Showing posts with label violence. Show all posts
Showing posts with label violence. Show all posts

Sep 5, 2009

Trauma of life in one of Brazil's most violent slums - CNN.com

Corcovado, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. nov.07Image by kaysha via Flickr

  • Story Highlights
  • Dr. Douglas Khayat describes life in one of Brazil's most violent favelas
  • Psychologists have so far given 2,000 consultations for traumatized locals
  • Doctors Without Borders provide the only medical/psychiatric help in the region
By Douglas Khayat
Special to CNN

Douglas Khayat is a psychologist for the international medical humanitarian organization Doctors Without Borders//Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSF), working in Complexo do Alemao, one of the poorest and most violent favelas in Rio de Janeiro.

RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil -- An estimated 150,000 people live in Complexo do Alemao, where armed groups fight for turf, and fighting between police forces and ruling groups leave thousands of people trapped by violence.

There are no private or public health facilities inside Alemao and not even government ambulances enter. In this extremely violent corner of the world, residents live with a great deal of psychological trauma.

In recognition of this trauma, Doctors Without Borders offers psychological support, in addition to the medical services we provide to the community in the favela.

The people who call Alemao home live under a vow of silence, the unspoken code of survival that dictates that no one discuss what goes on inside the community particularly the violent episodes they endure or witness. Killings, beating, threats, expulsions, regular exposure to heavy weapons, and other forms of abuse, are all carried out by the armed groups that control the drug trafficking, imposing their own set of rules.
PhotoSee images of life in the favelas »

Since October 2007, Doctors Without Borders psychologists have conducted 2,000 consultations for 1,000 different patients. For 85 percent of patients, suffering was directly related to violence. They have either been directly affected by combat, experienced the trauma of witnessing extreme violence, have had family members killed or tortured.

The symptoms we mostly see are anxiety disorders, depression, psychosomatic conditions, and learning and behavior problems in children. When police enter the area, fighting often breaks out with armed groups. The state of fear created by these groups creates an environment in which psychological disorders multiply. Some get used to living this way, but others do not, particularly children.
VideoSee a report on healthcare in Brazil »

The needs are incredible, so are the stories.

Last year a middle-aged man arrived at our project asking to see a psychologist. Two years earlier he suffered a series of tragic events that resulted in persistent insomnia and anxiety that almost ruined his family.

He was crossing a football field holding hands with a female friend, not his wife, when suddenly a armored police car entered the community and began shooting.

Everything happened in a matter of seconds. His girlfriend told him she was wounded. The shooting became so bad that he had to leave her to find shelter. She died and he could not stop blaming himself for leaving her in the middle of the field.

It made his marriage hell. It started to affect his work and he began to have terrible nightmares. He started to drink a lot. But our treatment with him went really well. We helped him reevaluate others facets of his life and things started to get better, his marriage, his work. People around him reacted to his new attitude, and his life began to improve.

The population trusts us because we live the same day-to-day routine they live. Our project is the only health facility inside Complexo do Alemao. During the day, we are exposed to the same environment as the residents. This experience in the same environment helps to develop a bond with our patients.

For me as a Brazilian, as a middle class carioca (from Rio de Janeiro), it is difficult to experience this aspect of my country. I've grown angrier about the conditions in my city and country after doing this work.

At the same time, it has been and continues to be a life changing experience, a possibility to dive into my country's soul and play an important part of people's lives.

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Aug 10, 2009

Bomb Attacks in Iraq Kill Dozens

A series of bomb blasts in Iraq have killed more than 40 people and wounded at least 200.

Two truck bombs exploded in a Shia village near the northern city of Mosul, killing at least 28 people and injuring more than 130.

Meanwhile, Baghdad was hit by a string of bomb attacks that killed at least 18 people and wounded more than 90.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Maliki has warned of an upsurge of violence ahead of next January's elections.

Insurgents "will try in any way they can to give the impression that the political process is not stable", he said in a televised news conference.

But he said the government was doing all it could to "deny them a safe environment for [the] planning and implementation of further attacks".

The BBC's Natalia Antelava in Baghdad says the Iraqi government is keen to show its troops are fully in control and capable of doing their job without the help of US forces.

But many Iraqis say this wave of violence is what they feared would happen when US troops pulled back from Iraqi cities a month ago.

Few believe the country's army - perceived by many to be corrupt - is capable of protecting them, our correspondent says.

No-one has yet claimed responsibility for Monday's attacks, but one minister said they bore the hallmark of al-Qaeda and other Sunni insurgents in Iraq.

Al-Qaeda stronghold

Truck bombs exploded nearly simultaneously in the village of Khaznah, 20km (13 miles) east of Mosul, at about 0400 (0100 GMT) on Monday.

ANALYSIS
Natalia Antelava, BBC News, Baghdad This string of attacks seems to be well co-ordinated, well organised and it certainly sends a very powerful message to the government of Iraq.

The big question now is can the government handle the security situation? They say they absolutely can.

There are forces in Iraq though that don't want this violence to stop.

And for more and more Iraqis the confidence they have in their government to protect them is decreasing.

Many see the Iraqi security services as corrupt and many fear the violence will escalate.

The blasts were so powerful they completely destroyed at least 30 houses and left a 7ft (2m) crater in the village, which is home to the tiny Shia Shabak ethnic group.

Witnesses spoke of scenes of chaos as people searched through piles of bricks, twisted metal and rubble for buried family members.

"I was sleeping on the roof and I woke up as if there was an earthquake. After that I saw a plume of smoke and dust spreading everywhere," resident Mohammed Kadhem, 37, told the AFP news agency.

"A minute later another bomb went off, knocking me off the roof on to the ground. I was struck unconscious by shrapnel and stones.

Ethnically-mixed Mosul - Iraq's second city - is considered one of the last strongholds of al-Qaeda in Iraq, and still sees frequent attacks despite a decline in violence elsewhere in the country.

Deadly blasts

However, despite security gains in Baghdad, at least three bombs went off in separate parts of the capital on Monday.

Two of the blasts appeared to be targeting labourers who were gathering in the early morning looking for work.

One of the bombs was hidden in a pile of rubbish when it went off in the western district of Hay al-Amel, killing at least seven people and wounding 46.

KEY ATTACKS AFTER US PULLBACK
  • 7 August: A car bomb outside a mosque in Mosul kills 30 people. Six people die in attacks in Baghdad
  • 31 July: At least 27 people die in a string of attacks outside five mosques in Baghdad
  • 9 July: 50 killed in bomb attacks at Talafar (near Mosul), Baghdad, and elsewhere
  • 30 June: Car bomb in Kirkuk kills at least 27 people
  • 30 June: US troops withdraw from Iraqi towns and cities
  • Minutes later a second bomb went off in the northern area of Shurta Arbaa, killing at least nine people and wounding 35.

    There were also reports of a roadside bombing in the southern suburb of Saidiyah, killing at least two people and wounding 14.

    This is the latest in a series of deadly blasts in Iraq since US troops pulled back from Iraqi cities at the end of June.

    A car bomb exploded outside a mosque in Mosul during a funeral service last Friday, killing 30 people.

    Three bombs killed six people returning from a pilgrimage in Baghdad on the same day.

    Jul 23, 2009

    Drug Cartels Target Mormon Clans in Mexico

    By William Booth
    Washington Post Foreign Service
    Thursday, July 23, 2009

    COLONIA LEBARON, Mexico -- Mormon pioneer Alma Dayer LeBaron had a vision when he moved his breakaway sect of polygamists to this valley 60 years ago: His many children would live in peace and prosperity among the pretty pecan orchards they would plant in the desert.

    Prosperity has come, but the peace has been shattered.

    In the past three months, American Mormon communities in Mexico have been sucked into a dust devil of violence sweeping the borderlands. Their relative wealth has made them targets: Their telephones ring with threats of extortion. Their children and elders are taken by kidnappers. They have been drawn into the government's war with the drug cartels.

    This month, a leader of their colony was abducted by heavily armed men dressed as police, then beaten and shot dead 10 minutes from town. Benjamin LeBaron, 31, whom everyone called Benji, had dared to denounce the criminals, while refusing to pay a $1 million ransom demanded by kidnappers who had grabbed his teenage brother from a family ranch in May.

    Amid the blood and mesquite at the site of his last breath, Benjamin LeBaron's killers posted a sign that read: "This is for the leaders of LeBaron who didn't believe and who still don't believe."

    "We're living in a war zone, but it's a war zone with little kids running all around in the yard," said Julian LeBaron, a brother of the slain leader. Like most members of the Mormon enclave, he has dual Mexican-American citizenship and speaks Spanish and English fluently.

    These Mormons, some who swear and drink beer, are the latest collateral damage in the Mexican government's U.S.-backed war against criminal organizations.

    Here in Chihuahua, the border state south of Texas and New Mexico, conditions are rapidly deteriorating. The violence has left more than 1,000 dead in Ciudad Juarez this year, even though the government has sent 10,000 troops and police officers into the city.

    Increasingly the violence is moving from the big cities into the small, usually placid farm towns of the rugged desert mountains. Criminal bands have ambushed the governor's convoy along the highway, and they have assassinated local police at stop lights and political leaders at will. Gunmen executed the mayor of Namiquipa last week.

    "The northeast of Chihuahua is now a zone of devastation," said Victor Quintana, a state lawmaker, who reports an exodus of business people fleeing kidnappers and farmers refusing to plant their crops because of extortion.

    The columnist Alberto Aziz Nassif wrote in El Universal newspaper, "Chihuahua today is the emblem of a failed state, run by incompetent authorities who have little ability to protect the citizens."

    Many of the Mormons have fled north to the United States, and Julian LeBaron said he fears for his life. He has reason. In Ciudad Juarez, a three-hour drive to the north, hand-painted banners were hung from overpasses last week threatening the extended clan.

    "All we want to do is live in peace. We want nothing to do with the drug cartels. They can't be stopped. What we want is just to protect ourselves from being kidnapped and killed," said Marco LeBaron, a college student who came home for the funeral of his brother, the slain anti-crime activist. Marco LeBaron is one of 70 Mormons who have volunteered to join a rural police force to protect the town. The Mexican government has given them permission to arm themselves.

    Dragged Into Drug Fight

    For all the violence swirling around them, the Mormons have mostly stayed out of the fight. Their ancestors first settled in Mexico in the 1880s, during the reign of dictator Porfirio Díaz, who offered the religious outcasts refuge from the harassment and prosecution they faced in the United States for their polygamist lifestyles. Some men in Colonia LeBaron and surrounding towns continue to follow what early Mormon prophets called "the Principle," marrying multiple wives and having dozens of children, though the custom here is fading. Polygamy was banned by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, the official Mormon Church, in 1890.

    The Mormon community based in Colonia LeBaron, numbering about 1,000, has one motel, two grocery stores and lots of schools. There are no ATMs and no liquor sales. Many Mormons are conspicuous not only for their straw-colored hair and pale skin, but also for their new pickup trucks, large suburban-style homes with green front lawns, and big tracts of land for their pecans and cattle. They are wealthy, by the standards of their poor Mexican neighbors. Most of the Mormon men make their money working construction jobs in the United States; a young Mormon might work 10 years hanging drywall in Las Vegas before he has enough money to buy a plot of land to start his own pecan orchard here.

    The Mormons were dragged into the drug fight on May 2, when 16-year-old Eric LeBaron and a younger brother were hauling a load of fence posts in their truck to their father's ranch in the Sierra Madre. According to the family's account, five armed men seized Eric and told his brother to run home and tell his father to answer the telephone. When the kidnappers called, they told Joel LeBaron that if he ever wanted to see Eric again, he must pay them $1 million.

    The next day, 150 men gathered at the church house in Colonia LeBaron to debate what to do. They had no confidence in the local police. One of their members, Ariel Ray, the mayor of nearby Galeana, reminded them that someone had put an empty coffin in the bed of his pickup. Some men argued that they should hire professional bounty hunters from the United States to get Eric back. Others wanted to form a posse.

    "But we knew the last thing we could do was give them the money, or we would be invaded by this scum," Julian LeBaron said.

    Another brother, Craig LeBaron, told the Deseret News in Salt Lake City: "If you give them a cookie, they'll want a glass of milk. If we don't make a stand here, it's only a matter of time before it's my kid."

    A caravan of hundreds of the LeBaron Mormons, along with Mennonites and others, went to the state capital to protest the crime. This kind of public advocacy is almost unheard of among the Mexican Mormons, who keep to themselves. Led by Benjamin LeBaron, the protesters met with the governor and state attorney general, who quickly dispatched helicopters, police and soldiers to the area. The government forces erected roadblocks and searched the countryside.

    Eric LeBaron was freed eight days after his abduction. His kidnappers simply told him to go home. But soon after, another member of the community, Meredith Romney, a 72-year-old bishop related to former Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney, was taken captive. The state governor sent Colombian security consultants to LeBaron. The Mormons, led by an increasingly public and outspoken Benjamin LeBaron, formed a group called SOS Chihuahua to organize citizens to defend themselves, report crimes and demand results from authorities. LeBaron was featured prominently in the local media. He gave a speech to a graduating class of police cadets. He staged rallies. He got noticed.

    Attack on Family Home

    Early on July 7, four trucks loaded with men passed through a highway tollbooth, where they were recorded on videotape outside Galeana, where Benjamin LeBaron lived in a sprawling, new stucco home with his wife and five young children. Two trucks stopped at the cemetery outside town and waited. Two pickup trucks filled with 15 to 20 heavily armed men, wearing helmets, bulletproof vests and blue uniforms, came for LeBaron.

    They smashed in his home's windows and shouted for him to open the door, as his terrified children cried inside, according to an account given by his brothers. LeBaron's brother-in-law Luis Widmar, 29, who lived across the street, heard the commotion and ran to his aid. Both men were beaten by the gunmen, who threatened to rape LeBaron's wife in front of her children unless the men revealed where LeBaron kept his arsenal of weapons.

    "But he didn't have any, because I promise you, if he did, he would have used them to protect his family," Julian LeBaron said.

    LeBaron and Widmar were shot in the head outside town. A banner was hung beside their bodies that blamed them for the arrest of 25 gunmen who were seized in June after terrorizing the town of Nicolas Bravo, where they burned down buildings and extorted from business owners. According to Mexican law enforcement officials, the gunmen are members of the Sinaloa drug cartel, which is fighting the Juarez cartel for billion-dollar cocaine-smuggling routes into El Paso.

    After the men killed LeBaron and Widmar, a video camera captured their departure at the highway tollbooth -- the make, model and year of their vehicles and the license numbers, according to family members. There have been no arrests.

    Who killed Benji LeBaron -- and why? These questions are difficult to answer in Mexico's drug war, and the unknowns fuel the fear of those left in Colonia LeBaron.

    The state attorney general, Patricia González, blamed the group La Línea, the Line, the armed enforcement wing of former police officers and gunmen that works for the Juarez cartel. A few months ago, González said La Línea was an exhausted remnant of dead-enders whose ranks had been decimated by infighting and arrests.

    After González said the Juarez cartel was responsible for the killings, banners appeared in Ciudad Juarez that read: "Mrs. Prosecutor, avoid problems for yourself, and don't blame La Línea." The message stated that the LeBaron killings were the work of the Sinaloa cartel. On Wednesday, another banner was hung from an overpass, suggesting that Benji LeBaron was a thief: "Ask yourself where did all his properties come from?"

    At the LeBaron funeral, attended by more than 2,000 people, including the Chihuahua state governor and attorney general, Benji's uncle Adrian LeBaron said, "The men who murdered them have no children, no parents, no mother. They are the spawn of evil."

    Jul 20, 2009

    In Guatemala, Chasing Away the Ghost of Alvarado

    by Tim Padgett

    It's been five centuries since Pedro de Alvarado, a homicidal Spanish conquistador, seized from the Maya the volcanic realm that became Guatemala. But his bloodlust still haunts the country, which today has one of the highest homicide rates in the western hemisphere. Guatemala's 36-year-long civil war, which ended in 1996, killed 200,000 people. Its cloak-and-dagger murders have made locals so paranoid that "even the drunks are discreet," as one 19th century visitor wrote.

    That neurosis still shrouds Guatemala City, a gloomy capital that no amount of marimba music can brighten. Rich and poor communities alike are surrounded by walls topped with enough razor wire and rifle-toting guards to look like penitentiaries. This year tandem motorcycle-riding was banned because it was such a popular M.O. for drive-by shootings, and daylight saving time was canceled because the dark mornings created too many opportunities for foul play. Even so, bus drivers face being killed by armed extortionists during rush hour, and lawyers who complain about government corruption can turn up under the bougainvilleas with a few bullets to the head.

    That's apparently what happened to Rodrigo Rosenberg, a corporate lawyer murdered on May 10 while biking near his home. In a twist that's macabre even for Guatemala, Rosenberg had taped a video three days earlier in which he anticipated his assassination and put the blame on President Alvaro Colom and his imperious wife Sandra Torres. They deny it, saying their right-wing foes coerced Rosenberg into making the video and then had him killed.

    But since the shocking video was uploaded to YouTube on May 11, the nation has begun to confront the benighted lawlessness that plagues not only Guatemala but most of the rest of Central America too. Younger Guatemalans, organizing protests via social-networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter, have turned out by the thousands to protest their putrid judicial system and festoon Rosenberg's murder scene with banners. "Older people say they haven't seen an awakening like this in 60 years," says Alejandro Quinteros, 26, a cherubic fast-food manager and political novice who helps lead the National Civic Movement. "We're not afraid anymore."

    Fear is understandable in a country that feels like a "baroque game of chess played with bodies," says Francisco Goldman, whose book The Art of Political Murder details the 1998 assassination of Catholic bishop Juan Gerardi, who was bludgeoned to death after issuing a report on army massacres during the civil war. In a nation where just 2% of last year's 6,200 murders were solved, "impunity opens doors to murderous imaginations," says Goldman.

    But the outcry over the Rosenberg case has opened doors to reform. Guatemala's congress was compelled to pass a law, long resisted by powerful political and business interests, that allows public scrutiny of judicial appointments. This month lawmakers say they're set to convene at least one special session to act on measures such as concealed-weapons laws and the creation of organized-crime and anticorruption courts. Activists like Alfonso Abril, 24, of the civic group ProReforma, want to revise Guatemala's sclerotic constitution to modernize lawmaking and codify individual rights. "I'm from the upper class," says Abril, "but I know we can't keep living in a country like this."

    He also knows Guatemalan politics is still treacherous. More than 50 candidates were assassinated during the general election in 2007, the same year three visiting Salvadoran congressmen were murdered by rogue policemen (who were then mysteriously killed themselves). In his video, Rosenberg says his coffee-baron client Khalil Musa was gunned down along with his daughter in April because Musa knew too much about drug-money-laundering. "Rodrigo wanted to talk about the deadly manipulation of laws and lives here," says his half brother Eduardo Rodas. Guatemala has asked the U.N. and the FBI to investigate his murder. After 500 years, Rosenberg's ghost may be the first to challenge Alvarado's.

    Jul 7, 2009

    More Than 150 Killed in Western China in Struggle Between Muslim Uighurs and Police

    By Ariana Eunjung Cha
    Washington Post Foreign Service
    Tuesday, July 7, 2009

    URUMQI, China, July 7 -- Clashes between Muslim Uighur protesters and security forces have killed at least 156 people in China's far west, state media said Monday, in what appears to be one of this country's bloodiest outbreaks of violence in recent history.

    The capital of China's Xinjiang region, Urumqi, was under heavy guard after a crowd of rioters, estimated to number more than 1,000 and armed with knives and sticks, faced off against police in the city's main bazaar on Sunday, according to witnesses. As word of the fighting spread, smaller incidents of retaliatory violence erupted across Urumqi at universities, bus stops and restaurants.

    Early Tuesday, the official New China News Agency reported that Chinese police had dispersed "more than 200 rioters" trying to gather at the main mosque in Kashgar, another city in Xinjiang.

    The Associated Press reported Tuesday that a fresh protest broke out in Urumqi, with about 200 Uighurs blocking a main road in a standoff with security forces. Some of the protesters were screaming that their husbands and children had been arrested, AP said.

    State media reported Monday that more than 1,000 people had been injured in the Sunday rioting, and that more than 1,400 had been arrested. It was unclear who suffered the heaviest casualties -- protesters, bystanders or security forces. Telephone and Internet communication in the area was severely restricted, making it difficult to verify government reports. In Urumqi, the roads were empty Monday night, and stores and restaurants normally open late were closed.

    Ethnic tensions are high in Xinjiang, which has experienced sporadic bursts of violence in recent years. Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking minority group, have long complained that, like ethnic Tibetans, they have been subjected to political, cultural and religious persecution under the rule of Han Chinese, the country's ethnic majority. The ruling Communist Party has gone to extraordinary lengths to prevent tensions from flaring, particularly during this symbolic year, the 60th anniversary of Communist China's founding.

    The violence in Xinjiang was in many ways reminiscent of the ethnic uprising in Tibet in spring 2008, when riots erupted after a protest in the capital, Lhasa. In those riots, which spread quickly throughout the region, the Chinese government insisted the death toll had been contained to 13, even as the Tibetan government in exile insisted the number was closer to 220.

    In Washington, White House press secretary Robert Gibbs said Monday that the administration is "deeply concerned" about the reports from China and called "on all in Xinjiang to exercise restraint." He added, however, that circumstances surrounding the incident were unclear. A State Department spokesman said officials would raise their concerns about the violence with China's deputy foreign minister, who was visiting Washington on Monday.

    State TV reports showed Uighurs attacking Han Chinese bystanders but said nothing about deaths or injuries resulting from police action. The government blamed the bloodshed on exile groups and others it cast as agitators -- specifically Rebiya Kadeer, a Uighur leader living in exile in the Washington area -- saying they are separatists plotting against Chinese rule. China made similar claims last year against the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader.

    "Their accusations are completely false," Kadeer said at a news conference in Washington on Monday, speaking through an interpreter. "I did not organize the protests or call on the Uighurs to demonstrate."

    She condemned the use of force by both sides and denounced what she called "brutal suppression" of her people by the Chinese government. She also called on the White House to release a stronger statement on the government's treatment of the Uighurs.

    Uighur supporters plan to gather in Dupont Circle at 2 p.m. Tuesday and march to the Chinese Embassy, where a formal demonstration is to begin at 3:30.

    Witnesses to the violence in Urumqi said that Sunday had started relatively peacefully, with several hundred demonstrators gathering to call for a more thorough investigation of the deaths of two Uighurs last month at a toy factory in southern China. The protesters had gathered in the Grand Bazaar, a marketplace where vendors hawk nuts, fruit and kebabs and where members of the Uighur community assemble at night.

    Ao Simin, 60, who works at a retail store near the south gate of the bazaar, said he saw thousands of "Uighur young people" walking past his door shouting slogans. Ao said that although he had heard rumors about Han Chinese being beaten by Uighur protesters carrying sticks, he "saw them with empty hands." The city appeared calm.

    Another witness, Adam Grode, 26, an American who is in Urumqi on a Fulbright scholarship, said that about 6:30 p.m., the situation turned. He said he saw protesters throwing stones and vegetables at police and smashing windows. Soon afterward, the police were "chasing them down with shields and fire hoses," he said.

    Tang Yan, 21, a Han Chinese who works at a drugstore, said that her boss stepped outside, only to be leapt upon by Uighur rioters. The attackers -- carrying benches, tables and bricks -- reportedly smashed the windows of the store, then entered the supermarket next door and set it on fire. She fled with other employees of nearby stores to the safety of their homes.

    "All the residents living in my building are Han Chinese. We were afraid that some people would rush in and hurt us. All the men in the building patrolled the courtyard the whole night," Tang recalled.

    Han Chinese and Uighurs have occasionally clashed in Urumqi on a smaller scale. But the city, which is majority Han, was supposed to be a showcase for a more prosperous and stable Xinjiang.

    Through a government campaign dubbed "Develop the West," some of China's most revered companies -- from the wealthy Han-dominated coastal areas -- have been given tax breaks, free rent and other incentives to expand their operations to this frontier.

    Although the government has helped develop the region, workers from minority ethnic groups -- which include not only Uighurs but also Kazakhs and Mongolians -- complained that their Han bosses provided them with only menial work and hired other Hans for higher-paying skilled jobs.

    Minority groups have also accused the government of pursuing a policy of cultural assimilation. Officials have expanded efforts to make Mandarin the dominant language. Male civil servants who were Uighur were told to shave the beards they had grown for religious reasons. And teachers and schoolchildren were ordered not to fast during the Muslim holiday of Ramadan.

    The protesters who initially gathered in Urumqi on Sunday appeared to have been mindful not to push their case too far.

    Dilxat Raxit, a spokesman for the World Uyghur Congress who is in exile in Sweden, said protesters reportedly carried a Chinese flag to show they were not part of an independence movement. He said demonstrators were shouting slogans such as "Stop racial discrimination" and "Punish the criminals severely."

    Staff writer Greg Gaudio in Washington and researchers Zhang Jie in Urumqi and Liu Liu and Wang Juan in Beijing contributed to this report.

    Riots Engulf Chinese Uighur City

    Groups of ethnic Han Chinese have marched through the city of Urumqi carrying clubs and machetes, as tension grows between ethnic groups and police.

    Security forces imposed a curfew and fired tear gas to disperse the crowds, who said they were angry at violence carried out by ethnic Muslim Uighurs.

    Earlier, Uighur women had rallied against the arrest of more than 1,400 people over deadly clashes on Sunday.

    The two sides blame each other for the outbreak of violence.

    AT THE SCENE
    Quentin Somerville
    Quentin Sommerville, Urumqi

    There are many armed military police standing around, also a few remnants of those Han Chinese demonstrators, still people wandering around the city carrying poles and batons and some carrying knives.

    There's a great air of trepidation here as to how this night will play out.

    I wouldn't have thought today that I would have seen Uighur men and women acting so defiantly in the face of Han Chinese authority, but they did.

    I wouldn't have thought that thousands of Han Chinese would be able to walk freely through a Chinese city and march and shout slogans.

    Xinjiang is one of the most tightly-controlled parts of the country. Those controls seem to have slipped quite considerably.

    Officials say 156 people - mostly ethnic Han Chinese - died in Sunday's violence. Uighur groups say many more have died, claiming 90% of the dead were Uighurs.

    The unrest erupted when Uighur protesters attacked vehicles before turning on local Han Chinese and battling security forces in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang province.

    They had initially been protesting over a brawl between Uighurs and Han Chinese several weeks earlier in a toy factory thousands of miles away in Guangdong province.

    On Tuesday about 200 Uighurs - mostly women - faced off against riot police to appeal for more than 1,400 people arrested over Sunday's violence to be freed.

    'Heart-breaking' violence

    Later hundreds of Han Chinese marched through the streets of Urumqi smashing shops and stalls belonging to Uighurs.

    The BBC's Quentin Sommerville, in Urumqi, says some of the protesters were shouting "down with Uighurs" as they rampaged through the streets armed with homemade weapons.

    UIGHURS AND XINJIANG
    BBC map
    Xinjiang population is 45% Uighur, 40% Han Chinese
    Uighurs are ethnically Turkic Muslims
    China re-established control in 1949 after crushing short-lived state of East Turkestan
    Since then, large-scale immigration of Han Chinese
    Sporadic violence since 1991
    Attack on 4 Aug 2008 near Kashgar kills 16 Chinese policemen

    Police used loudspeakers to urge the crowd to stop and later fired tear gas, as the Han Chinese confronted groups of Uighurs.

    One protester, clutching a metal bar, told the AFP news agency: "The Uighurs came to our area to smash things, now we are going to their area to beat them."

    Urumqi's mayor, Jierla Yishamudin, said a "life and death" struggle was being waged to maintain China's unity.

    "It is neither an ethnic issue nor a religious issue, but a battle of life and death to defend the unification of our motherland and to maintain the consolidation of all ethnic groups, a political battle that's fierce and of blood and fire," he told a news conference.

    One official described Sunday's unrest as the "deadliest riot since New China was founded in 1949".

    Xinjiang's Communist Party chief Wang Lequan announced during a televised address that a curfew would run from 2100 until 0800.

    State-run news agency Xinhua quoted him as saying any ethnic violence was "heart-breaking" and blaming "hostile forces both at home and abroad" for the trouble.

    China's authorities have repeatedly claimed that exiled Uighur leader Rebiya Kadeer is stirring up trouble in the region.

    But she told the BBC she was not responsible for any of the violence.

    "Last time during the Tibet riots, [the Chinese government] blamed the Dalai Lama, and now with the Xinjiang riot, they are blaming me," she said.

    "I will never damage the relationship between two communities and will never damage the relationship between people. For me, all human beings are equal."

    Jul 3, 2009

    Untold Truths About the American Revolution

    By Howard Zinn, July 3, 2009

    There are things that happen in the world that are bad, and you want to do something about them. You have a just cause. But our culture is so war prone that we immediately jump from, “This is a good cause” to “This deserves a war.”

    You need to be very, very comfortable in making that jump.

    The American Revolution—independence from England—was a just cause. Why should the colonists here be occupied by and oppressed by England? But therefore, did we have to go to the Revolutionary War?

    How many people died in the Revolutionary War?

    Nobody ever knows exactly how many people die in wars, but it’s likely that 25,000 to 50,000 people died in this one. So let’s take the lower figure—25,000 people died out of a population of three million. That would be equivalent today to two and a half million people dying to get England off our backs.

    You might consider that worth it, or you might not.

    Canada is independent of England, isn’t it? I think so. Not a bad society. Canadians have good health care. They have a lot of things we don’t have. They didn’t fight a bloody revolutionary war. Why do we assume that we had to fight a bloody revolutionary war to get rid of England?

    In the year before those famous shots were fired, farmers in Western Massachusetts had driven the British government out without firing a single shot. They had assembled by the thousands and thousands around courthouses and colonial offices and they had just taken over and they said goodbye to the British officials. It was a nonviolent revolution that took place. But then came Lexington and Concord, and the revolution became violent, and it was run not by the farmers but by the Founding Fathers. The farmers were rather poor; the Founding Fathers were rather rich.

    Who actually gained from that victory over England? It’s very important to ask about any policy, and especially about war: Who gained what? And it’s very important to notice differences among the various parts of the population. That’s one thing were not accustomed to in this country because we don’t think in class terms. We think, “Oh, we all have the same interests.” For instance, we think that we all had the same interests in independence from England. We did not have all the same interests.

    Do you think the Indians cared about independence from England? No, in fact, the Indians were unhappy that we won independence from England, because England had set a line—in the Proclamation of 1763—that said you couldn’t go westward into Indian territory. They didn’t do it because they loved the Indians. They didn’t want trouble. When Britain was defeated in the Revolutionary War, that line was eliminated, and now the way was open for the colonists to move westward across the continent, which they did for the next 100 years, committing massacres and making sure that they destroyed Indian civilization.

    So when you look at the American Revolution, there’s a fact that you have to take into consideration. Indians—no, they didn’t benefit.

    Did blacks benefit from the American Revolution?

    Slavery was there before. Slavery was there after. Not only that, we wrote slavery into the Constitution. We legitimized it.

    What about class divisions?

    Did ordinary white farmers have the same interest in the revolution as a John Hancock or Morris or Madison or Jefferson or the slaveholders or the bondholders? Not really.

    It was not all the common people getting together to fight against England. They had a very hard time assembling an army. They took poor guys and promised them land. They browbeat people and, oh yes, they inspired people with the Declaration of Independence. It’s always good, if you want people to go to war, to give them a good document and have good words: life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Of course, when they wrote the Constitution, they were more concerned with property than life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. You should take notice of these little things.

    There were class divisions. When you assess and evaluate a war, when you assess and evaluate any policy, you have to ask: Who gets what?

    We were a class society from the beginning. America started off as a society of rich and poor, people with enormous grants of land and people with no land. And there were riots, there were bread riots in Boston, and riots and rebellions all over the colonies, of poor against rich, of tenants breaking into jails to release people who were in prison for nonpayment of debt. There was class conflict. We try to pretend in this country that we’re all one happy family. We’re not.

    And so when you look at the American Revolution, you have to look at it in terms of class.

    Do you know that there were mutinies in the American Revolutionary Army by the privates against the officers? The officers were getting fine clothes and good food and high pay and the privates had no shoes and bad clothes and they weren’t getting paid. They mutinied. Thousands of them. So many in the Pennsylvania line that George Washington got worried, so he made compromises with them. But later when there was a smaller mutiny in the New Jersey line, not with thousands but with hundreds, Washington said execute the leaders, and they were executed by fellow mutineers on the order of their officers.

    The American Revolution was not a simple affair of all of us against all of them. And not everyone thought they would benefit from the Revolution.

    We’ve got to rethink this question of war and come to the conclusion that war cannot be accepted, no matter what the reasons given, or the excuse: liberty, democracy; this, that. War is by definition the indiscriminate killing of huge numbers of people for ends that are uncertain. Think about means and ends, and apply it to war. The means are horrible, certainly. The ends, uncertain. That alone should make you hesitate.

    Once a historical event has taken place, it becomes very hard to imagine that you could have achieved a result some other way. When something is happening in history it takes on a certain air of inevitability: This is the only way it could have happened. No.

    We are smart in so many ways. Surely, we should be able to understand that in between war and passivity, there are a thousand possibilities.

    Howard Zinn is the author of “A People’s History of the United States.” The History Channel is running an adaptation called “The People Speak.” This article is an excerpt from Zinn’s cover story in the July issue of The Progressive.

    Amnesty International Accuses Israel and Hamas of War Crimes in Gaza

    By ALAN COWELL

    PARIS — Amnesty International on Thursday accused both Israel and Hamas, the militant movement that controls Gaza, of committing war crimes during the three weeks of fighting there early this year.

    The human rights group singled out what it called the “unprecedented” scale and intensity of the Israeli onslaught and the “unlawful” Palestinian use of rockets against Israeli civilians.

    Both Hamas and Israel rejected the report as unbalanced.

    The Israeli military suggested that the “slant” of the report “indicates that the organization succumbed to the manipulations” of Hamas. Moreover, it said in a statement, the report ignored Israeli efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

    The statement also said Israel’s investigations into the behavior of its forces during the war in late December and January proved that the military “operated throughout the fighting in accordance with international law, maintaining high ethical and professional standards.” It acknowledged, however, that the inquiries “found a few, unfortunate incidents” resulting from Hamas’s decision “to fight from within civilian population centers.”

    A Hamas spokesman, Fawzi Barhoum, quoted by The Associated Press, declared: “The report equated the victim and the executioner and denied our people’s right to resist the occupation. The report ignores the scale of destruction and serious crimes committed by the occupation in Gaza and provides a misleading description in order to reduce the magnitude of the Israeli crimes.”

    The Amnesty International report was the second this week by an international human rights organization calling into question Israeli military practices in the Gaza war.

    A report released Tuesday by Human Rights Watch said 29 civilians were killed in what appeared to be six missile strikes by Israeli drones. The group questioned whether Israeli forces had taken “all feasible precautions” to avoid civilian casualties. Israel’s military has never acknowledged using the remotely piloted planes to fire missiles.

    Amnesty International, which is based in London, released its 117-page report on Thursday. It explicitly rejected Israeli claims that Hamas used civilians as human shields but said that in several cases, Israeli soldiers used Palestinian civilians, including children, as “human shields, endangering their lives by forcing them to remain in or near houses which they took over and used as military positions.”

    “The scale and intensity of the attacks on Gaza were unprecedented,” the report said, citing the deaths of hundreds of unarmed civilians, including many children.

    Referring to breaches of the “laws of war” in the conflict, Amnesty International said Palestinian rocket fire into southern Israel — cited by Israel as its reason for invading Gaza — killed three civilians, wounded scores and drove “thousands from their homes.”

    “For its part, Hamas has continued to justify the rocket attacks launched daily by its fighters and by other Palestinian armed groups into towns and villages in southern Israel during the 22-day conflict,” Donatella Rovera, an Amnesty International official who led an investigation team in Gaza and southern Israel in January and February, said in a statement. “Though less lethal, these attacks, using unguided rockets which cannot be directed at specific targets, violated international humanitarian law and cannot be justified under any circumstance.”

    Jun 10, 2009

    Guantanamo Detainee Denies Guilt

    Picture of Ahmed Ghailani on the FBI website
    Mr Ghailani's trial will be an important test case for closing Guantanamo

    BBC, June 9 - The first Guantanamo detainee to be brought to the US for trial has pleaded not guilty to involvement in two embassy blasts in East Africa in 1998.

    Ahmed Ghailani appeared before a federal court in New York, after being transferred there earlier in the day.

    Mr Ghailani, a Tanzanian, was detained in Pakistan in 2004 and taken to Guantanamo in late 2006.

    The case is seen as a test of the Obama administration's pledge to close Guantanamo Bay by next January.

    Mr Ghailani entered the courtroom in Manhattan wearing a blue prison uniform.

    AHMED KHALFAN GHAILANI
    Born in Zanzibar but date varies from 1970 to 1974
    Alleged to have been Osama Bin Laden's bodyguard
    Accused of buying equipment for embassy attack in Tanzania in 1998 and involvement in simultaneous Kenya attack
    Indicted in 1998 in New York and reportedly fled to Afghanistan
    Reported in Liberia in 2001
    Arrested in Pakistan in 2004

    Judge Loretta Preska asked him for his plea to charges of conspiring to commit the bombings of US embassies in Tanzania and Kenya that killed 224 people, including 12 Americans.

    "Not guilty," Mr Ghailani said.

    Judge Preska set a date of 16 June for the next hearing.

    The justice department says Mr Ghailani faces 286 charges.

    They include conspiring with Osama Bin Laden and other members of al-Qaeda to kill Americans around the world, and murder charges for each of the victims of the embassy attacks of 7 August 1998.

    If found guilty Mr Ghailani could face the death penalty.

    Earlier, US Attorney General Eric Holder said in a statement: "With his appearance in federal court today, Ahmed Ghailani is being held accountable for his alleged role in the bombing of US embassies in Tanzania and Kenya."

    Congress rejection

    The BBC's Kevin Connolly in Washington says if President Barack Obama is to honour his promise to close Guantanamo Bay in his first year in office he needs as many cases from there as possible to be tried as ordinary criminal cases in federal courts.

    However, the US Congress has already rejected an administration request for funding to close down Guantanamo amid widespread opposition to bringing detainees on to the US mainland.

    Our correspondent says Mr Ghailani's case will also establish whether defence lawyers will seek to have US federal trials thrown out on the grounds that the government has admitted applying harsh interrogation techniques to some detainees, and holding others in secret prisons overseas.

    Mr Obama is hoping to persuade America's allies around the world to take some of the other Guantanamo detainees, but negotiations have proved difficult.

    A number of high-value prisoners are likely to face indefinite detention without trial, our correspondent says.

    Apology

    According to the transcript of a closed-door hearing in March 2007, Mr Ghailani admitted delivering explosives used to blow up the US embassy in the Tanzanian city of Dar es Salaam.

    Federal Courthouse in New York
    Ahmed Ghailani appeared at the Federal Courthouse in New York

    However, he told the hearing he did not know about the attack beforehand and apologised to the US government and the victims' families.

    Investigators say he left Africa just before the bombings.

    Mr Ghailani is thought to have been born on the Tanzanian island of Zanzibar in 1970 or 1974 - making him 39 or 35 years old. He is said to speak fluent English.

    He is alleged to have risen through the ranks of al-Qaeda to become a bodyguard of Osama Bin Laden.

    According to the US transcript, he admitted visiting an al-Qaeda training camp in Afghanistan after the bombings. But he denied being a member of al-Qaeda.

    Analysts described him as a very important figure, who was probably sent to east Africa at the time of the bombings by Osama Bin Laden's second-in-command, Ayman al-Zawahiri.

    It is suggested that Mr Ghailani fled to Afghanistan after being indicted in 1998.

    Source - http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8091013.stm

    Army Denies Role in Thai Attack

    BBC, June 9 - A Thai military spokesman has denied any possibility that the army was responsible for Monday's attack on a mosque in the south of the country.

    At least 10 people died in the Narathiwat shootings, which happened during evening prayers.

    Islamic militants are thought to be behind many of the attacks in the area, as part of a separatist insurgency.

    But local people say they find it hard to believe the insurgents would have attacked fellow Muslims in such a way.

    Separatist violence in the region has caused more than 3,000 deaths in the past five years, and there has been a recent upsurge in violence.

    'Barbaric act'

    Eyewitnesses report that the five or six gunmen disguised themselves with ski masks when they attacked the mosque.

    The BBC's South East Asia correspondent, Jonathan Head, says the provocative nature of the attack raises questions about exactly who was behind it.

    Map

    Local villagers have said they find it hard to believe the insurgents would have carried out such an attack on Muslims while they were praying.

    But a spokesman for the regional army command told the BBC it was impossible that any military units were responsible.

    Thailand's army chief General Anupong Paojinda told reporters that the insurgents were trying to pin the blame for the "barbaric act" on the authorities .

    "They absolutely want to raise this issue to a level of international concern, by making it seem like state authorities are violently cracking down on villagers," he told reporters, before leaving Bangkok for Narathiwat.

    After more than a year in which the military seemed to be making progress in curbing the insurgency, the number of attacks has suddenly spiked over the past two weeks.

    The insurgents remain in the shadows, never stating their demands, our correspondent said.

    Comprising young men recruited by local Islamic preachers, the small cells of fighters launch hit-and-run attacks on soldiers, government officials and Thai Buddhists almost at will, he adds.

    Much of the south is now a no-go area for the army, and the mainly Muslim population is deeply mistrustful of the government.

    Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has just finished a visit to neighbouring Malaysia, where he sought co-operation in sealing their shared border.

    But this conflict - where both the insurgents and the security forces benefit from rampant smuggling - is too complex to be resolved by diplomacy alone, our correspondent says.

    Thailand annexed the three southern provinces - Narathiwat, Yala and Pattani - in 1902, but the vast majority of people there are Muslim and speak a Malay dialect, in contrast to the Buddhist Thai speakers in the rest of the country.

    Source - http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8090599.stm