicles and they are keeping an extremely close watch on me today."

"They won't let me go out and buy groceries."

Beijing-based Zhang Xianling, a member of the Tiananmen Mothers group for relatives of those who died or were injured in the crackdown, said she had been refused permission visit her son's grave.

"This is a dictatorial regime which has implemented inhumane measures," she said. "What is so frightening about us commemorating our relative in a normal manner?"

"What right do they have to put us under surveillance and limit our movements? This is totally unreasonable, and it violates our human rights," Zhang said.

But she added: "It has been like this for so many years now."

In the Chinese capital, more than 80 rights campaigners met Saturday, carrying banners and shouting slogans calling for a reassessment of the 1989 protests.

"We shouted 'down with corruption,' and 'protect our rights'," Wang Yongfeng, a Shanghai activist who attended the protest, told Agence France-Presse.

"So many people were killed on June 4. We think the government should fully account for what happened," Wang said, as  photographs of the Saturday protest posted online showed demonstrators with large placards reading "Remember our struggle for democracy, freedom, and rights as well as those heroes who met tragedy."

Hong Kong is the only region in China where the Tiananmen crackdown is openly commemorated.

Under the terms of its handover from British rule, Hong Kong has been promised the continuation of existing freedoms of expression and association for 50 years, and former student activist Fang Zheng, who lost both legs during the crackdown, was allowed to enter Hong Kong to attend the vigil last week.

However, the territory has blocked former Tiananmen student leaders from entering the city to attend previous events on the sensitive June 4 anniversary.

Opportunity

Fang Zheng said he welcomed the opportunity to commemorate those who died when People's Liberation Army tanks cleared the Square of hunger-striking students and fellow protesters, amid bloody pitched battles with Beijing residents who tried to prevent them entering the capital.

"I have always wanted to attend the candlelight vigil in Victoria Park with my compatriots," Fang told a news conference on Friday. "They have kept up [this tradition] for so many years now, and they are a breakthrough force amid these dark times."

"Now that I have been allowed through immigration, I am happy to find that Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy still remains," he said.

Sina Weibo user and Hong Kong financial journalist George Chen wrote on his account that many Hong Kong-based netizens had found their tweets on mainland Chinese microblogging services were invisible to anyone but themselves on Monday.

"Why have they singled out Hong Kong netizens? Everyone knows what they're thinking," said Chen's post, which was later removed from Sina Weibo.

Meanwhile, Chinese Internet portal Sina banned the use of candle emoticons on its hugely popular Weibo microblogging service, later also removing a torch linked to the London Olympics which had been pressed into service in its stead by users wishing to commemorate those who died on June 4, 1989, bloggers said.

Keyword searches for the Chinese characters for "candle" returned a message stating that the results were unavailable owing to "relevant policies and laws," while posts using clocks and watches to denote the anniversary were also soon deleted, according to the Shanghaiist blog.

Across the internal border in Hunan province, activist Ouyang Jinghua said police had confiscated political banners from his home that he was planning to display in his home city of Shaoyang.

The banners called for a reappraisal of the official verdict on the 1989 protest movement and subsequent crackdown, and for Premier Wen Jiabao to implement his plans for reforms to the political system.

"Get rid of the single-party dictatorship, and build a democratic society," Ouyang's banner said.

"They came to my home and took all of my banners away," Ouyang said on Sunday. "They said that we couldn't deal with it in this manner ... they said they had no choice, they couldn't give them back to me."

Fujian-based rights activist Wu Linxiang said she and her husband were detained after they unfurled a banner outside their local court building calling for a reappraisal of the June 4 incident.

"A lot of them came and took us away," Wu said. "They replaced the SD card in our camera and they deleted everything stored in our cell phones."

"They told us we had managed to prod through to heaven, and that we would be investigated by the higher-ups."

Petitioners

The Chinese authorities also detained hundreds of petitioners who gathered at central government offices in Beijing to seek redress for rights violations in their localities in a bid to prevent any Tiananmen crackdown commemoration events.

"They brought in a lot of buses and were rounding up petitioners at the Beijing South rail station on Saturday night," Zhou Jinxia, a petitioner from northeast China's Liaoning province, told Agence France-Presse.

"There were between 600 to 1,000 petitioners from all over China. We were processed, we had to register, and then they started sending people back to their hometowns."

The number of people killed when People's Liberation Army (PLA) tanks and troops entered Beijing on the night of June 3-4, 1989 remains a mystery.

Beijing authorities once put the death toll at "nearly 300,"  but the central government, which labelled the six weeks of pro-democracy protests a “counterrevolutionary uprising,” has not issued an official toll or name list.

The crackdown, which officials styled in a news conference at the time as a necessary way to suppress a counterrevolutionary rebellion, sparked a wave of international condemnation, and for several years China was treated as a near-pariah, as Western governments offered asylum to student leaders fleeing into exile.

The Chinese Red Cross initially reported 2,600 deaths but quickly retracted its statement, while the Tiananmen Mothers, which represents all victims of the crackdown who died or were maimed, says it has confirmed 186 deaths, although not all at the hands of the army.

The United States at the weekend called on China to release any remaining prisoners serving sentences linked to the crackdown.

"We renew our call for China to protect the universal human rights of all its citizens; release those who have been wrongfully detained, prosecuted, incarcerated, forcibly disappeared, or placed under house arrest; and end the ongoing harassment of human rights activists and their families," State Department deputy spokesman Mark Toner said in a statement issued on Monday.

"On this the 23rd anniversary of the violent suppression by Chinese authorities of the spring 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations, the United States joins the international community in remembering the tragic loss of innocent lives," the statement said.

China hit out at Washington for interfering in its internal affairs, however.

"The U.S. side has been ignoring the facts and issuing such statements year after year, making baseless accusations against the Chinese government and arbitrarily interfering with China's internal affairs," foreign ministry spokesman Liu Weimin told a regular news conference in Beijing on Monday.

"The Chinese side expresses strong dissatisfaction and resolute opposition to such acts," Liu said.

Reported by Wen Yuqing for RFA's Cantonese service and by Xin Yu for the Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Tibetan Envoys to China Talks Quit

Tibetan Envoys to China Talks Quit:
Tibet's exiled spiritual leader the Dalai Lama's envoys to negotiations with Beijing for greater autonomy in the troubled region have resigned, saying they are frustrated by the Chinese leadership's refusal to restart the stalled negotiations.

The ninth round of the secretive talks were held in January 2010 after a 14-month hiatus. There has been no breakthrough in the discussions that have been held since 2002.

Envoys Lodi Gyari and Kelsang Gyaltsen "expressed their utter frustration over the lack of positive response from the Chinese side and submitted their resignations" to Lobsang Sangay, the head of the India-based Tibetan government-in-exile at a May 30-31 meeting.

“Given the deteriorating situation inside Tibet since 2008 leading to the increasing cases of self-immolations by Tibetans, we are compelled to submit our resignations," a statement from the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) said.

The Chinese Communist Party's United Front Work Department, which represents Beijing in the talks, also did not respond positively to proposals for "genuine autonomy" for the Tibetan people presented in 2008 and 2010, the statement added.

"One of the key Chinese interlocutors in the dialogue process even advocated abrogation of minority status as stipulated in the Chinese constitution thereby seeming to remove the basis of autonomy. At this particular time, it is difficult to have substantive dialogue,” the two envoys said in their resignation letter.

The CTA has said it hopes to continue with the negotiations with Beijing.

Sangay, who was elected prime minister of the exile parliament last year after the Dalai Lama stepped down as the political leader of the Tibetan people, "regretfully accepted" the resignations, effective June 1, 2012, the statement said.

Middle-way approach

The exile cabinet urged Beijing to accept the Dalai Lama's "middle-way" approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibetans within China and within the framework of the Chinese constitution, the statement said.

"This is a win-win proposition, which contributes to PRC’s [People's Republic of China's] unity, stability, harmony and its peaceful rise in the world."

A Tibetan task force on the negotiations with Beijing will be expanded and will meet again in December to discuss the Chinese leadership transition with the hope of continuing a dialogue with the new Chinese leaders to peacefully resolve the issue of Tibet, the statement said.

"The Tibetan leadership remains firmly committed to non-violence and the middle-way approach, and strongly believes that the only way to resolve the issue of Tibet is through dialogue. The Tibetan leadership considers substance to be primary and process as secondary, and is ready to engage in meaningful dialogue anywhere and at anytime."

China has ruled Tibet since 1950, and the Chinese government has repeatedly accused exiled Tibetans, including the Dalai Lama, of stoking dissent against its rule. The spiritual leader fled to India in 1959 after a failed uprising.

Tibetans have increasingly criticized Chinese policies which they say are discriminatory and have robbed them of their rights.

Thirty-eight Tibetans have self-immolated so far in a bid to push for an end to Beijing's rule and the return of the exiled Dalai Lama.

Some analysts say Beijing is unlikely to soften its stance against the protesting Tibetans ahead of the once-in-a-decade leadership succession in the ruling Chinese Community Party at the end of the year.

The resignation of the two envoys came amid the transition in Beijing and the Tibetan exile government, they said.

"The transition in China, transition in Dharamsala and the situation in Tibet does not provide the kind of confidence, atmosphere in which the talks can take place," said Mary Beth Markey, president of the Washington-based advocacy group International Campaign for Tibet.

"It's a combination of situations that has made the decision for the envoys to step down," she told RFA.

Asked on the next step, she said, "It is for Dharamsala to study the transition in China and make some determination."

The Dalai Lama has lived in northern India since fleeing his homeland in 1959 after a failed uprising against Chinese rule.

Reported by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.

Death in Detention Draws Denigration

Death in Detention Draws Denigration:
A 12-year-old Uyghur boy has died in police custody under suspicious circumstances after being detained for taking Islamic prayer lessons from an unsanctioned school, drawing condemnation from an overseas rights group.

Mirzahid was arrested on May 20 while studying Islamic prayer and reciting of the Koran along with two other students and their teacher at the teacher’s home in Korla in northwestern China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, according to the boy’s father, who has been living in exile for the past 11 years.

Due to restrictions in the region imposed by Chinese authorities, Uyghurs have been forced to seek alternative ways to obtain a religious education.

Only state-sanctioned religious schools are legal, but have limited openings and difficult entry requirements, hindering access for Uyghurs.

Police informed Mirzahid’s mother that the boy had committed suicide while in detention, though she told her husband that when she went to retrieve his body, it became clear that he had suffered torture, appearing to have been strangled around the neck and beaten repeatedly.

His mother said that she was told by police not to speak of Mirzahid’s death and to quietly bury his body immediately. The boy was interred in the presence of the police and without reciting from the Koran on May 22.

According to a report in the official Chinese media, Mirzahid died as a result of a beating he received before he was detained at the hands of his Koran instructor who was punishing him for failing to recite his prayers in a timely manner.

The case drew strong condemnation from the Germany-based World Uyghur Congress (WUC), which noted that Mirzahid’s death comes against a backdrop of an increased presence of security forces in the region following a clash in Korla between young Uyghurs and police, which left four Uyghurs dead.

“The case is riddled with many violations of fundamental international human rights law, as well as reminiscent of the persecution that Uyghurs face on a day-to-day basis and other deaths in detention of minors, such as that of Noor-ul-Islam Shebaz in November 2011,” the WUC wrote in a statement.

Noor-ul-Islam Sherbaz, then 17, was detained following ethnic disturbances in the regional capital Urumqi in July 2009, and was charged in 2010 for what authorities said was his role in inciting the unrest. He was allegedly given a lethal injection at his prison hospital and immediately buried by authorities, who would not let his family see his body.

‘Barbaric’ case

WUC President Rebiya Kadeer said that while many Uyghur adults are detained, tortured and, in cases, executed or died as a result of their treatment, “the case of Mirzahid is particularly barbaric.”

“Whatever his crime—indeed, precedents suggest that there was unlikely to be a crime—no child should be detained, moreover tortured to death,” she said.

“This incident is a flagrant abuse of the most basic international human rights law.”

Kadeer noted that China has ratified the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and is a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

“China must recognise the competency of the Committee against Torture, and undertake all measures so that this barbaric act does not repeat itself again,” she said.

“China must immediately cease its persecution of Uyghurs and the denial of their right to freedom of religion, especially for children for whom there should be no exception.”

Reported by Joshua Lipes.

Another Win for Ruling Party

Another Win for Ruling Party:
Cambodia’s ruling party scored a landslide victory in local elections over the weekend, preliminary results revealed Monday, as opposition parties and election monitors complained of irregularities in the country’s third ever commune-level vote.
Early returns received by the country’s election committee showed a strong victory for Prime Minister Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), sweeping 1,593 of the 1,633 commune chief posts in the country, up one from the previous election in 2007.
The remaining 40 posts went to the opposition—22 for the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) and 18 for the Human Rights Party (HRP).  Both parties said they would have had stronger gains if election conditions had been less biased toward the ruling party.
The SRP refused to accept the preliminary election results due to voter irregularities, saying that intimidation of voters had worsened since the previous election.
“The Sam Rainsy Party does not accept the results of this election because many voters could not vote because, even though political violence in the period ahead of the election declined [compared to previous commune elections], intimidation has increased,” SRP spokesman Yim Sovann said.
Yim Sovann called for reform of the National Election Committee (NEC), saying its members are biased toward the ruling party.
The CPP, which has ruled the country for three decades, easily won the country’s previous two commune-level elections in 2002 and 2007 that were marred by political violence and other problems.
Yim Sovann said that the SRP, which had expected to win at least 150 commune seats, has filed complaints with every polling station but election officials have refused to receive them.
HRP President Kem Sokha said his party would have received more votes if the NEC were not biased toward the ruling party and there were fewer problems with voting conditions.
Election monitors
Thun Saray, director of the Cambodian rights watchdog ADHOC, said the irregularities in the election had marred the results.
“At some polling stations, election officials prevented election monitors from monitoring the vote,” he said.
He said that government authorities had intimidated voters at polling stations and the guarantees against voting twice were not firmly in place.
“There was the presence of authorities at each polling station … and the black ink [used to mark those who had already cast their ballots] was erasable,” Thun Saray said.
Election officials at polling stations were unfamiliar or careless with election procedures and sometimes allowed those without names on voter registration lists to vote, he said.
Monitoring group Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (Comfrel) held a press conference Monday on problems in the election conditions, saying the country's media is biased toward the ruling party.
The group accused the CPP of illegally using state property, civil servants, and intimidation by the armed forces in their campaign, but said it would decide whether or not to recognize the results after further investigation.
“We have not rejected the whole election results yet,” Comfrel Director Koul Panha said, explaining that the group will not recognize the official results if it finds problems at more than 30 percent of the polling stations.
Comfrel had said previously that it had found at least 100 cases of intimidation, vote-buying, and the destruction of parties’ leaflets and logos during the pre-election campaign period, and that at least 1.5 million voters were unable to cast their ballots due to incorrect voter registration lists.
The NEC said Monday 5.87 million of the country’s 9.2 million eligible voters had cast their votes in an election the committee’s president Im Sousdey called free and fair.
Commune Seats
Sunday’s elections for local governing councils are seen as a key indicator of public opinion ahead of the general election coming up next year.
The commune chief positions are counted among 11,459 commune councilor seats up for grabs nationwide, of which the CPP won 8,283; the SRP, 2,155; and the HRP, 800, according to the preliminary results.
The remaining seats went to the Funcinpec Party and the Norodom Ranarridh Party, which took 160 and 53 commune councilor seats, respectively, but no commune chief slots.
The SRP’s total of 22 commune chiefs represent a loss from the 28 the party won in the previous election, as the party loses ground to the HRP, which was formed just after the 2007 vote.
The two parties have an alliance to challenge the CPP in the 2013 general election.
Five other parties also competed in Sunday’s vote without winning any seats.
Reported by RFA’s Khmer service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.

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Report of the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights on her mission to Timor-Leste

Report of the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights on her mission to Timor-Leste: Report of the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights on her mission to Timor-Leste:






The UN Human Rights Council has just web-published the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty's report on Timor-Leste at
http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session20A/HRC/20/25/Add.1


Annex

Report of the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights on her mission to Timor-Leste
(13–18 November 2011)
Contents

Paragraphs PageI. Introduction.................................................................................................. 1–4 4

II. General context ............................................................................................ 5–11 4

III. Legal and institutional framework................................................................ 12–17 6

IV. Achieving equitable and sustainable poverty alleviation: human rights-based
growth and development .............................................................................. 18–26 7

V. Groups particularly vulnerable to poverty .................................................... 27–46 9

A. Women ................................................................................................. 28–31 9

B. Children and youth ............................................................................... 32–46 11

VI. Challenges to the realization of rights by those living in extreme poverty ... 47–79 14

A. Access to justice................................................................................... 47–53 14

B. Right to health...................................................................................... 54–61 15

C. Right to housing and access to land...................................................... 62–68 17

D. Social security and social protection .................................................... 69–79 19

VII. Conclusions and final recommendations ...................................................... 80–84 21----

I. Introduction1. In the present report, the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, Magdalena Sepúlveda Carmona, documents the findings of her mission to Timor-Leste from 13 to 18 November 2011. During the visit, the Special Rapporteur collected first-hand information that provided an overview of the human rights situation of people living in extreme poverty in order to conduct a human rights-based analysis of key public policies relating to poverty alleviation, development and social protection.

2. The Special Rapporteur met with various Government authorities, including then President José Manuel Ramos-Horta; Deputy Prime Minister José Luis Guterres; the Minister of Economy and Development João Gonçalves; the Minister of Justice, Lúcia Maria Brandão Freitas Lobato; the Minister of Social Solidarity, Maria Domingas Alves; and the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alberto Carlos. She also met with the following: the National Investigation Department (Vulnerable Persons Unit) of the Polícia Nacional de Timor-Leste, the National Commissioner for the Rights of the Child, the Secretary of State for the Promotion of Equality, the Secretary of State for Social Assistance, the Director of Social Reinsertion, the Provedor for Human Rights and Justice, the Anti-Corruption Commissioner and the President of the Petroleum Fund Consultative Council.

3. The Special Rapporteur also held meetings with representatives of international organizations, donor agencies and civil society organizations. She visited and met with residents in the communities of Suai Loro, Galitas, Raimea and Zumalai in Covalima District; Maliana in Bobonaro District; and Dili.

4. The Special Rapporteur expresses her gratitude to the Government of Timor-Leste for its full cooperation during her mission. She also extends her thanks to the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT), in particular to the Human Rights and Transitional Justice Section, and to the United Nations Country Team. Lastly, she expresses her gratitude to all those who met with her, in particular those who shared their personal experiences of living in extreme poverty in Timor-Leste.

II. General context5. More than a decade ago Timor-Leste emerged from a period of conflict and instability, and embarked upon a process of State-building and development. After restoring the country’s independence in May 2002, the Government of Timor-Leste faced the task of consolidating peace and security, and rebuilding their country: restoring the physical infrastructure, 70 per cent of which had been destroyed; constructing the political and institutional architecture; and reconciling its people. Timor-Leste has dedicated significant efforts towards achieving these objectives, necessitating the investment of a large part of the country’s financial and human resources, which remain limited.

6. In recent years, Timor-Leste has experienced rapid economic growth, due primarily to the country’s considerable oil and gas reserves, and as a result has come to be categorized as a lower middle-income country. Despite these advances, most Timorese people continue to experience poverty, deprivation and insecure employment. Ten years of rapid population growth, a devastating political and security crisis in 2006, which had a serious impact on economic and social conditions, and recent global economic turmoil have restricted progress on achieving the Millennium Development Goals, and Timor-Leste remains among the least developed economies in the region, ranking 147th out of 187 countries in the United Nations Human Development Index.1 The intergenerational transmission of poverty continues; according to the World Bank’s 2009 projections, at least 41 per cent of the population live below the poverty line,2 roughly the same percentage as in 2001.3

7. The extent and depth of poverty in Timor-Leste is even more severe than the income poverty statistics suggest. According to the Multidimensional Poverty Index, which identifies multiple deprivations in households with respect to education, health and standard of living, 68 per cent of the population in Timor-Leste suffer from multiple deprivations, and an additional 18 per cent are vulnerable.4 Food insecurity affects up to 70 per cent of households during the “lean season” from December to February,5 exacerbating the poor nutritional status of women and, in particular, children, 58 per cent of whom suffer from chronic malnutrition.6

8. Access to adequate water and sanitation facilities remains poor, particularly in rural areas, where approximately 43 per cent of households do not have access to clean water and 74 per cent of households do not have access to improved sanitation.7 While the Government reports that about two thirds of the population has access to drinking water,8 the Special Rapporteur received information that poor water quality implies that only a very small percentage of Timorese have access to safe drinkable water, and many must walk considerable distances to obtain it. The lack of access to clean water and sanitation facilities contributes to illnesses among children, including diarrhoea, one of the leading causes of death of children under 5 years old. 9

9. Income inequality has risen significantly. Disaggregated data reveals that the 75 per cent of Timorese people who live in rural areas suffer disproportionately from poverty and disadvantage. The disparities between those who live in Dili, 71 per cent of whom fall within the highest wealth quintile in Timor-Leste, and those who live in rural areas, are stark: rural populations experience far higher rates of chronic income poverty and food insecurity, and far lower health and education outcomes. Insufficient infrastructure impedes

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1 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report 2011— Sustainability and Equity: A Better Future for All, “Explanatory note on 2011 HDR composite indices: Timor-Leste”, p. 2. Available from http://hdrstats.undp.org/images/explanations/TLS.pdf.

2 World Bank, “A 2009 update of poverty incidence in Timor-Leste using the Survey-to- Survey Imputation Method”. The national poverty line was defined as US$ 0.88 per capita per day in 2007.

3 International Monetary Fund, “Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper—National Development Plan, Road Map for Implementation of National Development Plan, Overview of Sector Investment Programs—Strategies and Priorities for the Medium Term” (2005), p. 33.

4 UNDP, “Explanatory note” (note 1 above), p. 4.

5 UNDP, Timor-Leste Human Development Report 2011, p. 52; Timor-Leste Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030, p. 109; World Food Programme, “Timor-Leste: coping with seasonal food shortages”, 1 April 2010; Oxfam Australia, “Timor-Leste Food Security Baseline Survey Report”, 2007, pp. 4–5.

6 Strategic Development Plan, p. 40; National Statistics Directorate, Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey 2009-10(Dili, 2010), p. 150; UNDP, Timor-Leste Human Development Report, p. 52. The most common strategies of coping with food shortage are eating less preferred or cheaper food, and reducing meal size and the number of meals (Oxfam Australia, “Baseline Survey”, pp. 34–35).

7 Highlights of the 2010 Census Main Results in Timor-Leste. See also Demographic and Health Survey, p. xxxi.

8 Timor-Leste, Millennium Development Goals 2010 booklet (Dili, 2010), p. 34.

Demographic and Health Survey, pp. 139-140.


travel, communication and access to information, and the concentration of decision-making processes in Dili severely impedes the delivery of basic services at the district, suco (village) and aldeia (sub-village) levels. The overwhelming majority of people living in rural areas suffer from underemployment and employment insecurity. Although the great majority of the rural population depends on subsistence agriculture, investment in the agriculture sector has been inadequate. Fiscal policies have failed to achieve a diversified economy, and growth in Timor-Leste depends heavily on the country’s finite petroleum reserves. This raises serious concerns about the sustainability of the country’s economic framework, which has been strongly criticized by some Timorese actors, including civil society organizations. 10

10. Despite these challenges, the country has achieved some impressive gains over the past 10 years, making considerable progress in terms of stability and security, and experiencing rapid economic growth. The Government of Timor-Leste is progressively increasing its capacity to provide its population with basic social services, such as primary health care and education. In the Strategic Development Plan 2011–2030, the Government reiterated its commitment to alleviating extreme poverty, building human capacity and making basic social services accessible to all Timorese. The country has successfully established the Petroleum Fund, and an accompanying legal framework for oil production, taxation and revenue management.

11. The challenge of constructing the country has, in many ways, been tackled with significant success by the State, which has demonstrated a strong commitment to democracy and determination to improve the lives and livelihoods of all Timorese. The Special Rapporteur acknowledges the well-intentioned steps taken by the Government to confront this daunting task. The obstacles that Timor-Leste has faced in striving for accelerated development while at the same time addressing social divisions in a postconflict context have been considerable, though not insurmountable. The Special Rapporteur wishes to congratulate Timor-Leste on its advances thus far, and calls on the Government to redouble its efforts to reduce poverty, achieve inclusive growth and development, and build sustainable industries and a strong economy that will benefit the poorest and most vulnerable in Timorese society.

III. Legal and institutional framework12. Timor-Leste has shown commitment to the protection and promotion of human rights, as evidenced by steps taken to ratify most of the core international human rights instruments, to improve their domestic implementation, and to engage with various United Nations human rights mechanisms.11 The Special Rapporteur notes the Government’s positive attitude towards ratification of additional human rights instruments, as recently expressed in the course of its examination under the universal periodic review (A/HRC/19/17, para. 77).

13. The Constitution of Timor-Leste (2002) guarantees a range of rights, including the rights to life (sect. 29), personal freedom, security and integrity (sect. 30), freedom of speech and information (sect. 40), freedom of conscience, religion and worship (sect. 45), the equality of all citizens before the law (sect. 16, para. 1), and non-discrimination (sect. 16, para. 2). It protects and promotes economic, social and cultural rights and duties

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10 See Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis (La’o Hamutuk)www.laohamutuk.org.

11 See the report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review on Timor-Leste (A/HRC/19/17), and the report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances on its mission to Timor-Leste (A/HRC/19/58/Add.1).

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(Part II, Title III), including the rights to work (sect. 50), social security and assistance (sect. 56), health (sect. 57), housing (sect. 58), education and culture (sect. 59) and a healthy, humane and ecologically balanced environment (sect. 61). The Constitution reaffirms access to courts for all (sect. 26) and the independence of the judiciary (sect. 119).

14. Timor-Leste has also made progress in adopting key legislation protecting human rights (including the Law against Domestic Violence, the Law on the Protection of Witnesses, the Criminal Procedure Code and the Penal Code) and has established several mechanisms to monitor human rights violations, namely the Office of the Provedor for Human Rights and Justice, the National Commission for the Rights of the Child and the Anti-Corruption Commission. The Special Rapporteur particularly welcomes the establishment of child protection officers in each district, an important step towards improving the protection and promotion of the human rights of children and youth. However, she is concerned that the capacity and effectiveness of some these institutions are limited by a lack of funds and enforcement powers.

15. While the Special Rapporteur commends Timor-Leste on adopting a strong legislative framework for the protection and promotion of human rights, she notes that this is not sufficient to ensure the full enjoyment of rights, in particular by the poorest segments of society. The Special Rapporteur was told that most Timorese, including officials of the State, are often unaware of what laws and legal measures exist and are available to them. She found that those responsible for implementing laws and programmes are hampered by insufficient resources, inadequate capacity, a lack of accountability, and the concentration of decision-making processes in Dili.

16. There also seems to be a lack of understanding of the indivisibility and interdependency of all human rights. In order to ensure that human rights, including economic, social and cultural rights, are enforceable and enjoyed by the poorest groups in society, they must be at the heart of the design, implementation and evaluation of public policies. Meaningful and effective participatory mechanisms must be put in place, those responsible for implementing social policies must be fully accountable, and the principle of equality and non-discrimination must underpin all development policies.

17. The indivisibility of rights also means that ending impunity is an essential prerequisite to ensuring stability, peace and sustainability. The Special Rapporteur encourages the State to take measures to ensure that post-conflict justice and reconciliation is prioritized and that a legal framework is put in place to ensure that those responsible for serious crimes during the conflict are called to account for their deeds, and the victims of those crimes are able to access reparations (see A/HRC/19/58/Add.1). She also reminds the Government of Indonesia, the United Nations and the international community of the role they must play in ensuring that the perpetrators of crimes during the Indonesian occupation are brought to justice.

IV. Achieving equitable and sustainable poverty alleviation:
human rights-based growth and development
18. The Special Rapporteur recognizes that Timor-Leste is a young country still in the early stages of development. Nevertheless, the situation of poverty and deprivation in the country is severe, and economic growth and development have not translated into sustained improvements in living conditions or job creation for the great majority of Timorese people. Development has been uneven and inequitable, its benefits not reaching the poorest sectors of society, particularly rural populations.

19. The human rights framework imposes an obligation on States to ensure that they devote the maximum available resources to the progressive realization of economic, social and cultural rights. In this context, the Special Rapporteur is concerned about the prioritization of public expenditures in Timor-Leste. She notes that even as the State budget has increased in recent years, there has been a gradual decline in the percentage allocated to social services, including health and education services, as well as to agriculture.

20. The Special Rapporteur welcomes the increases in allocation to these areas in the 2012 budget, which occurred immediately following her visit. Nevertheless, while 53 per cent of the $1.67 billion budget is earmarked for physical infrastructure, only 7.1 per cent will be allocated to education, 3.3 per cent to health and about 1.5 per cent to agriculture.12 Although she recognizes that physical infrastructure is important for ensuring the physical accessibility of social services, the Special Rapporteur calls on the Government to reassess the allocation of its resources, to ensure that social services are sufficiently financed to facilitate the progressive realization of economic, social and cultural rights for all Timorese in a sustainable manner.

21. The concept of progressive realization recognizes the challenges faced by small, developing countries such as Timor-Leste in meeting their obligations with respect to economic, social and cultural rights. Yet it also requires that core minimum obligations be met by the State to ensure the satisfaction of, at the very least, minimum essential levels of enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights. The obligation to achieve these minimum essential levels cannot be dispensed with even when resources are limited, or when a country is in the earliest stages of development.

22. Moreover, compliance with the maximum available resources requirement implies an obligation to ensure sufficient resources are generated. The Special Rapporteur received information that the management of the Petroleum Fund has been effected with efficiency and transparency.13 However, some concerns have been raised that the Government is consistently withdrawing more from the Fund than the estimated sustainable income level, and that projections from Government spending plans have Timor-Leste exhausting its petroleum resources by 2024, and the Petroleum Fund even sooner.14

23. The Special Rapporteur reminds the Government that its fiscal choices will have ramifications for its ability to ensure the realization of economic, social and cultural rights for the population. As the Government is aware, Timor-Leste cannot achieve sustainable and equitable development by relying solely on the revenue from its limited oil and gas resources. Inclusive poverty reduction and the creation of decent work necessitate measures to increase the capacity of the non-petroleum sectors of the economy, particularly agriculture, in order to ensure a diverse revenue stream with long-term stability. The Special Rapporteur also calls on the Government of Timor-Leste to assess whether its corporate taxation rates, among the lowest in the world, should be revised in order to expand the resources available to address poverty and reduce inequality.

24. Development should be a “bottom up” process in which the population can meaningfully and effectively participate in the establishment of national priorities. Consultation alone is not enough; those who are affected by State policies and programmes must have a say in the decisions that affect their lives. To this end, the Special Rapporteur commends the consultation process led by the Prime Minister as part of the formulation of the Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030, but emphasizes that further active measures

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12 Timor-Leste, Budget Transparency Portal, available from http://budgettransparency.gov.tl/public/index?&lang=en.

13 See Revenue Watch Institute, “Timor-Leste: transparency snapshot”, available from www.revenuewatch.org/countries/asia-pacific/timor-leste/transparency-snapshot .

14 La’o Hamutuk, “Submission to Committee C: Economy, Finances and Anti-Corruption, National Parliament, Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste”, 21 October 2011. Available from www.laohamutuk.org/econ/OGE12/LHSubComCPNOJE2012En.pdf.

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must be taken to enable the meaningful participation of those living in remote rural areas. Policies should include mechanisms to ensure that all barriers to participation, including linguistic, economic or geographical obstacles, are overcome.

25. The Special Rapporteur also welcomes the recent Sensus Fo Fila Fali initiative to disseminate the 2010 Census results relevant to each of the 442 sucos. This constitutes a good example of how information can be disseminated at the local level in an accessible way, enabling communities and individuals to monitor and audit progress made by Government policies in their own communities.15

26. Importantly, the Government of Timor-Leste must also take steps to confront the growing urban-rural divide. The Special Rapporteur welcomes the Government’s commitment in principle to the decentralization process,16 and the recent scaling-up of the local development programme for the country’s 13 districts.17 The Special Rapporteur calls on the Government to continue the process of decentralization by devolving appropriate decision-making powers to local authorities and ensuring that service delivery can be tailored to local needs and overseen by locally based officials.18 The Government should take the necessary steps to finalize and approve the subsidiary legislation for decentralization; ensure coherence between the subsidiary legislation and the national local government legislation; raise public awareness regarding the decentralization process; and enable and encourage participation in the decentralization reforms through broad civic education campaigns. The Special Rapporteur also calls on development partners and agencies to assist the Timor-Leste authorities in the process of capacity-building for its civil servants, particularly at the municipal level.

V. Groups particularly vulnerable to poverty27. Although in Timor-Leste poverty is widespread, several groups are particularly vulnerable. In the following section, the Special Rapporteur will focus on the enjoyment of human rights by two of those groups—women, and children and youth.

A. Women28. Timorese women face pervasive structural discrimination and negative gender
stereotypes, which dramatically impede their ability to participate in and benefit from
education, employment, health services and political representation. A life of poverty and
discrimination is the reality for many women in Timor-Leste, particularly women living in
mountainous and highland areas, female heads of household, widows and older women.19
Although Timor-Leste ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women in 2002, and has incorporated guarantees of gender equality
and non-discrimination into its Constitution,20 men continue to be more likely to be

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15 Timor-Leste, Ministry of Finance, Sensus Fo Fila Fali, available from
www.mof.gov.tl/about-the-ministry/statistics-indicators/sensus-fo-fila-fali/ .

16 Strategic Development Plan, p. 119.

17 Susanne Kuehn, “Briefing note on the decentralization process in Timor-Leste” (Joint
UNDP-United Nations Capital Development Fund Governance Support Programme), April
2011, second page.

18 UNDP, Timor-Leste Human Development Report, p. 73.

19 Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW/C/TLS/CO/1), para. 41.

20 Constitution, sects. 17 and 50.

----educated than women at all educational levels except primary,21 and have higher rates of literacy.22 A total of 45 per cent of women aged 15 years and over have not had any education at all.23 As the Government recognizes, widespread female illiteracy is one of the primary obstacles to achieving substantive gender equality, combating domestic and gender-based violence, and reducing maternal mortality rates.

29. In its review of Timor-Leste in 2009, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women expressed concern at the prevalence of a patriarchal ideology in Timor-Leste, with firmly entrenched adverse stereotypes and cultural norms (CEDAW/C/TLS/CO/1, para. 27). It noted that domestic and gender-based violence is an acute problem facing the country, a conclusion also reached by the Special Rapporteur during her visit and consultations. Studies reveal that almost half of all Timorese women feel unsafe in their relationship with their partner,24 and 38 per cent have experienced physical violence which, three times out of four, is inflicted by a current husband or partner.25 Despite the prevalence of domestic violence, victims fear being stigmatized or further punished if they report it; less than a quarter of women who experience violence seek help (with women living in poverty the least likely to do so), and of these only one in 20 turn to the police or non-governmental organizations for assistance, the rest turning to family, friends and neighbours.26

30. The Special Rapporteur applauds the work of non-governmental organizations that are implementing initiatives to provide victims of domestic and gender-based violence with counselling, access to shelters, legal aid and court support,27 some in partnership with the Government. However, the important work of these organizations should not be seen as relieving the Government of its responsibility to provide such services. The response of the Government to domestic and gender-based violence has fallen short in many respects, and the Special Rapporteur calls on the Government to increase resource allocation to initiatives that support victims of domestic and gender-based violence; encourage the relevant judicial and police officials to prioritize the prosecution of gender-related crimes; ensure such cases are dealt with efficiently; remove language barriers and other obstacles which prevent victims of gender-based crimes from accessing the formal justice system; and guarantee the protection of victims. The handling of domestic violence cases through customary or traditional justice mechanisms that do not comply with international human rights norms and standards should be actively combated.

31. The Special Rapporteur acknowledges that Timor-Leste has taken some important steps to combat this serious problem, including finally adopting the Law against Domestic Violence (2010), and designating domestic violence as a public crime in the 2009 Penal Code. However, the Special Rapporteur received information that these laws are not being widely implemented. She calls on the Government to put in place the appropriate measures to ensure that relevant officials are trained on the proper operation of the laws and that the public is informed of their existence and importance. Further efforts are also required to

21 Demographic and Health Survey, p. 18.

22 Ibid., pp. 34–35.

23 Timor-Leste, Timor-Leste Labour Force Survey 2010, p. 18.

24 Michelle Hynes and others, “A determination of the prevalence of gender based violence among conflict affected populations in East Timor”, Disasters, vol. 28, No. 3 (2004), p. 315.

25 Demographic and Health Survey, pp. 228 and 230.

26 Ibid., p. 245.

27 Such as Psychosocial Recovery and Development in East Timor (PRADET, http://pradet.org/) and Forum Komunikasi Perempuan Timor Lorosa’e (FOKUPERS).

ensure the provision of legal, social and health services for victims at the district level as required by the Law.28

B. Children and youth32. Owing to elevated mortality rates during the Indonesian occupation and high birth rates since independence,29 the population of Timor-Leste is overwhelmingly young; 40 per cent of Timorese are under 14 years of age,30 and in rural areas more than half of the population is under 19 years old. As such, the future prosperity of Timor-Leste will depend largely on the investments it makes to develop the human capital of its youth. Today, children in poor households make up more than half of all people living in poverty in Timor-Leste.31

33. As children depend on their families, communities and the State for their survival
and development, they are affected by the lack of or inadequate access to basic services. In
particular, malnutrition poses a threat to the survival and development of more than half of
Timorese children under 5. Chronic malnutrition is the result not only of a lack of food, but
also of insufficient access to health-care facilities, poor feeding practices and lack of access
to safe drinking water.

34. Half of all children in Timor-Leste are not formally registered,32 a factor which
seriously undermines the State’s ability to design and implement policies that respond to
the needs of children. The Special Rapporteur encourages the Government to continue to
pursue innovative efforts to raise awareness of the issue, such as the 2011 National Birth
Registration Campaign. It must also improve the legislative and institutional framework for
birth registration in compliance with its obligation under the Convention on the Rights of
the Child (art. 7).

35. Efforts must also be made to improve the situation of Timorese youth, among whom
widespread poverty, low literacy levels, limited life opportunities and high rates of
unemployment are still translating into disenfranchisement and frustration.33 Much of the
social unrest leading to the 2006 crisis was driven by youth who, lacking the means to
constructively channel their dissatisfaction, turned to violence.

36. The primary vehicle to address these frustrations, reduce child poverty and improve
the status of children and youth in Timor-Leste is education. Education is both a human
right in itself, and an indispensable means of realizing other human rights.

37. The Special Rapporteur commends Timor-Leste for guaranteeing the right of every
citizen to education in its Constitution and making provision for free and compulsory
education from grades one to nine. The National Education Policy 2007–2012 recognizes
the importance of preschool education, and the Government has committed to ensuring that
at least half of Timorese children are enrolled in and receiving quality preschool education


---------------

28 Law No.7/1010 of 7 July 2010, chap. IV.

29 Demographic and Health Survey, p. xxiii.


30 2010 Census (note 7 above).

31 World Bank and Directorate of National Statistics, Timor-Leste, Timor-Leste: Poverty in a
Young Nation
, 2008, p. 11.

32 2010 Census and Demographic and Health Survey, pp. 28–29.

33 Richard Curtain and Brent Taylor, “Viewing young people as assets in the development process: key findings of a national survey in Timor Leste” (2005, UNICEF Timor-Leste); Lene Ostergaard “Timor–Leste Youth Social Analysis Mapping and Youth Institutional Assessment” (2005, World Bank Timor-Leste).

---------------by 2015.34 In 2008, the adoption of the Organic Law of the Ministry of Education, the Education Policy and the Basic Law on Education provided the foundation for the establishment of a new education system.

38. Notwithstanding this solid legal framework, and despite the Government’s commitment to improving education enrolment and outcomes, Timor-Leste faces serious challenges in developing its education system and improving the availability and quality of education for all of its children. Although recent years have seen an increase in net enrolment rates in primary education, less than 50 per cent of children who reach school age enrol in grade one35 and less than a third of those children remain enrolled until grade nine.36

39. In addition, most recent assessments indicate that education outcomes across Timor- Leste are very poor,37 schools are crowded and in poor physical condition, and the necessary supplies and materials are unavailable.38 A lack of adequate sanitation facilities discourages girls’ attendance,39 and limited means of transportation to schools affects both boys and girls living in remote rural areas.40 Children with disabilities, who represent 1 in every 100 primary school students, face even greater obstacles in having their educational needs addressed.41

40. Children’s education is also hampered by their poor health and nutritional status.42 In the poorest and most vulnerable households, the opportunity cost of a child attending school may be too high, particularly in the context of limited employment opportunities, the poor quality of education received, and the perceived irrelevance of education.43

41. Throughout her mission and in all of her consultations, the Special Rapporteur was repeatedly informed of the serious problems relating to language that undermine the impact and accessibility of the education system. Timor-Leste is a linguistically diverse State: the Constitution designates Tetum and Portuguese as official languages, and recognizes that “other national languages shall be valued and developed by the State” (sect. 13, para. 2). English and Bahasa Indonesia are considered working languages, and many indigenous languages are also spoken, such as Fataluku and Baiqueno.

42. Although Timor-Leste should be proud of its linguistic diversity, it creates great challenges for the education system.44 Despite being spoken by less than half of Timorese

----

34 According to the Government, today only 11 per cent of Timorese children from 3 to 6 years old attend preschool. The quality of preschool education is low, with no standard basic curriculum and variable teaching standards (Strategic Development Plan, p. 18).

35 Timor-Leste, Ministry of Education, Education Statistical Yearbook 2008/2009, tables 13 and 14.

36 Timor-Leste, Ministry of Education, National Education Strategic Plan 2011-2030 (2010), p. 19.

37 See for example, World Bank, “Timor-Leste: an analysis of early grade reading acquisition”, 2009.

38 Timor-Leste and United Nations system, The Millennium Development Goals, Timor-Leste (2009), p. 29.

39 UNDP, Timor-Leste Human Development Report, p. 33.

40 Demographic and Health Survey, p. 20.

41 Timor-Leste, Ministry of Education, and ASSERT, Ita Hotu Ba Eskola! Report on the First National Survey of Disability in Timor-Leste’s Primary Schools, 2008, p. 6.

42 A strong relationship exists between household economic status and school attendance, documented at both the primary and secondary levels and among males and females. Demographic and Health Survey, p. 20.

43 UNDP, Timor-Leste Human Development Report, p. 46.

44 Ibid.
---people,45 Portuguese is the official medium of instruction in all primary and secondary schools. However, textbooks in Portuguese are scarce, and many teachers do not speak it fluently. While Tetum is taught in primary schools, difficulties arise in terms of the lack of written materials and dealing with different dialects.

43. Given these factors, it is unsurprising that Timor-Leste has poor education outcomes, low retention and high repetition rates.46 Empirical data shows that children learn better in their mother tongue in the formative stages and early childhood education47 and children are less likely to attend school if they are unable to understand their teachers or their materials. In order to respect the richness of linguistic and cultural diversity, international human rights principles hold that wherever possible, education policies should provide children with opportunities to have instruction in their mother tongue.48 Linguistic difficulties in the education system, and particularly the inability of children to access education in their mother tongue or native language, also often results in exclusion from information and access to services (A/HRC/17/29 and Corr.1, para. 63).

44. Acknowledging the particular challenges that Timor-Leste faces, the Special Rapporteur calls on the Government to confront the challenges of language and education. The Special Rapporteur recognizes the investment by the Government in the eradication of illiteracy. Literacy programmes have been implemented in all 13 districts, yet benefit only approximately 10 per cent of the population.49 She notes that a draft Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education policy and pilot programme are under consideration, and that differing opinions have been expressed on the matter.

45. A further issue which greatly affects youth is unemployment. The International Monetary Fund has estimated that about 15,000 to 16,000 young people enter the labour market each year; only 9,500 jobs are estimated to have been created during 2008 and 2009, despite increases in public spending and economic growth.50 Studies show that the schoolto- work transition of young Timorese is hampered greatly by the lack of linkages between the training and education system and the commercial sector. In the absence of a comprehensive social security system, most youth in Timor-Leste have no choice but to enter the informal economy and subsistence farming, where earnings are low and unstable.51

46. In recent years, the Government has initiated several programmes to address the concerns of the youth population, particularly unemployment. A national youth policy has been adopted and a national youth fund is to be created to finance initiatives for youth groups and associations.52 The Special Rapporteur welcomes these policies, as well as the Government and Parliament’s commitment to youth training and integration into the work market, as expressed by the recent approval of the Timor-Leste National Training

---

45 Only 39.3 per cent of the population aged 15-24 are literate in Portuguese, and 77.8 per cent are literate in Tetum. With respect to the entire population over 15, 25.2 per cent are literate in Portuguese and 56.1 per cent in Tetum. See 2010 Census (note 7 above).

46 Demographic and Health Survey, pp. 20-22.

47 See report of the Special Rapporteur on the right to education (A/HRC/17/29 and Corr.1), para. 63.

48 Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, art. 4, para. 3.

49 Timor-Leste, Millennium Development Goals (note 8 above), pp. 11-12; UNDP, Timor-Leste Human Development Report, p. 47.

50 World Bank, Independent Evaluation Group (IEG), Timor-Leste Country Program Evaluation 2000–2010: Evaluation of World Bank Group Program (Washington D.C., 2011), pp. 42-43.

51 Draft Timor-Leste National Youth Employment Action Plan 2009, p. 4.

52 Strategic Development Plan, p. 52.

----

Commitment package, which is to commence in 2012.53 She calls on the State to strengthen
efforts to diversify the economy to ensure that those seeking employment will have access
to decent work in sustainable sectors, such as agriculture, small industries and tourism.
Gmail - john.a.macdougall@gmail.com
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Working With and Without the Internet in East Timor

Working With and Without the Internet in East Timor:

Working without the internet in Timor

For the first twelve months of working with a local organisation in East Timor, I didn’t have access to the internet at work.
  • No email.
  • No quick google searches to solve a problem.
  • No youtube.
  • No facebook.
  • No hours lost through browsing the world wide web.

Yep, nothing. There was no internet because we couldn’t afford it.

Most days I would leave work and catch a cab straight to the $2 internet café in Audian to get my hit. It was painstakingly slow, don’t-even-think-about-uploading-photos-to-facebook-because-it’s-just-not-going-to-happen slow. I got used to being deliberate with my time. Emails had to be downloaded, read and written at home because it took too long to do this in the café. I read books while browsers were loading. I gave up looking at news sites and blogs. It was the internet in its most simplicity, exactly like back in the old ‘dial up’ days.

Working with the internet in Timor

Then one day, my workplace came across a lot of cash. And by ‘came across’ I mean we worked our butts off to get some funding. This cash purchased a generator, pens, a motorbike and a laptop computer. On the request of the donor, they gave us extra money to purchase a portable broadband internet pen because they wanted to make sure we could receive their emails.  Everyone was happy. I was even happy especially about the net. I couldn’t wait for the internet to revolutionize our workplace and open us up to the world.

What was I thinking?

Firstly, no one speaks English or Portuguese in our workplace which cuts out a lot of the web content. There are few sites in Tetun (the local language of East Timor) so we were left with Indonesian. Bahasa has got to be one of the best things to come out Indonesia’s occupation of East Timor, for the internets sake anyway. Yep, Indonesian was going to open the gateway to the possibilities of being connected online.

But, in reality, having the internet didn’t do anything for us. Well it did certainly open up some peoples mind about porn and Facebook. Did you know Indonesia has the fourth largest number of facebook users? (40+ million)  And taking Indo’s lead, our office was spending hours and hours on Facebook and YouTube. To make matters worse, a once peaceful work environment became a battle field as fights would erupt each afternoon about who would get to take the internet dongle home with them.

I suppose the only good thing to come out of having the internet was it allowed my counterpart to research how he could build an antenna to pick up the free Wi-Fi from the Presidential Palace at his home. It was a contraption he made out of wire, a pole and a tin can; amazingly, it worked.  Now that’s innovation and it seems someone else was impressed too because it was stolen off his roof one night when he was sleeping.

So the best thing so far to come out of having the internet was more internet.

I thought long and hard about how we could get more out of the internet and then I realised, aren’t they using the internet as it’s intended? Isn’t accessing Facebook, email, YouTube and porn exactly why you or I use the internet?

Nup, I wasn't going to hinder them, I was going to help them.

Example of real dialogue I used in a lesson about social media:

“Okay so if you take a sick day from work, when you are not sick, make sure you don’t go on Facebook and say you are, for example, on a holiday. Because you might be friends with your boss and they will see your status update and know that you are not actually sick.”

Ah working in international development, you never know what each new work day will bring. But on a more serious note,  if you find yourself in a similar situation, with a donor begging you to get the internet for “emails” well hold off for as long as you can. And if all else fails, do consider making your own free Wi-Fi can!

How important is the internet to you? Could you live without it for a day or even a year? Let us know on The Unofficial East Timor Facebook page.

The internet in Timor-Leste
  • There is currently only one internet provider in East Timor, Timor Telecom. But, that’s subject to change very soon as the government has just changed the law to allow other service providers to operate in the country. Here’s to smashing that monopoly!
  • It’s also recently been announced that there will no longer be free Wi-Fi at the Presidential Palace. So disappointing, I’m going to miss seeing the hundreds of East Timorese teens perched under the huts with their laptops.
  • There are a few internet cafes around Dili, it's best to shop around because they vary in price dramatically.
  • Some hotels (Hotel Esplanada, Aru, Hotel Timor) have Wi-Fi which you can purchase and use on their grounds.