Showing posts with label ethnic inequality. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ethnic inequality. Show all posts

Jan 13, 2010

Many say U.S. race relations have improved under Obama, but divides remain

Thurgood Marshall, First African-American Supr...Image by Tony the Misfit (taking a break) via Flickr

By Michael A. Fletcher and Krissah Thompson
Wednesday, January 13, 2010; A04

President Obama has ignited a surge of optimism among African Americans as they assess race relations and their prospects for the future, but the hope for reconciliation that accompanied the election of the nation's first black president remains far off.

The first year of Obama's presidency has brought the country face to face with troubling racial schisms just as often as it has promoted racial understanding.

In some ways, Obama has become a mirror for every American's racial attitudes -- reflecting perceptions, stereotypes, fears, hopes and the nation's complicated racial history. In a report released by the Pew Research Center on Tuesday, blacks, whites and Hispanics showed an inclination to racially identify him from their own vantage point.

A majority of the African Americans who responded to the Pew survey said they believe Obama's election has improved race relations, though that number has shrunk since the heady days just after the election. Thirty-two percent of whites and 42 percent of Hispanics think relations have improved since then.

Obama's presidency, however, has at times unearthed racial frictions and inspired difficult conversations that otherwise might have gone unspoken.

This week, it was the news of a private exchange between Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) and the authors of the new book "Game Change," in which the senator spoke well of Obama's chances for election because he is "light-skinned" and has no "Negro dialect."

Reid apologized repeatedly for the remarks, and Obama quickly accepted, seeming eager to move beyond an unwelcome distraction. Reid is a "good man" who simply used "inartful language," the president told TV One's Roland Martin, adding that Reid has always been "on the right side of history."

His aides, meanwhile, have declined to expand on the lingering issues raised by the controversy, though others have.

"Light-skinned is equated with good, an ability to pass, to fit in the mainstream," said Peniel E. Joseph, a Tufts University historian and author of a new book about the shifting racial attitudes that allowed for Obama's election as the nation's first black president. "He's light enough and mainstream enough to appeal to a broad audience. Those who are not really stand out in a conspicuous way as 'the other.' "

Douglas Wilder was subject to similar scrutiny when he ran for Virginia governor two decades ago, becoming the first African American in the country elected to that office. He likened Reid's comments to those made by white voters he would meet in rural southwest Virginia who said that they would vote for Wilder but that they were not sure whether other whites would. Wilder found that notion implicitly racist and believed Reid's comments uncovered his own stereotypes. "Reid was saying: 'It's okay with me because the fair skin and that lack of dialect gets over with me,' " he said.

Since taking office, Obama has mostly declined to engage in the racial analyses that have come with his historic presidency. With the nation dealing with double-digit unemployment rates and the threat of global terrorism, White House aides view race as little more than a diversion. Only once last year did Obama intentionally step into the nation's racial crucible.

"He's not somebody who pours gasoline on racial controversies," said Darrell M. West, the vice president and director of governance studies at Brookings.

"I think he understands that he's the one who gets burned when that happens," West said.

Obama created a storm last year when he spoke about racial profiling and said police officers in Cambridge, Mass., acted "stupidly" in arresting Harvard Prof. Henry Louis Gates Jr. outside his own home. The president's comments, made in response to a question at a news conference, eclipsed the health-care reform debate for a week and forced a much-hyped "beer summit" at the White House with Obama, Vice President Biden, Gates, and the arresting officer, Cambridge Police Sgt. James Crowley.

Obama's choice not to discuss the topic fails to take the country to more meaningful discussion about race, said Eddie S. Glaude Jr., a professor of religion and African American studies at Princeton. Glaude said his own reflections on the first year of Obama's presidency sent him to a passage from James Baldwin's "Many Thousands Gone" essay, in which the writer speaks of an American desire to make "the Negro face" blank, washing away "the guilt" of the past.

That is a continuation of the posture Obama struck as a candidate. When he was running for office, Obama, who is biracial but identifies as African American, rarely addresses racial issues. That has led some analysts to label him a "de-racialized" black politician.

"Obama basically is a bargainer and appeals to whites by communicating to them that he will not see them as racist," said Shelby Steele, a fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution. "Someone such as Al Sharpton or Jesse Jackson . . . would be off-putting to whites. Obama sort of cleanses himself of that. And whites are grateful."

Still, Obama is not immune from some stubborn racial attitudes. In a study published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences in November, research participants were shown three photos of Obama -- one in which his skin tone was darkened, one in which it was lightened and one in which it was unaltered. Participants were then asked to rate how well each photo represented who Obama "really is."

Those who shared political affiliation with the president tended to think the lightened photos were more representative. People who did not share his political views chose the darkened photos.

Obama's supporters point out that many of his policies, such as extending unemployment benefits and greatly expanding education aid and health-care coverage, benefit a broad spectrum of economically struggling Americans and many are disproportionately black. That, they say, is more important than rhetoric.

Nearly a year after taking office, Obama retains the support of nearly 90 percent of African Americans, while his approval rating among whites has dropped precipitously, going from 61 percent in February to 41 percent last month, according to a Washington Post-ABC News poll.

African Americans also have experienced an increase in optimism with Obama in the Oval Office. Though it is disproportionately affected by the bad economy, job losses and foreclosures, the new Pew poll found that the African American community's assessment of its prospects has risen more dramatically during the past two years than at any time in the past quarter-century.

Nearly twice as many blacks now, 39 percent, as in 2007 say that the "situation of black people in this country" is better than it was five years earlier. Similarly, 56 percent of blacks and nearly two-thirds of whites say the standard-of-living gap between whites and blacks has narrowed in the past decade.

"We expected that there may be an Obama effect, and it was really quite dramatic, which isn't to say that this era as measured in this survey means that all is fine between blacks and whites," said Andrew Kohut, president of the Pew Research Center.

Polling analyst Jennifer Agiesta contributed to this report.

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Jul 28, 2009

The Sentencing Project Releases National Report: 1 in 11 Prisoners Serving Life Sentences

Source: The Sentencing Project

A new report released by The Sentencing Project finds a record 140,610 individuals are now serving life sentences in state and federal prisons, 6,807 of whom were juveniles at the time of the crime. In addition, 29% of persons serving a life sentence (41,095) have no possibility of parole, and 1,755 were juveniles at the time of the crime. No Exit: The Expanding Use of Life Sentences in America represents the first nationwide collection of life sentence data documenting race, ethnicity and gender. The report’s findings reveal overwhelming racial and ethnic disparities in the allocation of life sentences: 66% of all persons sentenced to life are non-white, and 77% of juveniles serving life sentences are non-white.

+ Full Report (PDF; 1.2 MB)

Jul 19, 2009

Flare-Ups of Ethnic Unrest Shake China's Self-Image

By Ariana Eunjung Cha
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, July 19, 2009

YINGDE, China -- Six weeks after a violent confrontation between police and villagers in this old tea farming region, Xu Changjian remains in the hospital under 24-hour guard.

After being hit in the head multiple times by police, Xu's brain is hemorrhaging, leaving him paralyzed on the right side. He can barely sit up. Local government officials say Xu's injuries and that of other farmers were regrettable but unavoidable. They say that villagers attacked their police station on the afternoon of May 23 and that the police were forced to defend themselves with batons, dogs, pepper spray, smoke bombs and water cannons.

The villagers, most of them Vietnamese Chinese, tell a different story. They say that about 30 elderly women, most in their 50s and 60s, went to the police station that day to stage a peaceful protest. Four farmers' representatives, who had taken their grievances about land seizures to government officials a few days earlier, had been detained, and villagers in the countryside of the southern province of Guangdong demanded that they be freed. As the hours passed, several thousand supporters and curious passersby joined them. Then, farmers say, hundreds of riot police bused from neighboring towns stormed in without warning and started indiscriminately pummeling people in the crowd.

The violence in Guangdong was echoed in the far western city of Urumqi, when clashes between ethnic Uighurs and Han Chinese on July 5 killed 192 people and injured about 1,700. Both incidents have shaken China's view of itself as a country that celebrates diversity and treats its minority populations better than its counterparts in the West do.

The incidents in Guangdong and Urumqi fit a pattern of ethnic unrest that includes the Tibetan uprising in March 2008, followed by bombings at police stations and government offices in the majority Uighur province of Xinjiang that left 16 officers dead shortly before the August Olympics.

Each conflict has had specific causes, including high unemployment, continued allegations of corruption involving public officials and charges of excessive force by police. But for the Chinese government, they add up to a major concern: Friction among the nation's 56 officially recognized ethnic groups is considered one of the most explosive potential triggers for social instability. Much of the unrest stems from a sense among some minority populations that the justice system in China is stacked against them. In March, hundreds of Tibetans, including monks, clashed with police in the northwestern province of Qinghai. The fight was apparently triggered by the disappearance of a Tibetan independence activist who unfurled a Tibetan flag while in police custody. Some said he committed suicide, but others said he died while trying to escape.

In April, hundreds of members of China's Hui Muslim minority clashed with police in Luohe in Henan province when they surrounded a government office and blocked three bridges. The protesters were angry about what they viewed as the local authorities' mishandling of the death of a Hui pedestrian who was hit by a bus driven by a Han man.

"In the United States and other countries, if a few police beat one person, it is big news; but here in China, it is nothing," said Zhang Shisheng, 52, a grocery store owner whose right shin and calf bones were shattered during the attacks. Metal rods now support his shin, and he will not be able to walk for at least six more months.

"I feel that Chinese cops can kill people like ants with impunity."

Xiang Wenming, a local party official and head of the Stability Maintenance Office in the area of Yingde where the clash occurred, said that "if some violence happened, that is because some people didn't listen to the police."

He denies that the Vietnamese Chinese protesters were treated any differently than non-minorities in the same situation would have been and said that if they feel set apart from other Chinese, it is their own doing. "The way they speak is not like they are Chinese but like they are foreigners," he said. "They never appreciate the assistance made by the government. They don't think they are Chinese even after they have lived here for more than 30 years."

Xiang said that about 10 villagers, including an "old woman" who was "slightly injured," were hurt during the conflict. But he acknowledges that the official government count does not include the large number of people detained by police and treated at the station, as well as those who fled the scene and avoided going to the hospital for fear of being arrested.

Vietnamese Chinese who were involved in or witnessed the confrontation said hundreds were injured.

Zhang's neighbor, 63-year-old Xie Shaochang, is still bleeding from a gash in his head that he said was caused by police. And 56-year-old Zhong Yuede can no longer straighten his arm because it was so badly beaten in the attack.

The unrest in Yingde began with a simple land dispute.

The villagers, many of whom were welcomed to China from Vietnam in 1978-79 because their ancestors had lived here, were farming tea and vegetables until a few years ago, when the local government sold part of their land to Taiwanese developers. They have been petitioning the local government ever since for compensation in the form of money, other land or subsidies for houses.

The Vietnamese Chinese villagers said that despite their efforts to assimilate -- the younger generations speak Chinese dialects rather than Vietnamese -- discrimination has been a big part of their lives.

Residents say that in 2006, when there was a flood, the Vietnamese Chinese villagers received only five kilograms of rice per person -- worth about 20 yuan, or $3 -- while others received 200 yuan, or $30, from the local government. They also say that their roads have not been paved, while those of villages inhabited largely by Han people, the country's majority ethnic group, have been. They say that factory bosses and other employers discriminate against them and that it is difficult to find decent jobs.

"The government doesn't help us, mainly because we are Vietnam Chinese. We are poor and uneducated, so no one in our group works for the government," said Chen Ruixiang, 53, a farmer who raises silkworms and grows tangerines. "The government knows we are a weak group."

On the day of the incident, Chen Ajiao, 55, the village doctor, was in the front row near the police station door with the elderly female protesters when the soldiers came toward her. She said one of them took his baton and whacked her friend on the head. The woman lost consciousness and collapsed. Chen ran, and on the way out, she said, she saw other villagers bleeding from their wounds.

When bystanders saw the women being attacked, villagers said, they grabbed stones, bricks, bamboo sticks and anything else they could find and fought back. Some men took gasoline from nearby motorcycles, put it in bottles and threw it at the police cars to set them on fire.

Zhang, who was about 30 yards outside the gates, said four police officers came at him with batons and an iron stick. He said that after he collapsed in pain, he was taken to the police station, where he was not treated by doctors until he submitted to an interrogation. He said he was asked: Who organized this? Who informed you?

"Before, I thought police would protect people. Now, I am terrified of them," he said.

Researcher Zhang Jie contributed to this report.

Jul 1, 2009

Malaysia Dilutes Its System of Ethnic Preferences

BANGKOK — Najib Razak, Malaysia’s prime minister, announced Tuesday a major rollback in the system of ethnic preferences that has defined the country’s political system for almost four decades.

The new policy would severely weaken a requirement that companies reserve 30 percent of their shares for ethnic Malays, the country’s dominant ethnic group.

The 30-percent rule was once considered politically untouchable, and Mr. Najib described the change in policy as a “tricky balancing act.”

Malaysia has long given ethnic Malays and members of other indigenous ethnic groups — known as bumiputra, or sons of the soil — political and economic privileges. But that system has come under strain amid growing resentment by minority groups and poorer Malays.

The government offers bumiputra discounts on houses, scholarships and other perks. But some benefits, like government contracts and stock-market allocations, have been beyond the reach of working-class Malays.

Anger among Chinese and Indians, the country’s main minority groups, over the ethnic preferences was perhaps the main reason that the opposition made large gains in elections last year that nearly dismantled the governing coalition led by Mr. Najib’s party, the United Malays National Organization.

“We want to be fair to all communities,” Mr. Najib said in a speech in Kuala Lumpur, the Malaysian capital. “No one must feel marginalized.”

Mr. Najib’s success in rolling back the ethnic preferences will depend in large part on his ability to hold together his coalition and fend off a resurgent opposition led by Anwar Ibrahim, a former finance minister.

Mr. Anwar, who leads a diverse group of opposition parties, has promised to undo the system of ethnic preferences.

By positioning himself as a reformer, Mr. Najib, who came to power in April, appears to be calculating that he can stave off opposition advances and be seen as an agent of change.

“The world is changing quickly, and we must be ready to change with it or risk being left behind,” he said Tuesday.

The change would leave some ethnic preferences intact and come with caveats. But it would dilute one of the most important components of what is known as the New Economic Policy, introduced in 1971: the requirement that companies listing on the stock exchange sell 30 percent of their shares to ethnic Malays.

That requirement was scrapped for companies already listed on the stock exchange and reduced to 12.5 percent for initial public offerings. The requirement will remain in place for “strategic industries” like telecommunications, water, ports and energy.

Mr. Najib also said he would lower barriers for foreign investors. The government would eliminate a special vetting process for foreign companies wanting to invest in, merge or take over a Malaysian company, he said.

“The global economic crisis is amplifying the need to be a preferred investment destination,” he added.

Malaysia’s trade-dependent economy is expected to contract by 5 percent this year.

Singapore Promotes First Muslim Malay Army General

Associated Press
June 26, 2009
Singapore

By ALEX KENNEDY


SINGAPORE'S military promoted a Muslim Malay to the rank of general for the first time since the predominantly Chinese city-state broke away from Malaysia 44 years ago.

Army Colonel Ishak Ismail, 46, will become a one-star brigadier general on July 1, the Defense Ministry said in a statement late Thursday, June 25, Ismail is currently commander of the 6th Division.

The government strictly regulates public speech on race and religion, fearing any hint of sectarian conflict could undermine stability and prosperity in the tiny, multiethnic island and strain relations with neighboring Malaysia, where Malays are a majority. Political parties based on race or religion are not allowed.

Malays, who comprise about 14 percent of the 4.8 million population, trail ethnic Chinese in education and income. About 5.4 percent of Malays attend public university compared to 30 percent of Chinese, and Malay households earn a median monthly income of S$3050 (US$2093), a third less than the S$4570 average that Chinese families make, according to the Education Ministry and Statistics Department.

Muslim Affairs Minister-in-charge Yaacob Ibrahim, who is also Environment and Water Resources Minister, told the state-owned Straits Times that the promotion showed that hard work and playing by the rules would bring rewards in a meritocratic society, the newspaper reported.

"No Malays should now feel like they can't do it," Ibrahim said, according to the paper.

Ibrahim declined further comment on the promotion through his spokesman Peer Akbur.

Malays are making strides in the security, education and health care sectors, said Jufferie Rashid, a spokesman for leading Malay association Yayasan MENDAKI.

"The promotion is the armed forces' recognition of his contributions," he said. "We are confident that with the improving educational profile, we will see even more Malay Muslim professionals in the future."