Nida Poll shows Yingluck’s approval rating declines to 64%:
Every quarter, NIDA releases a poll on the performance of the Prime Minister and the government. BP blogged on the previous quarter from December 2011 here and the January-March 2012 quarter here.
There is a new NIDA Poll which surveyed 1,227 people nationwide between June 26-29 which was released July 2. The title of the poll is “Satisfaction with the government and the Prime Minister, 3rd poll (between April-June 2012)” (“ความพึงพอใจต่อผลงานรัฐบาลและนายกรัฐมนตรี ครั้งที่ 3” (ระหว่างเดือนเมษายน – มถิุนายน 2555)).
Unlike some polls, NIDA provides full access to survey data methodology so BP has included this at the end of this post (as noted below they have gone for equal geographic distribution by region which doesn’t reflect the population of each region).*
NOTE: All references to Bangkok include references to Bangkok and the surrounding provinces.
1. Satisfaction that the people have towards the Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra (ความพึงพอใจของประชาชนต่อตัวนายกรัฐมนตรี “นางสาวยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร”). Below is the breakdown by region:
1.1 Previous polls only have the “satisfied” number and BP assumed the remaining were “not satisfied”, but in reality there is the ‘no opinion’ as well. The total figure above is unweighted – see 1.2 below.
Now, the “satisfied” figures for July 2012, BP has found NIDA polls on the performance of former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and his government from October 2009-May 2010 and have included those, the October-December 2011, and January-March 2012 (released in April 2012) NIDA polls on the Yingluck government below:
Source: Aug 09-May 10 (DOC); December 2011 (HTML and PDF); April 2012 (HTML and PDF); June 2012 (HTML and PDF)
1.2. To explain the weighted and population fields, the poll surveyed 1,227 people nationwide, but it did so equally by region regardless of the population of that region which resulted in the number of people being surveyed as follows: Bangkok 248, Central 248, North 242, Northeast 245, and South 244.
Mahidol University has a population gazette - used January 2011 figures – which provides the population of each region and so the “Pop” field in BP’s chart above is the percentage of Thailand’s total population which is in that region. For the “Weighted” field, the key figure is the total of 64.1% which is the adjusted figure that comes out when you weigh the July 12 figures by the percentage of the population of each region. This means that Yingluck has a 64.1% approval rating which is a decrease from 71.38% in April.
This is more reflective than the unweighted nationwide figure of 59.98% which you get when you add the July 2012 figures together and divide by 5 with no adjustment made for population.** BP hasn’t adjusted the Democrat figures downwards as BP found no mention in the NIDA source of the geographical breakdown for the previous polls - from BP’s experience with NIDA polls and looking at the survey data from the elections, they were very accurate with their geographical breakdown (see here and here) – so it would be unfair to adjust the Democrat government ratings (they would likely go down slightly given the Democrats do better in the South which has a smaller population than the Northeast). The unweighted figures show a decrease from 68.5% to 59.98%. This is because Yingluck’s biggest decrease in support is in the South (13% of population). She has also suffered decline in support in the North, and the Central Regions although has remained almost the same in Bangkok and the Northeast.
Note: The individual regional figures for December 11, April 12, July 12 are still accurate. It is only the total figures which aren’t reflective.
2. Percentage of people who are satisfied with the performance of Yingluck government in solving various problems (ร้อยละของประชาชนที่พึงพอใจต่อการแก้ไขปัญหาด้านต่างๆ ของรัฐบาลนางสาวยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร)
2.1 Same as above, we have the figures for August 2009 and May 2010 under Abhisit and then December 2011, April 2012 and July 2012 under Yingluck (with the latter three including weighted scores). Below are the “satisfied” numbers:
BP: So looking at the weighted numbers, satisfaction over government action on “drugs” is the same, the economy is up slightly, the same with corruption and the Deep South. Unsurprisingly, on the political conflict/unity, it is way down.
Now, below you will see breakdown of the above by region and with “satisfied”, “not satisfied”, and “no opinion” -with the total figure not being weighted.
2.2 On drugs/vices
BP: Even in the South, “satisfied” and “not satisfied” are the same. Interestingly, the government gets its highest score from Bangkok (and surrounding provinces)
2.3 On the economy/living costs/unemployment
BP: This is higher than the Isan Poll for the Northeast - 52% in the Isan poll vs 67% here – although this question is broader. It asks not just about the economy, but also about living costs and unemployment. This could explain the difference.
Actually, the result is interesting when you think of the party vote in the 2011 election. Then, Puea Thai got 68% in the Northeast (67% here), the Central Region was 42% (around 44% here), the North was 55% (59% here). The major difference is the South where Puea Thai only got 8%, but gets 33% here.
2.4 On political conflict/unity/protests
2.5 On solving the problems in the Deep South
2.6 On solving Corruption
3. Points for performance of the Yingluck government (คะแนนผลงานโดยรวมของรัฐบาลนางสาวยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร).
This was one is rather short as NIDA don’t have a regional breakdown so no chart. There has been a drop from 6.24 in December (unweighted) to 6.23 in April (unweighted) to 6.17 now.
BP: You can say a gradual decline, but then if you were to convert in % terms it would be from 62.4% to 62.3% to 61.7% which is well within the margin of error. Hence, there may not have been a decline at all.
*Survey data methodology:
Region: Bangkok 248, Central 248, North 242, Northeast 245, and South 244
Sex: Males 54%; Females 46%
Age:
15-20 (2.53%)
21-26 (12.63%)
27-32 (17.36%)
33-38 (15.48%)
39-44 (14.34%)
45-49 (10.51%)
50-55 (12.96%)
56+ (14.18%)
BP: As with most polls, this seems to under-represent those aged over 56 although not as badly as most polls. This is probably because these people are more likely to be at home and are harder to survey.
Education Status :
Less than Bachelor’s (69.68%)
Bachelor’s degree or equivalent (26.98)%
Higher than Bachelor’s degree (3.34%)
Employment Status:
Students (7.99%)
Civil Servant/state enterprise (12.88%)
Private company employee (20.05%)
General contractor/labor (13.61)
Self-employed (7.91%)
Housewife/house-husband (8.64%)
Trader (14.51%)
Retired (.65%)
Farmers (11.98%)
Unemployed (1.79%)
BP: Again, There are more retired people that this, but this is the nature of most polls (i.e as they are mostly at home and hence more difficult to survey).
Income (monthly):
Less than 5,00 (31.70%)
5,001-10,000 (30.64%)
10,001-20,000 (20.95%)
20,001-30,000 (7.82%)
30,001-40,000 (3.42%)
40,001-50,000 (1.71%)
More than 50,000 (3.75%)
**BP couldn’t find an explanation that NIDA had already adjusted the regional ratings by population. There is mention of the SE Mean figure but the Poll itself doesn’t say that NIDA has already adjusted the ratings and given that the total figure is simply reached by adding up the regional ratings and dividing by 5, BP has to assume NIDA hasn’t. The alternative is that NIDA has adjusted the regional ratings which would be a little bizarre if they did so as the regional ratings are accurate, the only figure you need to adjust is the total.
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Jul 10, 2012
ALKATIRI SEEKS TRANSITIONAL COUNCIL FOR OLD GENERATION AND FRETILIN SEEKING COALITION WITH CNRT
ALKATIRI SEEKS TRANSITIONAL COUNCIL FOR OLD GENERATION AND FRETILIN SEEKING COALITION WITH CNRT:
Despite making claims that FRETILIN would win an outright majority on the recent 7 July national election Mari Alkatiri Secretary General Of FRETILIN is now dealing with a different reality.
According to a senior FRETILIN leader Tempo Semanal is told that FRETILIN has been trying for two days to gain access to the Xanana Gusmao, President of CNRT which got the most votes. This source has informed Tempo Semanal that FRETILIN is trying to open a discussion about how FRETILIN can make a coalition government with CNRT.
FRETILIN seeking coalition so as to gain access to legislative powers to help change the constitution and pass a number of laws.
While Xanana’s allies the PD and Frente Mudanca party leadership have already met with Xanana the day after the election, FRETILIN remains locked out. PD and Frente Mudanca are old allies of Xanana in the previous AMP government. According to some analysts PD and Frente Mudanca have more chance at forming a coalition with Xanana’s CNRT to establish a new coalition Government. This is due to the fact that FRETILIN and Alkatiri have long opposed Xanana’s Strategic Development plan. But according to Tempo Semanal sources within FRETILIN the party's leadership is now looking to push Alkatiri to agree with Xanana's Development plan.
While FRETILIN has increased is Parliamentary seats from 21 to 24 Xanana’s CNRT party has increased more to a total of 30 seats and has moved from second most voted party in 2007 to first most voted party in 2012.
The following is an exclusive interview between Tempo Semanal and Mari Alkatiri conducted on 9 July 2012.
TS: During the FRETILIN campaign for the parliamentary elections you repeatedly called for an end to attacks on XANANA GUSMAO, why has your party changed its policy?
MA. We did not really call for an end on criticism of XANANA. But I do believe that the leaders of our generation need to hand over power to the next generation. We should not just hand over power but also show a good example to the next generation. We need to show a good example, in order to think about the way forward. Sooner or later we have to hand political power and leadership to the new generation. Not only goodwill. It’s not enough. But we need to set a good example. It is about the day-to-day life of practicing politics, and not just about attacking each other as enemies. We are not enemies. Of course we not think in the same way. This is part of the democracy. We have to think about the interest of the people and the interest of the nation.
TS: Is this a new maneuver to save your party?
MA: I am not speaking on behalf of the party. But we came from the same roots and with the same beliefs. And we have the same objectives. This is the point. Parties are important for our democracy. But we need to think of the future of the nation, in such a way we can really free the people from poverty. Our new cause is how to combat poverty and free the people from poverty. I think we (1974 generation) are not more than three to five people. We really need to hand over everything to the new generation.
TS: Do you mean the 1974-generation like Ramos HORTA and XANANA?
MA: Yes. Ramos HORTA and myself are the founders of this nation. The other founders have passed away recently. He is Francisco Xavier do AMARAL. XANANA GUSMAO is a person whom since 1979 to 1999 led the resistance until the end of our struggle. Of course he joined FRETILIN in 1975, and he lead the resistance for more then 20 years. It is s very important to have this generation from 1974 and 1975 to be able to think about the future of the nation without us.
TS: Do you mean you are seeking a coalition between the leadership of the older generation?
MA: I am not looking for a coalition to lead the government. But I am looking for a coalition of good ideas and good will. I am looking for a coalition of objectives or targets.
TS: Is there any response from Mr. XANANA to your proposal? If not what are you going to do to convince XANANA to accept your offer?
MA: I will keep repeating my appeal. Of course I think XANANA is a person of good will. He is also a dreamer for the best of our people. And I do still believe that immediately after the election we will sit together and try to think about it.
TS: If the 1974 and 1975 generation can’t accept your idea what would be the consequences to the founders of this nation?
MA: It means we fail. This is really a failure from our side. And then soon or later our people will reject us.
TS: People are discussing the possibility of coalition between FRETILIN and CNRT in time to prevent the history of 2007. But some do not believe that FRETILIN and CNRT will be able to sit in the same table of council ministers. What are your feelings on this?
MA: I think we can’t really make this kind of equation of the historic leaders to be away from a political power and to support or assist those one going to govern the country. It’s not easy for us to have coalition with every political party. But one thing has to be respected. The winner has to lead the coalition and not the second place party. This is the point if we are to respect the will of the people. The winner is to lead a coalition.
TS: How to prevent the 2007 scenario which FRETILIN was not able make a coalition with any party and the President invited the second most voted party which able to form a coalition to establish a Government. People are arguing that the constitution is vague and there is no time frame set so as to allow people to interpret it according to their own way. What’s your interpretation?
MA: For me my interpretation of the constitutions is clear. The most voted party has to be invited by the President of the Republic to lead the government. If it fails to be able to create a coalition then the President has the opportunity to invite others or the second most voted party to do so. But the President cannot choose the second most voted party before allowing the first most voted the opportunity to establish a coaltion.
TS: So what happened in 2007 was that FRETILIN as the first most voted party was not given the chance to form the government but President called in the second most voted party which was able to form a coalition for government in that time.
MA: Yes. It was unconstitutional.
Fast-Changing Arab World Is Upending U.S. Assumptions
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As Golden Dawn Rises in Greece, Anti-Immigrant Violence Follows
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The GOP’s crime against voters
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Spare us any more hooey about “preventing fraud” and “protecting the integrity of the ballot box.” The Republican-led crusade for voter ID laws has been revealed as a cynical ploy to disenfranchise as many likely Democratic voters as possible, with poor people and minorities the main targets.
Read full article >>
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In Niger, hunger crisis raises fears of more child marriages
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Balki Souley lost her son during childbirth the other day. Her body was so frail, so weakened by a lack of food that she, too, nearly died. “When I return to my village, I will try to have another child,” she said shyly as she lay on the floor of a crowded maternity ward.
Read full article >>
Balki Souley lost her son during childbirth the other day. Her body was so frail, so weakened by a lack of food that she, too, nearly died. “When I return to my village, I will try to have another child,” she said shyly as she lay on the floor of a crowded maternity ward.
Read full article >>
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Read full article >>
In Lebanon, a hard-line Sunni cleric gives voice to deep sectarian tensions
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SIDON, Lebanon — From his mosque in south Lebanon, Sheik Ahmad Assir, a hard-line cleric, embodies a new trend in the Middle East: the rise of conservative Sunni Islamists openly opposed to their Shiite counterparts and their backers, Iran and Syria.
Read full article >>
SIDON, Lebanon — From his mosque in south Lebanon, Sheik Ahmad Assir, a hard-line cleric, embodies a new trend in the Middle East: the rise of conservative Sunni Islamists openly opposed to their Shiite counterparts and their backers, Iran and Syria.
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Jail for Bahrain protest leader over tweet
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Jul 9, 2012
Likely members of Timor-Leste's next parliament
Likely members of Timor-Leste's next parliament:
CNRT (30)
1. KAY RALA XANANA GUSMAO
2. DEONISIO DA COSTA BABO SOARES
3. MARIA FERNANDA LAY
4. VICENTE DA SILVA GUTERRES
5. EDUARDO DE DEUS BARRETO
6. VIRGINIA ANA BELO
7. ARAO NOE DE JESUS DA COSTA AMARAL
8. DUARTE NUNES
9. BRIGIDA ANTONIA CORREIA
10. ADERITO HUGO DA COSTA
11. NATALINO DOS SANTOS NASCIMENTO
12. MARIA ROSA DA CAMARA “BI SOI”
13. IZILDA MANUELA DA LUZ PEREIRA SOARES
14. PEDRO DOS MARTIRES DA COSTA
15. VIRGILIO MARIA DIAS MARCAL
16. MATEUS DE JESUS
17. JOSE DA SILVA PANAO
18. CARMELITA CAETANO MONIZ
19. DOMINGAS ALVES DA SILVA “BILOU-MALI”
20. JACOB DE ARAUJO
21. CESAR VALENTE DE JESUS
22. ANSELMO DA CONCEICAO
23. JACINTO VIEGAS VICENTE
24. ANGELA M.CORVELO DE A.SARMENTO
25. ALBINA MARCAL FREITAS
26. ANTONIO XIMENES
26. FRANCISCO DA COSTA
27. DOMINGOS CARVALHO DE ARAUJO
28. AGOSTINHO LAY
29. BENDITA MONIZ MAGNO
30. MANUEL G. DA COSTA GUTERRES
PD (8)
1.FERNANDO LA SAMA DE ARAUJO
2.MARIANO ASSANAMI SABINO
3.MARIA DE LURDES MARTINS DE SOUSA BESSA
4.ANTONIO DA CONCEICAO
5.JACOB XAVIER
6.ANGELINA MACHADO DE JESUS
7.ADRIANO DO NASCIMENTO
8.ADRIANO JOAO
Frente Modanca (2)
1. JOSÉ LUIS GUTERRES
2. JORGE DA CONCEIÇÃO TEME
FRETILIN (25)
1.FRANCISCO GUTERRES “LÚ-OLO”
2.MARI BIM AMUDE ALKATIRI
3.JOSEFA ÁLVARES PEREIRA SOARES
4.FRANCISCO MIRANDA BRANO
5.ESTANISLAU DA C. ALEIXO MARIA DA SILVA
6.ILDA MARIA DA CONCEIÇÃO
7.JOAQUIM DOS SANTOS
8.DAVID DIAS XIMENES
9.AURORA XIMENES
10.ANTONINHO BIANCO
11.ANICETO LONGUINHOS GUTERRES LOPES
12.FLORENTINA DA CONCEIÇÃO PEREIRA MARTINS SMITH
13.OSÓRIO FLORINDO DA CONCEIÇÃO COSTA
14.ELÁDIO ANTÓNIO FACULTO DE JESUS
15.MARIA ANGÊLICA RANGEL DA CRUZ DOS REIS
16.INÁCIO FREITAS MOREIRA
17.MANUEL DE CASTRO PEREIRA
18.ANA DA CONCEIÇÃO RIBEIRO
19.AURÉLIO FREITAS RIBEIRO
20.MANUEL GASPAR SOARES DA SILVA
21.ANGÊLICA DA COSTA
22.ANTÓNIO DOS SANTOS “55”
23.FELISBERTO MONTEIRO GUTERRES
24.ANASTÁCIA DA COSTA S. AMARAL
25.LEONEL MARÇAL
Source: CIJTL
CNRT (30)
1. KAY RALA XANANA GUSMAO
2. DEONISIO DA COSTA BABO SOARES
3. MARIA FERNANDA LAY
4. VICENTE DA SILVA GUTERRES
5. EDUARDO DE DEUS BARRETO
6. VIRGINIA ANA BELO
7. ARAO NOE DE JESUS DA COSTA AMARAL
8. DUARTE NUNES
9. BRIGIDA ANTONIA CORREIA
10. ADERITO HUGO DA COSTA
11. NATALINO DOS SANTOS NASCIMENTO
12. MARIA ROSA DA CAMARA “BI SOI”
13. IZILDA MANUELA DA LUZ PEREIRA SOARES
14. PEDRO DOS MARTIRES DA COSTA
15. VIRGILIO MARIA DIAS MARCAL
16. MATEUS DE JESUS
17. JOSE DA SILVA PANAO
18. CARMELITA CAETANO MONIZ
19. DOMINGAS ALVES DA SILVA “BILOU-MALI”
20. JACOB DE ARAUJO
21. CESAR VALENTE DE JESUS
22. ANSELMO DA CONCEICAO
23. JACINTO VIEGAS VICENTE
24. ANGELA M.CORVELO DE A.SARMENTO
25. ALBINA MARCAL FREITAS
26. ANTONIO XIMENES
26. FRANCISCO DA COSTA
27. DOMINGOS CARVALHO DE ARAUJO
28. AGOSTINHO LAY
29. BENDITA MONIZ MAGNO
30. MANUEL G. DA COSTA GUTERRES
PD (8)
1.FERNANDO LA SAMA DE ARAUJO
2.MARIANO ASSANAMI SABINO
3.MARIA DE LURDES MARTINS DE SOUSA BESSA
4.ANTONIO DA CONCEICAO
5.JACOB XAVIER
6.ANGELINA MACHADO DE JESUS
7.ADRIANO DO NASCIMENTO
8.ADRIANO JOAO
Frente Modanca (2)
1. JOSÉ LUIS GUTERRES
2. JORGE DA CONCEIÇÃO TEME
FRETILIN (25)
1.FRANCISCO GUTERRES “LÚ-OLO”
2.MARI BIM AMUDE ALKATIRI
3.JOSEFA ÁLVARES PEREIRA SOARES
4.FRANCISCO MIRANDA BRANO
5.ESTANISLAU DA C. ALEIXO MARIA DA SILVA
6.ILDA MARIA DA CONCEIÇÃO
7.JOAQUIM DOS SANTOS
8.DAVID DIAS XIMENES
9.AURORA XIMENES
10.ANTONINHO BIANCO
11.ANICETO LONGUINHOS GUTERRES LOPES
12.FLORENTINA DA CONCEIÇÃO PEREIRA MARTINS SMITH
13.OSÓRIO FLORINDO DA CONCEIÇÃO COSTA
14.ELÁDIO ANTÓNIO FACULTO DE JESUS
15.MARIA ANGÊLICA RANGEL DA CRUZ DOS REIS
16.INÁCIO FREITAS MOREIRA
17.MANUEL DE CASTRO PEREIRA
18.ANA DA CONCEIÇÃO RIBEIRO
19.AURÉLIO FREITAS RIBEIRO
20.MANUEL GASPAR SOARES DA SILVA
21.ANGÊLICA DA COSTA
22.ANTÓNIO DOS SANTOS “55”
23.FELISBERTO MONTEIRO GUTERRES
24.ANASTÁCIA DA COSTA S. AMARAL
25.LEONEL MARÇAL
Source: CIJTL
East Timorese weigh unity as poll count continues - Sydney Morning Herald
East Timorese weigh unity as poll count continues - Sydney Morning Herald:
East Timorese weigh unity as poll count continues Sydney Morning Herald East Timor's sometimes fractious politicians are discussing the extraordinary possibility of forming a government of national unity, in which all the parliamentary parties would govern together. The two major parties, Fretilin and CNRT, are being urged ... |
East Timor Food
East Timor Food:
What do the East Timorese eat?
The cuisine in East Timor consists or rice, vegetables and occasionally meat.
Rice
East Timorese love their rice. Makes sense, it’s cheap and it’s filling. They eat it for breakfast, lunch and dinner. A meal is not complete without rice. A friend from work was telling me about a trip she did to Australia for a conference:
“At lunchtime, I had to search the streets of Melbourne looking for rice because they only gave me a sandwich for lunch. Just a sandwich, no rice! I was starving. So I looked and looked and finally I found a Chinese restaurant. I just ordered rice.”
After about twelve months of living in East Timor and eating my fair share of white rice, I felt the exact opposite:
Enough with this rice! Someone please give me a sandwich.
But good sandwiches are hard to come by in East Timor, especially if you want to make one yourself. Cheese and deli meats are expensive items and don’t even think about using the supermarket bread because it’s sickly sweet!
And if you’re body, like mine, is not used to eating that much rice, you’ll also notice the pounds piling up. It took me twelve months and 7 kilos before I decided it was time to reduce my rice intake. But I wasn’t the only one to notice by body swelling from too much rice, my East Timorese friends were happy to point out how much weight I’d gained:
“Oh Sister, you’re so fat now!”
Yep, East Timorese politeness goes out the window when it comes to talking about someone’s ‘changing’ appearance.
“At lunchtime, I had to search the streets of Melbourne looking for rice because they only gave me a sandwich for lunch. Just a sandwich, no rice! I was starving. So I looked and looked and finally I found a Chinese restaurant. I just ordered rice.”
After about twelve months of living in East Timor and eating my fair share of white rice, I felt the exact opposite:
Enough with this rice! Someone please give me a sandwich.
But good sandwiches are hard to come by in East Timor, especially if you want to make one yourself. Cheese and deli meats are expensive items and don’t even think about using the supermarket bread because it’s sickly sweet!
And if you’re body, like mine, is not used to eating that much rice, you’ll also notice the pounds piling up. It took me twelve months and 7 kilos before I decided it was time to reduce my rice intake. But I wasn’t the only one to notice by body swelling from too much rice, my East Timorese friends were happy to point out how much weight I’d gained:
“Oh Sister, you’re so fat now!”
Yep, East Timorese politeness goes out the window when it comes to talking about someone’s ‘changing’ appearance.
Rice with ...... what?
Vegetables
East Timorese usually eat their rice with vegetables (leafy greens, potatoes, beans, carrots etc…). They simply boil or slather them with oil and serve them. You can buy all sorts of fruit and vegetables that are grown locally and are mostly organic from the street markets and at some supermarkets. The local produce tastes pretty good but don’t expect to see the perfectly shaped bananas and avocados you are used to seeing at home. Because of this, some supermarkets import their veggies from Singapore and Australia.
ProteinMeat is a luxury. The cheaper the meat, the more it is eaten. Frozen chickens aren’t too expensive and are sold in all the supermarkets. Fish is also popular. Local fisherman stand along the man roads swatting flies and trying to offload their latest catches everyday. Red meat like buffalo, pig and goat are mostly eaten at big events like weddings and funerals. To supplement their diet, they get a lot of their protein from tofu and eggs. You'll often see young boys walking around the streets selling trays of boiled eggs with chilli sauce for 25c. Condiments
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Sweets and Snacks
Timorese aren’t massive buyers of sweets which is probably why their bread is so sweet. But there are Indonesian style cake shops which is where you’ll be able to buy some incredible looking birthday cakes. You can even have the cakes decorated with messages while you wait.
Kids are satisfied with plenty of cheap and interesting lollies and chocolates, which you should definitely try too. You can find them at any small kiosk located along the roads.
For snacks they like two minute noodles, nuts, fried banana strips, rice and supermarket bread with butter. They do make their own bread- yummy non-sweet small rolls called ‘paun’- but you have to get up really early to buy it from a kiosk before it sells out. I’m such a BIG fan of Timorese paun that I’m not going to mention anything else about it now, I reckon I’ll dedicate a whole post to in the next few months!
Kids are satisfied with plenty of cheap and interesting lollies and chocolates, which you should definitely try too. You can find them at any small kiosk located along the roads.
For snacks they like two minute noodles, nuts, fried banana strips, rice and supermarket bread with butter. They do make their own bread- yummy non-sweet small rolls called ‘paun’- but you have to get up really early to buy it from a kiosk before it sells out. I’m such a BIG fan of Timorese paun that I’m not going to mention anything else about it now, I reckon I’ll dedicate a whole post to in the next few months!
DrinksCoffee is the drink of choice in Timor-Leste. Even though they grow their own AMAZING coffee in East Timor, a lot of Timorese drink Nescafe especially the 3 in 1 packet, which is a coffee, milk and sugar instant mix. It’s not as bad as it sounds. And for you? You can buy lots of different drinks. At the Western bars they have everything, including cider! But when it comes down to it, sometimes all you want, is to brush your teeth in good old tap water. |
Have we left any foods popular with the East Timorese out? You can let us know down below. And if you're dying to know what foods expats can eat in East Timor, well you'll have to keep an eye out for our post on that, which will be up on this blog in a few weeks.
Image of rice: FreeDigitalPhotos.net
Democratic Consolidation in Timor-Leste
Democratic Consolidation in Timor-Leste:
The results of the parliamentary elections in Timor-Leste on Saturday have resulted in two outcomes, the first of which is a major boost in the vote for CNRT, the party of prime minister Xanana Gusmao, from 24 per cent to 36 per cent of the total vote. The second and more important outcome has been the consolidation of the democratic process in Timor-Leste just ten years after achieving independence.
After changing government in 2007, the people of Timor-Leste have again voted strategically, to focus their vote on the major parties, with CNRT taking much of the vote away from the many smaller parties which tended to reflect personalities rather than policies or party positions.
CNRT will probably form government with one or possible two coalition partners. Of the 21 parties that contested the poll, 17 now appear to have missed the cut-off threshold of three per cent, leaving just four, possibly five, represented in the parliament.
read more
The results of the parliamentary elections in Timor-Leste on Saturday have resulted in two outcomes, the first of which is a major boost in the vote for CNRT, the party of prime minister Xanana Gusmao, from 24 per cent to 36 per cent of the total vote. The second and more important outcome has been the consolidation of the democratic process in Timor-Leste just ten years after achieving independence.
After changing government in 2007, the people of Timor-Leste have again voted strategically, to focus their vote on the major parties, with CNRT taking much of the vote away from the many smaller parties which tended to reflect personalities rather than policies or party positions.
CNRT will probably form government with one or possible two coalition partners. Of the 21 parties that contested the poll, 17 now appear to have missed the cut-off threshold of three per cent, leaving just four, possibly five, represented in the parliament.
read more
Cambodia carve-up under the spotlight
Cambodia carve-up under the spotlight: The preferential access to Cambodia's rich natural resources that Prime Minister Hun Sen has granted tycoons and military commanders for political loyalty is coming back to bite him in the shape of mounting accusations that Cambodian land has been sold to foreign interests. As Hun Sen responds to bad publicity with toothless moratoriums, Cambodians see his power as increasingly undermined. - Sebastian Strangio (Jul 9, '12)
The Green Hajj
The Green Hajj:
By: Kafil Yamin
300.000 Indonesian Muslims, along with around 3 million pilgrims, return from Mecca annually and leave behind 100 million plastic bottles. Unless immediate measures are taken, the holy land will soon transform into a waste land. The figure, published by the Alliance of Religions and Conservation [ARC], does not include mounting waste from takeout foods and other goods during the 30-day hajj season. This daunting situation has caused a major headache among Muslim academics for the prospects of the holy land. “Islam venerates cleanliness in all aspects of life. This situation in Mecca is a great cause for our concern,” said Dr. K.H. Ma’ruf Amin , chairman of the Indonesia Ulema Council [MUI]. Muslims leaders and academics then put forward the so-called green hajj scheme.
The Green Hajj Guide called on pilgrims, popularly called ‘haji’, to use cloth bags and reusable bottles during their hajj; plant one tree each in their own district before they leave for hajj and choose travel companies with environmentally conscious policies. The tree is the paid price for gas house emission they would produce during their pilgrimage. “A carbon print of an haji can be neutralized by the tree they plant, it is a sort of carbon offset scenario,” said Dr Fachruddin Mangunjaya, Research Associate at the Universitas Nasional, who co-wrote the book with Dr Husna Ahmad of the London-based Faith Regen Foundation.
A carbon calculator shows that each pilgrim produces 2.3 tons of CO² in the atmosphere. This is based on 43.13 Passenger miles flown per gallon of jet fuel and an average distance of 4000 miles for each haji.
The Hajj – one of the five pillars of Islam – is the biggest annual pilgrimage in the world. By November 1, nearly 1.8 million pilgrims had arrived for this year’s Hajj, according to the Hajj authorities. The Hajj is also a spiritual exercise of piety, which is described by means of symbols and rituals that give a real lesson in life. During Hajj, pilgrims are prohibited from doing activities that damage and disrupt the environment. One is forbidden to kill game animals, damage trees and even harm any living creatures, however small.
Humans cannot use contaminated water for ablutions, and yet water sources in Indonesia are increasingly being contaminated by pollution, industrial waste, poor sewage, and chemical pesticides. Hopefully the Green Haji Guide will be a first step to not only a sustainable hajj, but also an overall change in behaviour.
By: Kafil Yamin
300.000 Indonesian Muslims, along with around 3 million pilgrims, return from Mecca annually and leave behind 100 million plastic bottles. Unless immediate measures are taken, the holy land will soon transform into a waste land. The figure, published by the Alliance of Religions and Conservation [ARC], does not include mounting waste from takeout foods and other goods during the 30-day hajj season. This daunting situation has caused a major headache among Muslim academics for the prospects of the holy land. “Islam venerates cleanliness in all aspects of life. This situation in Mecca is a great cause for our concern,” said Dr. K.H. Ma’ruf Amin , chairman of the Indonesia Ulema Council [MUI]. Muslims leaders and academics then put forward the so-called green hajj scheme.
The Green Hajj
Green hajj is an implementation of the Muslim Seven-Year Action Plan on Climate Change that was jointly launched in Windsor Castle, UK, attended by Prince Philip, the secretary-general of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon and various world religious leaders. Last week, a guide book on the green hajj was jointly launched in Jakarta by the National University [Unas] and Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI]. The book publication is a further step of the Muslim 7-Year Action Plan.The Green Hajj Guide called on pilgrims, popularly called ‘haji’, to use cloth bags and reusable bottles during their hajj; plant one tree each in their own district before they leave for hajj and choose travel companies with environmentally conscious policies. The tree is the paid price for gas house emission they would produce during their pilgrimage. “A carbon print of an haji can be neutralized by the tree they plant, it is a sort of carbon offset scenario,” said Dr Fachruddin Mangunjaya, Research Associate at the Universitas Nasional, who co-wrote the book with Dr Husna Ahmad of the London-based Faith Regen Foundation.
A carbon calculator shows that each pilgrim produces 2.3 tons of CO² in the atmosphere. This is based on 43.13 Passenger miles flown per gallon of jet fuel and an average distance of 4000 miles for each haji.
A Better Hajj For The Future
More recently, some groups of Muslims in the Middle-East and the North African region chose to leave earlier in the season so they may travel slower; taking a bus is a way of group travel that cuts down on the CO2 emission per person. The Guide also contains theological explanations about the responsibilities of all Muslims as Khalifas – vicegerents – to take care of the natural world and urges pilgrims to become advocates for green living amongst their families and communities on their return. This is the Indonesian version of the first Green Hajj guide book launched by the Global One 2015 and EcoMuslim in Assisi, Italy, on Nov 2, 2011.The Hajj – one of the five pillars of Islam – is the biggest annual pilgrimage in the world. By November 1, nearly 1.8 million pilgrims had arrived for this year’s Hajj, according to the Hajj authorities. The Hajj is also a spiritual exercise of piety, which is described by means of symbols and rituals that give a real lesson in life. During Hajj, pilgrims are prohibited from doing activities that damage and disrupt the environment. One is forbidden to kill game animals, damage trees and even harm any living creatures, however small.
Humans cannot use contaminated water for ablutions, and yet water sources in Indonesia are increasingly being contaminated by pollution, industrial waste, poor sewage, and chemical pesticides. Hopefully the Green Haji Guide will be a first step to not only a sustainable hajj, but also an overall change in behaviour.
Latest Chrome Beta brings better Google Cloud Print and communication integration
Latest Chrome Beta brings better Google Cloud Print and communication integration:
The great part about tinkering around with beta versions of software like Google’s Chrome browser is that you get access to cool features before they’re made widely available. It also means that you might hit some bumps in the road while using them, but that comes with the territory.
Today, the Google Chrome team announced some new integrations within the latest beta version of its browser, and they’re actually quite useful.
For those of us who still have to print things out (it happens to the best of us), it is now easier to do so from within Chrome’s print dialog:
In addition to the new Cloud Print integration, the latest Chrome beta also lets web apps access your camera and microphone without the need for a plugin:
Both of these features are extremely helpful, but also show off the increasing power of ChromeOS, which is Google’s operating system. The more things you can do from a browser, the less you need to actually install full-featured applications. I’ve been tinkering with a ChromeBox but miss apps like Spotify quite a bit. It will take time to get consumers to buy into the browser-only operating system, but features like this do help.
➤ Google Chrome Beta
The great part about tinkering around with beta versions of software like Google’s Chrome browser is that you get access to cool features before they’re made widely available. It also means that you might hit some bumps in the road while using them, but that comes with the territory.
Today, the Google Chrome team announced some new integrations within the latest beta version of its browser, and they’re actually quite useful.
For those of us who still have to print things out (it happens to the best of us), it is now easier to do so from within Chrome’s print dialog:
Today’s Beta release also brings a new and improved printing experience for Google Cloud Print. Now your printers in Google Cloud Print are integrated right into Chrome’s print dialog, so you can easily print to your Cloud Ready printer, Google Drive, Chrome on your mobile device, or one of over 1,800 FedEx Offices.If you’re not familiar with Google Cloud Print, it’s a way to print things out no matter where you are. I’ve personally used the FedEx integration in a pinch while I was traveling and it was seamless.
In addition to the new Cloud Print integration, the latest Chrome beta also lets web apps access your camera and microphone without the need for a plugin:
In today’s Chrome Beta release, it’s now possible for you to grant web apps access to your camera and microphone right within the browser, without a plug-in. This is thanks to the getUserMedia API, which is the first big step for WebRTC, a new real-time communications standard that aims to allow high-quality video and audio communication on the web.
Both of these features are extremely helpful, but also show off the increasing power of ChromeOS, which is Google’s operating system. The more things you can do from a browser, the less you need to actually install full-featured applications. I’ve been tinkering with a ChromeBox but miss apps like Spotify quite a bit. It will take time to get consumers to buy into the browser-only operating system, but features like this do help.
➤ Google Chrome Beta
A famine crisis one year on: Lives saved and lessons learned
A famine crisis one year on: Lives saved and lessons learned: In a refugee camp in Ethiopia, a coordinated approach and an understanding of the culture of those being aided averts a health catastrophe.
Daily Number: 73% - Most Asian Americans See More Opportunity in U.S. than Country of Origin
Daily Number: 73% - Most Asian Americans See More Opportunity in U.S. than Country of Origin: About three-fourths of Asian Americans see greater opportunity to get ahead in the U.S. than their country of origin.
Pakistani Public Opinion Ever More Critical of U.S.
Pakistani Public Opinion Ever More Critical of U.S.:
Roughly three-in-four Pakistanis (74%) consider the U.S. an enemy, up from 69% last year and 64% three years ago. And President Obama is held in exceedingly low regard. Indeed, among the 15 nations surveyed in both 2008 and 2012 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project, Pakistan is the only country where ratings for Obama are no better than the ratings President George W. Bush received during his final year in office (for more, see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).
Only 13% of Pakistanis think relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years, down 16 percentage points from 2011. Strengthening the bilateral relationship is also becoming less of a priority for Pakistanis. While 45% still say it is important to improve relations with the U.S., this is down from 60% last year.
Moreover, roughly four-in-ten believe that American economic and military aid is actually having a negative impact on their country, while only about one-in-ten think the impact is positive.
Additionally, over the last few years, Pakistanis have become less willing to work with the U.S. on efforts to combat extremist groups. While 50% still want the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremists operate, this is down from 72% in 2009. Similarly, fewer Pakistanis now want intelligence and logistical support from the U.S. than they did three years ago. And only 17% back American drone strikes against leaders of extremist groups, even if they are conducted in conjunction with the Pakistani government.
Since 2009, the Pakistani public has also become less willing to use its own military to combat extremist groups. Three years ago, 53% favored using the army to fight extremists in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and neighboring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but today just 32% hold this view.
Overall, concerns about extremism have ebbed since 2009, when the Pakistan military was battling Taliban-affiliated groups in the Swat Valley area near Islamabad. Then, fully 69% were concerned that extremists might take control of Pakistan, compared with 52% today.
While concerns about extremism may have decreased, extremist organizations remain largely unpopular. Majorities, for example, express a negative opinion of both al Qaeda and the Taliban, as has been the case since 2009. In 2008 – before the peak of the Swat Valley conflict – pluralities expressed no opinion about these organizations.
When Pakistanis are asked more specifically about the Afghan Taliban and Tehrik-i-Taliban (also known as the TTP or Pakistan Taliban), opinions are again, on balance, negative, as they were in both 2010 and 2011.
Views are somewhat more mixed, however, regarding Lashkar-e-Taiba, a radical group active in Kashmir and widely blamed for the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Roughly one-in-five Pakistanis (22%) have a favorable view of Lashkar-e-Taiba, while 37% give it a negative rating and 41% offer no opinion.
Meanwhile, a solid majority (64%) offers no opinion about the Haqqani network, a group associated with the Taliban that is active on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, but is largely believed to be based in the FATA region of Pakistan.
Respondents in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province consistently express more negative views about extremist groups than those in other provinces. Al Qaeda, the Taliban, Tehrik-i-Taliban, the Afghan Taliban and Lashkar-e-Taiba all receive especially poor ratings in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistanis who pray five times per day are also more likely than those who pray less often to offer negative views of extremist groups.
These are among the key findings from a survey of Pakistan by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 1,206 respondents between March 28 and April 13. The sample covers approximately 82% of the Pakistani population.1 The poll in Pakistan is part of the larger 21-nation spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey. Throughout the report, unless otherwise noted, trends from 2011 refer to a survey conducted in Pakistan from May 8-15, 2011, following the May 2, 2011 U.S. military raid that killed Osama bin Laden.2 The May 2011 survey showed that, with a few exceptions, the killing of bin Laden had little impact on America’s already low ratings in Pakistan. The current poll reveals that, in some key areas, Pakistani views of the relationship between the two countries have become even more negative in the year since the Abbottabad raid.
The dismal public mood is reflected in poor ratings for the leaders of the incumbent Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), President Asif Ali Zardari and former Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani. Only 14% view Zardari favorably, little changed from last year, but down significantly from 64% in 2008. Gilani, who was recently convicted of contempt and dismissed from office by Pakistan’s highest court, fares only somewhat better, at 36% favorable. Gilani received similarly poor ratings last year, although as recently as 2010 a majority of Pakistanis expressed a favorable view of him.
The most popular leader included on the survey is Imran Khan. Seven-in-ten Pakistanis offer a favorable opinion of the former cricket star and leader of the Pakistani Tehreek-e-Insaf party (PTI). This is essentially unchanged from last year, but up significantly from 2010.
Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is also generally well-regarded – about six-in-ten offer a positive view of the leader of the country’s main opposition party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Sharif has consistently received high marks in recent years, although his ratings are down somewhat from the 79% registered in 2009.
Slightly more than half rate Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry favorably. Ratings for both the army chief and the chief justice have slipped slightly since 2010. Former President (and military chief) Pervez Musharraf, who has occasionally suggested he may return to Pakistani politics, receives relatively poor ratings.
Meanwhile, the military continues to receive overwhelmingly positive marks from the Pakistani public – 77% say the institution is having a good influence on the country. Roughly six-in-ten (58%) also say this about the court system.
Pakistanis have consistently identified India as the top threat since the question was first asked in 2009. The percentage fearing India has increased by 11 points since then, while the percentage naming the Taliban has decreased by nine points.
Despite these negative sentiments, 62% of Pakistanis say it is important to improve relations with India. And roughly two-thirds support more bilateral trade and further talks to try to reduce tensions between the two nations.
Most Indians also want better relations, more trade, and further talks between the two nations. Still, Indian attitudes toward Pakistan remain largely negative. Roughly six-in-ten Indians (59%) express an unfavorable opinion of Pakistan, although this is down slightly from 65% in 2011.
India is not the only country, however, where negative views of Pakistan prevail. Majorities or pluralities give Pakistan a negative rating in six of the seven other countries where this question was asked, including China, Japan, and three predominantly Muslim nations – Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia.
Overview
Following a year of tensions between their country and the United States, Pakistanis continue to hold highly unfavorable views of the U.S. and offer bleak assessments of the relationship between the two nations.Roughly three-in-four Pakistanis (74%) consider the U.S. an enemy, up from 69% last year and 64% three years ago. And President Obama is held in exceedingly low regard. Indeed, among the 15 nations surveyed in both 2008 and 2012 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project, Pakistan is the only country where ratings for Obama are no better than the ratings President George W. Bush received during his final year in office (for more, see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).
Only 13% of Pakistanis think relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years, down 16 percentage points from 2011. Strengthening the bilateral relationship is also becoming less of a priority for Pakistanis. While 45% still say it is important to improve relations with the U.S., this is down from 60% last year.
Moreover, roughly four-in-ten believe that American economic and military aid is actually having a negative impact on their country, while only about one-in-ten think the impact is positive.
Additionally, over the last few years, Pakistanis have become less willing to work with the U.S. on efforts to combat extremist groups. While 50% still want the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremists operate, this is down from 72% in 2009. Similarly, fewer Pakistanis now want intelligence and logistical support from the U.S. than they did three years ago. And only 17% back American drone strikes against leaders of extremist groups, even if they are conducted in conjunction with the Pakistani government.
Since 2009, the Pakistani public has also become less willing to use its own military to combat extremist groups. Three years ago, 53% favored using the army to fight extremists in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and neighboring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but today just 32% hold this view.
Overall, concerns about extremism have ebbed since 2009, when the Pakistan military was battling Taliban-affiliated groups in the Swat Valley area near Islamabad. Then, fully 69% were concerned that extremists might take control of Pakistan, compared with 52% today.
While concerns about extremism may have decreased, extremist organizations remain largely unpopular. Majorities, for example, express a negative opinion of both al Qaeda and the Taliban, as has been the case since 2009. In 2008 – before the peak of the Swat Valley conflict – pluralities expressed no opinion about these organizations.
When Pakistanis are asked more specifically about the Afghan Taliban and Tehrik-i-Taliban (also known as the TTP or Pakistan Taliban), opinions are again, on balance, negative, as they were in both 2010 and 2011.
Views are somewhat more mixed, however, regarding Lashkar-e-Taiba, a radical group active in Kashmir and widely blamed for the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Roughly one-in-five Pakistanis (22%) have a favorable view of Lashkar-e-Taiba, while 37% give it a negative rating and 41% offer no opinion.
Meanwhile, a solid majority (64%) offers no opinion about the Haqqani network, a group associated with the Taliban that is active on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, but is largely believed to be based in the FATA region of Pakistan.
Respondents in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province consistently express more negative views about extremist groups than those in other provinces. Al Qaeda, the Taliban, Tehrik-i-Taliban, the Afghan Taliban and Lashkar-e-Taiba all receive especially poor ratings in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistanis who pray five times per day are also more likely than those who pray less often to offer negative views of extremist groups.
These are among the key findings from a survey of Pakistan by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 1,206 respondents between March 28 and April 13. The sample covers approximately 82% of the Pakistani population.1 The poll in Pakistan is part of the larger 21-nation spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey. Throughout the report, unless otherwise noted, trends from 2011 refer to a survey conducted in Pakistan from May 8-15, 2011, following the May 2, 2011 U.S. military raid that killed Osama bin Laden.2 The May 2011 survey showed that, with a few exceptions, the killing of bin Laden had little impact on America’s already low ratings in Pakistan. The current poll reveals that, in some key areas, Pakistani views of the relationship between the two countries have become even more negative in the year since the Abbottabad raid.
High Marks for Khan, Low Ratings for Zardari, Gilani
Pakistanis continue to express considerable discontent with conditions in their own country. About nine-in-ten (87%) are dissatisfied with the country’s direction, barely changed from last year’s 92%. Similarly, 89% describe the national economic situation as bad; 85% held this view in 2011. And overwhelming majorities rate unemployment, crime, terrorism, and corruption as very big problems.The dismal public mood is reflected in poor ratings for the leaders of the incumbent Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), President Asif Ali Zardari and former Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani. Only 14% view Zardari favorably, little changed from last year, but down significantly from 64% in 2008. Gilani, who was recently convicted of contempt and dismissed from office by Pakistan’s highest court, fares only somewhat better, at 36% favorable. Gilani received similarly poor ratings last year, although as recently as 2010 a majority of Pakistanis expressed a favorable view of him.
The most popular leader included on the survey is Imran Khan. Seven-in-ten Pakistanis offer a favorable opinion of the former cricket star and leader of the Pakistani Tehreek-e-Insaf party (PTI). This is essentially unchanged from last year, but up significantly from 2010.
Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is also generally well-regarded – about six-in-ten offer a positive view of the leader of the country’s main opposition party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Sharif has consistently received high marks in recent years, although his ratings are down somewhat from the 79% registered in 2009.
Slightly more than half rate Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry favorably. Ratings for both the army chief and the chief justice have slipped slightly since 2010. Former President (and military chief) Pervez Musharraf, who has occasionally suggested he may return to Pakistani politics, receives relatively poor ratings.
Meanwhile, the military continues to receive overwhelmingly positive marks from the Pakistani public – 77% say the institution is having a good influence on the country. Roughly six-in-ten (58%) also say this about the court system.
Negative Views of India
Only 22% of Pakistanis have a favorable view of traditional rival India, although this is actually a slight improvement from 14% last year. Moreover, when asked which is the biggest threat to their country, India, the Taliban, or al Qaeda, 59% name India.Pakistanis have consistently identified India as the top threat since the question was first asked in 2009. The percentage fearing India has increased by 11 points since then, while the percentage naming the Taliban has decreased by nine points.
Despite these negative sentiments, 62% of Pakistanis say it is important to improve relations with India. And roughly two-thirds support more bilateral trade and further talks to try to reduce tensions between the two nations.
Most Indians also want better relations, more trade, and further talks between the two nations. Still, Indian attitudes toward Pakistan remain largely negative. Roughly six-in-ten Indians (59%) express an unfavorable opinion of Pakistan, although this is down slightly from 65% in 2011.
India is not the only country, however, where negative views of Pakistan prevail. Majorities or pluralities give Pakistan a negative rating in six of the seven other countries where this question was asked, including China, Japan, and three predominantly Muslim nations – Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia.
Also of Note
- A 43%-plurality of Pakistanis expect the economy to get worse over the next 12 months, while just 26% think it will improve. Still, there is more optimism than in 2011, when 60% said the country’s economic situation would worsen in the coming year.
- China continues to receive high marks in Pakistan. Nine-in-ten Pakistanis consider China a partner; only 2% say it is more of an enemy.
- Pakistanis and Indians agree that Kashmir should be a priority for their countries. Roughly eight-in-ten Pakistanis and about six-in-ten Indians say it is very important to resolve the dispute over Kashmir.
- Those who identify with Imran Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf party are especially likely to oppose American involvement in the battle against extremist groups in Pakistan, including American aid to areas where extremists operate and intelligence and logistical support to the Pakistani army.
- For more on the survey’s methodology, see the Survey Methods section of this report. ↩
- An earlier survey had been conducted in Pakistan in April 2011 – overall, results showed few differences between the two 2011 polls. For more, see "U.S. Image in Pakistan Falls No Further Following bin Laden Killing," released June 21, 2011. ↩
INDONESIA: Too many pre-term births
INDONESIA: Too many pre-term births:
JAKARTA, 9 July 2012 (IRIN) - Linda Rullis sold her motorcycle and borrowed money from relatives to cover neo-natal treatment for her daughter, who was born after only 24 weeks of pregnancy, barely weeks within the threshold of survival. The baby girl is now one year old and weighs 5.1kg. |
SRI LANKA: Focus on food insecurity in Jaffna
SRI LANKA: Focus on food insecurity in Jaffna:
JAFFNA, 9 July 2012 (IRIN) - In Sri Lanka's northern Jaffna District, Parameswary Rasakumar, 32, a mother of two, points to an assortment of red plastic containers on the floor of her makeshift shelter, holding what little food the family has. “That's it. That's all the food we have in the house at the moment.” |
UGANDA: Refugee influx prompts government call for regional talks
UGANDA: Refugee influx prompts government call for regional talks:
KAMPALA, 9 July 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda is “overwhelmed” by the current influx of Congolese refugees fleeing renewed fighting in North Kivu Province in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and is calling for an emergency meeting of countries in the Great Lakes Region to work out a road map for lasting peace, say officials. |
SECURITY: Ammunition - the next round in arms trade control
SECURITY: Ammunition - the next round in arms trade control:
JOHANNESBURG, 9 July 2012 (IRIN) - For a couple of hundred dollars or less an arms dealer can illegally source a blank end user certificate with the required signatures and stamps - needed to transfer weapons across international borders - and “if no one checks its authenticity (often the case) he can ship his wares to the world's hotspots with minimal risk, for maximum profit,” a report by the Small Arms Survey (SAS) [ http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/publications/by-type/yearbook/small-arms-survey-2008.html ] said in 2008 |
Asean Must Get Savvy with Superpowers
Asean Must Get Savvy with Superpowers:
For the audience in Washington, Assistant State Secretary for East Asia and the Pacific Kurt Campbell’s speech at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies on June 26 was very fitting and calculated.
He stressed the White House’s strategy in Asia and highlighted Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s visit to the region with a big delegation this week. This included representatives of both the private and public sectors as well as philanthropists after a series of meetings in Phnom Penh during the Asean annual ministerial conference.
Campbell mentioned quite a few countries in Southeast Asia that are pivotal to the US—Laos, Malaysia, Vietnam, Singapore, Burma and, of course, the Philippines with its revitalized alliance. He even praised Manila, especially President Beningo Aquino, as one of the best governments the US has worked with over the past 20 years.
But although Campbell mentioned Indonesian Ambassador Dino Patti Djalal who was in the audience at the time, what was conspicuously absent yet again from his speech was Thailand.
The fact that Kurt neglected Thailand, despite an animated Thai-US strategic dialogue being held in Washington less than two weeks earlier, is a strong indication that all was not well within this relationship. Obviously, the joint statement after their discussions failed to reflect the true reality of their much-troubled dealings.
Washington is once again caught in a “Catch 22” situation in these important bilateral arrangements. Two proposals—humanitarian assistance and disaster relief as well as the NASA project on climate change—were designed to increase the value of this much forgotten alliance.
Unfortunately, they were politicized to the point that any decent bilateral cooperation was no longer possible between the two countries. If this trend continues, which is highly likely, Bangkok will further lose its political and strategic clout as well as harming Thai-US relations and the latter’s overall strategies in the Asia-Pacific.
Indeed, the US can choose to ignore Thailand at its own peril. To sustain the US rebalancing effort in the region, all alliances must be functioning and operational. At the moment, the Thai-US alliance is an aberration and remains the weakest link in the security chain.
For a better outcome at the Center for Strategic and International Studies forum, Campbell could have urged Thailand to come out with clear indications what was to be expected from the Thai-US relationship over the months and years to come.
Washington’s attitude is that until Thailand can overcome it own domestic divides, especially those pertaining to the alliance’s obligations, there is nothing much the US can do. Some strategists have argued that the US does not need to rely on Thailand, its key ally during the Cold War, as much as before due to Washington’s success repositioning itself in the Asia-Pacific over the past two years—winning new friends while reinvigorate old ones. Despite a near 180-year-old friendship, Thailand is just too unpredictable without any clear direction.
To firm up its position, the US will now engage further with the European Union as a collaborator regarding Asia akin to their joint efforts in Afghanistan and elsewhere. This is an important strategic shift because the US-EU partnership on political and security matters has been previously confined to the Asean Regional Forum activities and sanctions against Burma.
Interestingly, Washington’s move comes at an interesting time regarding relations with Asean. By collaborating with the US, the EU’s position within the region seems to be further strengthened. After all, unlike their divergent policies regarding myriad global issues, the EU’s views towards the Asia-Pacific remains united. Like the US, the EU is obsessed with China both in terms of economic and political power. Both are striving to counterbalance rising China.
At this juncture, the EU’s standing in Asean is at a low point. Now with a charge of heart regarding Burma, the EU is playing catch-up with Asean as a bloc. At a recent Asean-EU ministerial meeting in Brunei, Asean literally turned down the EU’s request to issue a joint statement on Burma’s latest developments because the EU refused to end sanctions.
Worse still, Asean also snubbed EU Foreign Affairs Chief Lady Catherine Ashton’s plan to accede to a Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) without following Asean’s procedural rules. The EU’s plan to join the East Asia Summit (EAS) as soon as possible would be delayed further—impeding US efforts to broaden the security agenda at the EAS.
Clearly Ashton needs to attend more Asean meetings. After years of being put-off, Britain is finally scheduled to sign a TAC in Phnom Penh this week with an eye on the EAS. Suddenly, the US has been found its friends wanting with regards dialogue partners for Asean as part of its long-term strategy to manage the rise of China.
It is also the best time for the loose US-led coalition within Asean as news from the South China Sea, after decades of benign diplomacy and neglect, generates a stream of negative headlines for China. This new psychological bulwark has already put Beijing on the offensive and it will certainly draw a response in the near future.
To break away from this encirclement from Asean, China has quickly found a natural friend in its same superpower league—Russia. Third-time President Vladimir Putin is also paying more attention to the Asia-Pacific and EAS. For the first time since it joined the leaders’ meeting of Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation, Moscow will play host in Vladivostok this October and will be projecting a strong message—Russia is a Pacific power and here to stay.
From now on, Moscow will be missile-zoomed at the Asean Regional and EAS forums. After two decades of inertia, Russia has mustered enough confidence to submit a new proposal to Asean on a code of conduct for Asia-Pacific to boost security cooperation—a habit the former Soviet Union used to do. Russia will discuss the proposal, for which China has expressed support, with Asean this week in Phnom Penh.
With a more assertive US, EU, China and Russia, Asean has to get its act together otherwise the fulcrum, which has made Asean valuable and attractive to world leaders, will turn into a trap with no exit strategies.
It remains to be seen how the upcoming EAS in mid-November will play out. But one thing is clear—the Asia Pacific will be the theater of contention for major global powers. For good or for worse, Asean will be on the receiving end. If Asean, with its longstanding lack of commonality on key security issues, knows how to harness and play these new great games, then the region’s stability and prosperity will continue with marginal collateral damage along the way.
This article first appeared in the Bangkok-based The Nation newspaper. Kavi Chongkittavorn is assistant group editor of Nation Media Group and his views do not necessarily reflect those of The Irrawaddy.
For the audience in Washington, Assistant State Secretary for East Asia and the Pacific Kurt Campbell’s speech at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies on June 26 was very fitting and calculated.
He stressed the White House’s strategy in Asia and highlighted Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s visit to the region with a big delegation this week. This included representatives of both the private and public sectors as well as philanthropists after a series of meetings in Phnom Penh during the Asean annual ministerial conference.
Campbell mentioned quite a few countries in Southeast Asia that are pivotal to the US—Laos, Malaysia, Vietnam, Singapore, Burma and, of course, the Philippines with its revitalized alliance. He even praised Manila, especially President Beningo Aquino, as one of the best governments the US has worked with over the past 20 years.
But although Campbell mentioned Indonesian Ambassador Dino Patti Djalal who was in the audience at the time, what was conspicuously absent yet again from his speech was Thailand.
The fact that Kurt neglected Thailand, despite an animated Thai-US strategic dialogue being held in Washington less than two weeks earlier, is a strong indication that all was not well within this relationship. Obviously, the joint statement after their discussions failed to reflect the true reality of their much-troubled dealings.
Washington is once again caught in a “Catch 22” situation in these important bilateral arrangements. Two proposals—humanitarian assistance and disaster relief as well as the NASA project on climate change—were designed to increase the value of this much forgotten alliance.
Unfortunately, they were politicized to the point that any decent bilateral cooperation was no longer possible between the two countries. If this trend continues, which is highly likely, Bangkok will further lose its political and strategic clout as well as harming Thai-US relations and the latter’s overall strategies in the Asia-Pacific.
Indeed, the US can choose to ignore Thailand at its own peril. To sustain the US rebalancing effort in the region, all alliances must be functioning and operational. At the moment, the Thai-US alliance is an aberration and remains the weakest link in the security chain.
For a better outcome at the Center for Strategic and International Studies forum, Campbell could have urged Thailand to come out with clear indications what was to be expected from the Thai-US relationship over the months and years to come.
Washington’s attitude is that until Thailand can overcome it own domestic divides, especially those pertaining to the alliance’s obligations, there is nothing much the US can do. Some strategists have argued that the US does not need to rely on Thailand, its key ally during the Cold War, as much as before due to Washington’s success repositioning itself in the Asia-Pacific over the past two years—winning new friends while reinvigorate old ones. Despite a near 180-year-old friendship, Thailand is just too unpredictable without any clear direction.
To firm up its position, the US will now engage further with the European Union as a collaborator regarding Asia akin to their joint efforts in Afghanistan and elsewhere. This is an important strategic shift because the US-EU partnership on political and security matters has been previously confined to the Asean Regional Forum activities and sanctions against Burma.
Interestingly, Washington’s move comes at an interesting time regarding relations with Asean. By collaborating with the US, the EU’s position within the region seems to be further strengthened. After all, unlike their divergent policies regarding myriad global issues, the EU’s views towards the Asia-Pacific remains united. Like the US, the EU is obsessed with China both in terms of economic and political power. Both are striving to counterbalance rising China.
At this juncture, the EU’s standing in Asean is at a low point. Now with a charge of heart regarding Burma, the EU is playing catch-up with Asean as a bloc. At a recent Asean-EU ministerial meeting in Brunei, Asean literally turned down the EU’s request to issue a joint statement on Burma’s latest developments because the EU refused to end sanctions.
Worse still, Asean also snubbed EU Foreign Affairs Chief Lady Catherine Ashton’s plan to accede to a Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) without following Asean’s procedural rules. The EU’s plan to join the East Asia Summit (EAS) as soon as possible would be delayed further—impeding US efforts to broaden the security agenda at the EAS.
Clearly Ashton needs to attend more Asean meetings. After years of being put-off, Britain is finally scheduled to sign a TAC in Phnom Penh this week with an eye on the EAS. Suddenly, the US has been found its friends wanting with regards dialogue partners for Asean as part of its long-term strategy to manage the rise of China.
It is also the best time for the loose US-led coalition within Asean as news from the South China Sea, after decades of benign diplomacy and neglect, generates a stream of negative headlines for China. This new psychological bulwark has already put Beijing on the offensive and it will certainly draw a response in the near future.
To break away from this encirclement from Asean, China has quickly found a natural friend in its same superpower league—Russia. Third-time President Vladimir Putin is also paying more attention to the Asia-Pacific and EAS. For the first time since it joined the leaders’ meeting of Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation, Moscow will play host in Vladivostok this October and will be projecting a strong message—Russia is a Pacific power and here to stay.
From now on, Moscow will be missile-zoomed at the Asean Regional and EAS forums. After two decades of inertia, Russia has mustered enough confidence to submit a new proposal to Asean on a code of conduct for Asia-Pacific to boost security cooperation—a habit the former Soviet Union used to do. Russia will discuss the proposal, for which China has expressed support, with Asean this week in Phnom Penh.
With a more assertive US, EU, China and Russia, Asean has to get its act together otherwise the fulcrum, which has made Asean valuable and attractive to world leaders, will turn into a trap with no exit strategies.
It remains to be seen how the upcoming EAS in mid-November will play out. But one thing is clear—the Asia Pacific will be the theater of contention for major global powers. For good or for worse, Asean will be on the receiving end. If Asean, with its longstanding lack of commonality on key security issues, knows how to harness and play these new great games, then the region’s stability and prosperity will continue with marginal collateral damage along the way.
This article first appeared in the Bangkok-based The Nation newspaper. Kavi Chongkittavorn is assistant group editor of Nation Media Group and his views do not necessarily reflect those of The Irrawaddy.
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