Aug 20, 2009

For Child Stars, Life After 'Slumdog Millionaire' Full of Promise -- and Skeletons

By Emily Wax
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, August 20, 2009

MUMBAI -- Never again would Azhar Mohammed Ismaill, 11, sleep in the overcrowded warren of shanties and festering lean-tos known as Garib Nagar, literally "city of the poor." Azhar, one of the child stars of the Oscar-winning film "Slumdog Millionaire" recently moved with his family to a new home in Mumbai: a modest two-room apartment on the ground floor of a high-rise called Harmony.

The apartment was a gift from "Slumdog" director Danny Boyle, whose film grossed $300 million. On the rooftop of his new building, Azhar, 11, danced as he watched jetliners take off from the airport. He recognized the emotion as similar to what his character, Salim, must have felt as he looked out over the Mumbai skyline and said: "India is the center of the world now, brother. I am at the center of the center."

Azhar's real-life journey -- and those of the other child stars in "Slumdog," including his elfin co-star Rubina Ali, 9 -- has been a roller coaster of personal tragedy and red-carpet glamour. In many ways, they are experiencing at warp speed the masala of euphoria and turmoil that India's vast poor feel as they emerge from the iron bonds of caste and class to an era of genuine social mobility.

Over two decades, India has awakened from a drowsy agricultural nation and into an industrial one that has lifted millions out of poverty. Rapid urbanization and the opening of markets has broken down feudal village roles and inspired young Indians to grab hold of new destinies in cities far from their birthplaces. Mumbai has become a magnet for a new generation of Indians, a New York of India, where professions are no longer inherited, where hundreds sleep on the street for a chance at a better life.

Unlike Azhar, Rubina has not seen her fortunes improve much since the movie in which she plays the young ragpicker Latika. She filmed a soda commercial with Nicole Kidman and collaborated with an Indian journalist to write her autobiography this year.

But her family's shack was demolished by city municipal workers and later rebuilt in the same spot, next to an open sewer and piles of garbage. She remains in the slums because her father, despite Boyle's offers for a new home, isn't sure he wants to leave. He also was caught in an undercover sting by a British newspaper where he allegedly agreed to sell her for adoption to a wealthy Dubai family for the equivalent of $290,000; he denies the allegation.

The way Rubina and Azhar's lives have diverged also tells the story of an India where some are forging ahead while others struggle and worry they will be left behind.

"But to me," said Vikas Swarup, the author of "Q&A," a novel on which the film is based, "the most enduring image was at the Oscars, when Rubina and Azhar shared the stage with Steven Spielberg. That was the central message of the film: Whether you come from a slum or a five-star home, what matters is not where you are from, but where you are going, and that is an enormous change in psychology of Indians.

"Yes, they have gone from zero to hero. Yes, they have been touched by magic. But their journey -- in its spirit -- is not very different from the spirit of Mumbai, the feeling across Indian cities and towns today -- which is full of stories of people who are at ground zero of the great Indian dream."

* * *

Just six months ago, Azhar and Rubina were walking the red carpet at in Los Angeles at the Academy Awards. Azhar wore a bowtie and tuxedo, his hair neatly oiled. He held hands with Rubina, who wore a sea-blue princess dress with matching headband over her pixie hairstyle, her hands festooned with traditional henna.

"Angelina Jolie," cooed Azhar, recently lounging in his new home. "She was so beautiful."

"I was scared to sleep in the hotel room, it was so big," Rubina said.

Azhar and Rubina's triumphant return to Mumbai was a whirlwind of media interviews, fashion shoots and parties with Bollywood celebrities.

But in May, their lives seemed to return to normal. Normal for slumdogs, that is, since the government bulldozed their illegal tin-roofed shanties in a scene that seemed straight out of the gritty film.

"They took all our furniture and broke my cellphone," Rubina recounted on a recent day, inside the rebuilt one-room shelter that her family painted bright pink to cheer her up. "They beat my father. We thought of calling Uncle Danny, but what could he do? He was in America."

Then her father was accused in the sting.

Around the same time, Azhar's father was hospitalized, drunk again and suffering from tuberculosis. Homeless and living under blankets and tarp, Azhar was bitten by rats and had to get medical care.

"We were hit with bamboo sticks by the police," Azhar said. "It was a bad time, when they destroyed all the shelters. I cried. A lot."

At a time when call centers and software outsourcing have become the symbols of a booming India, "Slumdog Millionaire" brought to light an equally true reality: the hardscrabble lives of many slum children of an India brimming with optimism and eagerness to be the world's next superpower.

"Nearly every child from the slums has had their home bulldozed and has a parent who has a drinking or gambling problem or has walked out," said Ziyan Contractor, 28, their teacher at the well-respected Aseema School, chosen by Boyle because it's a public school where slum children attend and receive an excellent education. "Every single scene of that movie was true. The only scene that wasn't true was when they dance on the train platform at the end. There is no space to dance on the platforms of Mumbai: only a crush of people."

* * *

Azhar's old neighborhood sits along the railroad tracks, where bone-thin boys haul sheets of tin on their backs to rebuild shelters, goats and chicken roam, a child without legs skates by on a slab of wood with wheels, and girls in school uniforms race to classes.

His last ramshackle shelter had a dirt floor and corrugated tin for a door on which he etched "A Z H A R" with a pocketknife.

His new neighborhood is on a quiet tree-lined street, down the road from an air-conditioned shopping mall. His new home has one small room, taken up largely by a bed, along with a few plastic chairs and a large cupboard with a mirror, plastic flowers and a television.

There is a kitchen, where Azhar stores his bicycle, a present given to him by a mentor and Bollywood movie star. And there's a small bathroom, a first for Azhar, who is used to the semi-public bathrooms in the slums, or else relieving himself near the train tracks.

"Bollywood-Hollywood, I love them both," cooed Azhar, who has long eyelashes and cracks jokes like: "If you eat chicken biryani, it's so good you would eat your finger." It's a popular Indian dish his family can now afford.

His mother, Shamim, who married at 16 and has only an elementary-school education herself, says Azhar is bright but sometimes doesn't want to go to school. Azhar is having trouble adjusting to his notoriety, which has led to fights with classmates.

Maybe that's because at just 11 Azhar is the most successful person he knows. He has become the family patriarch, putting food on the table and even lifting the extended family out of the slums and into a middle-class neighborhood.

"Why should I go to school," he recently told a teacher. "I'm an actor."

After Danny Boyle gave him a laptop, Azhar got frustrated that no one in his family knew how to get Internet service so he could play video games.

Last week, Azhar's father was admitted to the hospital for tuberculosis again, aggravated by his alcoholism, a common disease in the slums. At the hospital, he often bribes nurses to sneak in whiskey to mix with the hospital's coconut water. It is clear he is a burden on the family, but Azhar misses him.

"Still, life is much easier here," said Azhar's mother, smiling as she watched her son race around the apartment, roaring like a lion atop his bike.

Many of Azhar's friends were extras in the movie. The brush with stardom wasn't enough to get them out of the slums. But they say it has given them more confidence.

"I played a handicapped beggar," beamed Abdul Khan, 11, whose father digs ditches. "We are happy for Azhar. He still comes to play cricket with us on Sundays. We wish we could move, too."

* * *

Rubina's slum neighborhood sits just past barefoot children renting bikes for 20 rupees a half-hour, a few 1980s video gaming stations, tea and butcher shops, where incense burns to keep bugs away and train tracks strewn with piles of garbage have a sign reading, "No dumping trash here."

Friendly and bright with a hoarse voice, Rubina seems like a mini-diva, practiced in the art of what photographers want: her hand on hip, in a sparkly pink dress, always striking a pose over a sewage-filled gutter, her head tilted.

"I think back to what my life was like before the movie," she said, as she thumb-wrestled with visitors. "No one ever asked who I was or what I thought about anything."

Although several apartments were shown to the family, Rubina's father has refused to live anywhere but the Bandra neighborhood. He is a carpenter and says his contacts are in Bandra, only.

But it's not just Rubina's living situation that's a problem. Her teacher worries because she frequently misses school, sometimes to shoot commercials or fashion shows. Her father and stepmother have never responded to the teacher's requests to come by. A social worker whom Boyle hired to help wonders if Rubina misses school because her family earns money from visitors if Rubina is there to greet them.

Still, like Azhar, she has moments of joy and pride. On a recent school day when Rubina stayed home, she sat listlessly in the heat, fanning away flies, until news spread that an interview with Rubina was on television. A cheer went out from friends and family.

Rubina ran to the television, riveted by a larger, dreamier, more self-assured version of herself.

Pakistani Voice of America Journalist Detained at Dulles Airport Is Released

By N.C. Aizenman
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, August 20, 2009

U.S. immigration officials released a visiting Pakistani journalist employed by the U.S.-sponsored Voice of America news service Wednesday, 10 days after taking him into custody on his arrival at Dulles International Airport.

Rahman Bunairee, 33, was hoping to find refuge in the United States after receiving threats in recent weeks from Islamic militants displeased with his reports about their activities in Pakistan's restive North-West Frontier Province.

The militants destroyed Bunairee's family home in the province, then came looking for him at his office in the port city of Karachi several hundred miles south, where Bunairee is also bureau chief for the privately owned Pakistani broadcaster Khyber TV.

Concerned for his safety, officials at VOA quickly arranged to bring Bunairee to the United States on a J-1 visa, often used by research institutions to sponsor scholars on temporary exchange programs. Bunairee was to work on expanding VOA's Pashto language service, which serves the Afghanistan-Pakistan border region.

Bunairee's attorney, Paul Virtue, whose law firm, Hogan & Hartson, is representing Bunairee for free, said that during his initial interview with a customs officer at Dulles, the officer learned that Bunairee had reason to fear returning to Pakistan.

There might have been some confusion because of Bunairee's limited English, Virtue said, but "essentially the officer determined that [Bunairee's] principal purpose for coming to the United States was to get out of Pakistan . . . and that the exchange program at VOA was only incidental or secondary. . . . So they found him not to be admissible under J-1 status."

At that point, under the provisions of immigration law, Bunairee was placed in "expedited removal proceedings," which required that he be detained until an asylum officer could interview him to determine whether he had a "credible fear" of being harmed if he were deported. If the officer determines the fear is unfounded, detainees can be deported immediately without the chance to make their case before an immigration judge.

However, an officer who interviewed Bunairee on Tuesday determined on Wednesday that his fear is credible, making him eligible for parole while he requests asylum or several other forms of relief from an immigration judge. Reapplying for the J-1 visa is not an option.

Virtue, who once was general counsel of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service, said he was not sure which approach Bunairee would take.

Virtue did not fault VOA for sponsoring Bunairee under a J-1 visa under the circumstances, saying that although the organization was partly motivated by a desire to help him leave Pakistan as quickly as possible, it had a genuine need for a journalist with Bunairee's experience and language skills. The plan to expand the Pashto language service predated the threats against Bunairee, he said.

Virtue declined to comment on whether immigration officers acted fairly in detaining Bunairee but said: "I think the government is responsible for administering a statute that is very rigid and doesn't leave them with a lot of options for dealing with these kinds of cases. . . .There are some changes that could be made to the statute that would offer other ways of helping people come to the United States who are at risk in their home country."

A spokeswoman at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, whose officers conduct credible-fear interviews, said privacy concerns prevented her from discussing Bunairee's case.

Analysts Say Israel's Controversial Barrier Is Unlikely to Be Completed

By Linda Gradstein and Howard Schneider
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, August 20, 2009

MAALE ADUMIM, West Bank -- Cost overruns, court rulings and a decline in violence have led Israel to slow construction of a barrier through and around the occupied West Bank, and many analysts predict the project, which is a deep source of contention between Israelis and Palestinians, will not be completed.

The last substantial work on the barrier, a network of fences and concrete walls flanked by a military patrol road, was finished in 2007. The construction underway now largely involves moving parts of it off Palestinian land in response to a series of Israeli Supreme Court rulings that found that the barrier had in some cases isolated families and sealed off villages from farmland to a degree that security concerns did not warrant.

A portion of the barrier in the sparsely populated southern West Bank remains unfinished, and the Israeli Defense Ministry said in a recent memo that "for budgetary and other considerations" it did not plan to complete the barrier around Maale Adumim, a major Jewish settlement east of Jerusalem.

That will leave as much as 40 percent of the barrier's 420-mile planned route unfinished. Even with the substantial gaps, Israeli military officials and politicians credit the barrier -- one of Israel's more controversial undertakings -- with a decline in suicide and other bombings originating from the West Bank. Palestinians refer to the barrier as the "apartheid wall," saying that it is an effort to fence them off and that it effectively places as much as 10 percent of West Bank territory on the Israeli side without negotiations.

Though Israel says it can easily dismantle or move the barrier once a final border is established, U.N. officials who monitor the project say they are dubious. Even as construction on the wall itself has slowed, work on an array of related infrastructure -- checkpoints, gates, special bypass roads -- continues in what they regard as an effort to institutionalize the barrier as part of the landscape.

"We sincerely hope things will change," Christopher Gunness, a spokesman for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, said at the debut Wednesday of a short U.N. documentary on the barrier, narrated by Pink Floyd founder Roger Waters.

The barrier was started in 2002 amid a violent Palestinian uprising, and its route was ruled illegal by the International Court of Justice five years ago. Although it accepted Israel's right to defend itself, the court criticized the degree to which the barrier, rather than following the armistice line established after Israel's 1948 war of independence, meandered through the West Bank to encompass Jewish settlements while isolating Palestinian towns, separating farmers from their land and, in some cases, stranding Palestinians on the Israeli side of the wall.

The project, designed to separate most of the West Bank from Israel, in some ways put the two sides in even closer contact, spawning weekly protests that have led to several deaths and scores of injuries, and earning "the wall" its own place in the imagery of conflict.

The Israeli military staffs a network of gates and crossings within the barrier to give farmers access to their fields. Special roads and tunnels have been carved out so that the residents of Palestinian areas isolated by the wall can travel.

In the small town of Beit Ijza, the Gharib family's home is so close to the Jewish settlement of Givon that it is penned in on all sides by the barrier. Family members said that for a while they relied on a special video link to an Israeli military outpost to get buzzed into their home through an electronic gate, but eventually the Israel Defense Forces simply decided to leave the gate open.

"It's like a prison," said Mahmoud Gharib, 43.

On the Palestinian side of the barrier, the towering concrete slabs have become a populist canvas, decorated with murals, poetry, love notes, advertising and slogans promoting Palestinian statehood.

On the Israeli side, it is seen as more than a coincidence that suicide bombings declined as the barrier snaked its way through the West Bank. The last one was 18 months ago. Although Palestinian officials argue that their changing politics and commitment to security have played a more important role, polls show that the barrier is popular in Israel. Criticism, even from dovish Israelis who favor a Palestinian state, has been over the route, rather than the barrier itself.

Retired Israeli Col. Shaul Arieli, who has written a book on the barrier, said its existence may contribute to the eventual establishment of a Palestinian state.

"Israelis have internalized the idea of separation and the division of two states," he said. "Everything outside the barrier won't be part of Israel."

In a written statement, Defense Ministry spokesman Shlomo Dror said there has been no change in Israeli policy regarding the barrier's completion.

"The security fence has been mostly constructed, although some parts have not been completed because of different considerations -- budgetary, legal and other," Dror said.

Since 2007 the political dynamics around the barrier have shifted. That year, an Israeli government commission reviewing the military budget criticized the handling of the barrier's construction and its $2.5 billion cost. Much of the unfinished work involves "fingers" of the barrier around Jewish settlements deep in the West Bank, potentially controversial in a climate in which the Obama administration is trying to curb Israeli activity in the West Bank as a prelude to restarting peace talks.

That is little consolation in Maale Adumim, where debate over the barrier's route and completion shows that the project has gone beyond a simple matter of security and entered the fabric of daily life and politics.

Shlomo Lecker, an Israeli lawyer who opposed construction of the barrier here on behalf of Palestinian clients, said the route had less to do with security and more with securing "as much land as possible" for the settlement.

Maale Adumim Mayor Benny Kashriel said he has little doubt that "the route of the barrier will determine the future border between us and the future Palestinian state" -- despite official Israeli policy that the wall's route is irrelevant to final border negotiations. Of more practical concern, he said, is that, in the absence of the barrier, residents of Maale Adumim must pass through an Israeli border police checkpoint to enter Jerusalem -- the same checkpoint used by Palestinians who want to enter Israel.

"It's a daily nightmare for our residents," Kashriel said. "Sometimes it can take an hour and a half to get to work."

Poll Shows Most Americans Oppose War in Afghanistan

By Jennifer Agiesta and Jon Cohen
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, August 20, 2009

A majority of Americans now see the war in Afghanistan as not worth fighting, and just a quarter say more U.S. troops should be sent to the country, according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll.

Most have confidence in the ability of the United States to meet its primary goals of defeating the Taliban, facilitating economic development, and molding an honest and effective Afghan government, but few say Thursday's elections there are likely to produce such a government.

When it comes to the baseline question, 42 percent of Americans say the United States is winning in Afghanistan; about as many, 36 percent, say it is losing.

The new poll comes amid widespread speculation that Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal, the top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, will request more troops for his stepped-up effort to remove the Taliban from Afghan towns and villages. That position gets the backing of 24 percent of those polled, while nearly twice as many, 45 percent, want to decrease the number of military forces there. (Most of the remainder want to keep the level about the same.)

In January, before President Obama authorized sending an additional 17,000 troops to the country, public sentiment tilted more strongly toward a troop increase.

Should Obama embrace his generals' call for even more forces, he would risk alienating some of his staunchest supporters. Although 60 percent of Americans approve of how Obama has handled the situation in Afghanistan, his ratings among liberals have slipped, and majorities of liberals and Democrats alike now, for the first time, solidly oppose the war and are calling for a reduction in troop levels.

Overall, seven in 10 Democrats say the war has not been worth its costs, and fewer than one in five support an increase in troop levels.

Republicans (70 percent say it is worth fighting) and conservatives (58 percent) remain the war's strongest backers, and the issue provides a rare point of GOP support for Obama's policies. A narrow majority of conservatives approve of the president's handling of the war (52 percent), as do more than four in 10 Republicans (43 percent).

Among all adults, 51 percent now say the war is not worth fighting, up six percentage points since last month and 10 since March. Less than half, 47 percent, say the war is worth its costs. Those strongly opposed (41 percent) outweigh strong proponents (31 percent).

Opposition to the Iraq war reached similar levels in the summer of 2004 and grew further through the 2006 midterm elections, becoming issue No. 1 in many congressional races that year.

By the time support for that conflict had fallen below 50 percent, disapproval of President George W. Bush's handling of it had climbed to 55 percent, in contrast to the solid overall approval of the way Obama is dealing with Afghanistan.

But there are warning signs for the president.

Among liberals, his rating on handling the war, which he calls one of "necessity," has fallen swiftly, with strong approval dropping by 20 points. Nearly two-thirds of liberals stand against a troop increase, as do about six in 10 Democrats.

On the GOP side, views are more evenly distributed, as Republicans divide about equally in support of an increase, a decrease and no change to troop levels.

Partisan divisions on the handling of the Afghan war are tempered when it comes to faith in the ability of the United States and its allies to get the job done. Broad majorities across party lines say they are confident that the United States will defeat the Taliban and succeed in spurring economic development.

Far fewer, 34 percent, say they think Afghanistan's national election will result in an effective government, with just 3 percent "very confident."

The poll was conducted by telephone Aug. 13-17 among a random national sample of 1,001 adults including users of both conventional and cellular phones. Results from the full survey have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points; it is higher among subgroups.

Analysts Fear Violence, Instability if Afghan Vote Lacks Credibility

By Pamela Constable
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, August 20, 2009

KABUL, Aug. 19 -- As Afghans venture out Thursday to choose a president for the second time ever, they hope the election will produce a historic leap forward for the country's precarious young democracy, but they fear it could just as easily mark a disastrous plunge backward into the chaotic civil conflicts of the past three decades.

The concern is not so much who will come out ahead as whether the process will be secure and credible enough for all groups to accept. President Hamid Karzai is expected to win a plurality over three major rivals, leading to a second round of voting that he would also probably win.

But analysts here said a poisonous confluence of Taliban violence and election fraud, especially in the southern ethnic Pashtun heartland, could render the poll results regionally imbalanced or numerically insufficient. This could provoke public anger and even spark ethnic riots, making it difficult to hold a decisive second poll and creating a power vacuum that would benefit Taliban insurgents.

U.S. and NATO officials, while publicly taking a neutral stance among the candidates, have an enormous stake in the overall success of the vote. Whoever wins, diplomats here said, a peaceful and legitimate outcome is critical to assuage growing doubts among American and European voters about whether Afghanistan is worth a continuing heavy investment in money spent and troops' lives lost.

Western officials, who once demanded free and fair elections, have recently downgraded their expectations and their rhetoric. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton called this week for "credible, secure and inclusive" elections. Kai Eide, the U.N. special representative in Kabul, used similar language, and international election advisers who once vowed to help stop polling fraud now say they hope it will be limited to "acceptable levels."

The most immediate danger comes from Taliban insurgents, who have launched an aggressive campaign to intimidate people and keep them away from the polls. In the past week, they have staged three major attacks in this heavily policed capital, including the armed invasion of a bank Wednesday morning that led to a three-hour gun battle with security forces and a suicide bombing inside the building.

In the rural southern provinces where the Islamist insurgents are strongest, they have threatened to attack polling stations and kill voters or punish them by cutting off fingers dipped in telltale purple ink after people have cast their ballots. Despite plans to deploy thousands of soldiers, police officers and local guards, officials predict that at least 10 percent of 7,000 polling stations across the country will not be safe enough to open.

"People are enthusiastic about the election, and they want to move the political process to a new stage, but they are also afraid," said Ahmad Nader Nadery, an official of the independent Free and Fair Elections Foundation, which is deploying 7,400 monitors to hundreds of polling stations. "If they have to travel a long distance to vote, they may be afraid of being attacked on the way back, especially if their fingers are inked."

But the Taliban threat is only one source of the tension and unease that surrounds this landmark event, the second presidential election since the 2001 overthrow of Taliban rule that ended a turbulent modern history of extremist regimes and cruel conflicts. On Thursday, up to 17 million voters are scheduled to choose among 36 candidates for president and more than 3,300 candidates for 420 provincial council seats.

The other major cause for concern comes from inside the political contest. The campaign period has produced numerous allegations of fraud by both government and opposition forces, including the registration of thousands of phantom female voters by their husbands or village elders, the widespread sale of voter identification cards, and the strong-arming of voters by regional officials and bosses working for Karzai or his major rival, former foreign minister Abdullah Abdullah.

Karzai has enlisted the support of a veritable rogue's gallery of former militia chiefs and regional ethnic bosses, banking on them to deliver large blocs of votes in exchange for promises of power. All these leaders control men and weapons as well as votes, and they represent a throwback to an era when political power in Afghanistan was determined by private deals and alliances among a few strong figures.

Most recently, Karzai enlisted the support of Abdurrashid Dostum, a former militia boss and ethnic Uzbek leader who has been accused of numerous human rights abuses and who went into exile in Turkey last year after he brutalized a political rival at his opulent home in Kabul. In recent days, to the dismay of U.S. officials and Afghan human rights groups, Karzai unexpectedly welcomed him home, and Dostum threw his weight behind the president's candidacy.

Abdullah has been more circumspect in his election alliances and has gained momentum largely through a series of increasingly spirited campaign appearances in which he has called for political change. Polls now show he may win about a quarter of the vote, compared with about 40 percent for Karzai. Two other candidates, former planning minister Ramazan Bashardost and former finance minister Ashraf Ghani, are in the single digits. Candidates need more than 50 percent to win the first round outright.

Despite his mild and diplomatic demeanor, Abdullah has indirectly courted political violence by hinting repeatedly that there is no way Karzai can defeat him without resorting to large-scale fraud. Some of Abdullah's supporters -- mostly drawn from ethnic Tajik groups based in northern Afghanistan -- have threatened to hold spirited protests like those that erupted after elections in June in Iran if Karzai wins.

"If the results are not accepted, there is a real risk of violence that even Abdullah could not control," said Haroun Mir, executive director of the Afghan Center for Research and Policy Studies. "The Taliban are trying to stop the Pashtun vote in the south and create an atmosphere of fear in Kabul. If turnout is low in both places, the election will not be credible."

On Wednesday, the streets of Kabul were deserted and the vast majority of shops were closed, ostensibly to mark the country's annual independence day. But there was a sharp, nervous edge to the scene. Hours after the bank attack was thwarted, police officers and soldiers still roamed the capital in pickup trucks, stopped the sparse traffic at dozens of checkpoints or shouted through bullhorns for all vehicles to keep moving.

The scene was similar in the streets of Kandahar and Lashkar Gah, the capitals of Kandahar and Helmand provinces in the south, where Afghan TV footage showed thousands of Afghan police officers and soldiers blanketing the streets in preparation for the polls. Although U.S. and NATO forces are also stationed in those regions, they are pointedly taking a backup role to Afghan security forces in protecting the election.

Correspondent Joshua Partlow contributed to this report.

Members of Black Sorority at Odds Over Leader's Expenditures

By Ian Shapira
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, August 20, 2009

On the top floor of the National Great Blacks in Wax Museum in Baltimore, around the corner from the gift shop, stands the statue of a dignitary in a long green beaded gown. The figure of Barbara A. McKinzie, president of Alpha Kappa Alpha, the nation's oldest black sorority, might not provoke the average museum visitor, but the objet d'art -- and its disputed cost -- has emerged at the core of a dispute fracturing the historic organization.

The sorority -- which counts among its 225,000 members Nobel laureate Toni Morrison, three congresswomen and the president of Liberia -- maintains that the statue was sculpted to honor the organization's centennial. But many members are furious, viewing the glorification of the president, known within AKA as the Supreme Basileus, as a window into wider allegations of financial mismanagement and ethical lapses.

A little more than a year after members gathered in Washington in their trademark pink and green outfits to celebrate the group's 100th birthday, a lawsuit filed in D.C. Superior Court has split the sorority, leaving some members worried about its credibility in the black community and as a charitable organization.

In June, eight members filed suit against McKinzie and AKA's board, alleging that the Supreme Basileus was improperly awarded a $375,000 stipend, the first-ever compensation for the sorority's president.

The suit also claims that McKinzie used the sorority's American Express account to purchase lingerie and designer clothing for herself and friends, racking up American Express Rewards points that she then redeemed for gym equipment and a 46-inch high-definition Toshiba television. The members want the judge to remove McKinzie as president and want unapproved payments to be returned.

Melody McDowell, AKA's spokeswoman, declined a reporter's request to interview McKinzie and AKA executive director Betty N. James. McDowell would not discuss the lawsuit in detail but said all spending was properly authorized by the sorority's board. "All of these things are done with their overwhelming approval," McDowell said.

The lawsuit has raised questions about the role of the sorority in a time of change. "People ask, 'Are they still relevant?' " said Sophia A. Nelson, an AKA sister in Loudoun County who wrote an essay posted on The Root, an online magazine on black issues, arguing that black sororities are as vital as ever.

In e-mails obtained by The Washington Post, McKinzie told sorority members this summer that the lawsuit was "frivolous," denied any wrongdoing and said allegations about "personal use of AKA funds are false." She said the lawsuit's lead plaintiff (Joy Daley of Newburgh, N.Y.) had been sued by AKA for allegedly submitting inadequate expense reports. A New York judge dismissed that suit, ruling that the sorority failed to prove its case.

McKinzie asked members to go onto Twitter, Facebook and MySpace "to defend AKA's good name." And she laid down some AKA law: "[O]ur rules dictate that the eight Sorors who filed this lawsuit be suspended, pending further resolution of their status . . ."

When Rep. Eddie Bernice Johnson (D-Tex.) learned about the lawsuit, she chatted up a fellow AKA sister, Rep. Diane Watson (D-Calif.), during a break outside the House chamber.

"We both said we want to get to the bottom of it," said Johnson, 73, an AKA member for 35 years. "We were very hurt by it, actually. We have always been held to the highest standards, scholastically . . . and nothing like this has ever happened before. At most, it's embarrassing and certainly a deviation of what the sorority has been known for."

Unlike other college fraternities and sororities, black Greek letter organizations include undergraduates, graduate students and professionals who join later in life. AKA's educational foundation provides college scholarships, and chapters across the country emphasize volunteerism, advocating for foster children, hosting community meetings on domestic violence and mentoring middle school boys.

Black fraternities and sororities emerged in the early 20th century, alongside civil rights movements led by activist W.E.B. DuBois and the NAACP, as support networks for the growing number of blacks on college campuses, said Lawrence C. Ross Jr., author of "The Divine Nine," a history of black Greek life. AKA, founded in 1908 at Howard University, places "a lot of emphasis on refinement, in terms of refined women, their looks, dress, elegant and very classy women," Ross said.

The plaintiffs are also fighting in the court of public opinion via a Web site called Friends of the Weeping Ivy, where court papers and other documents make the case that AKA directors failed to curb unreasonable expenditures. Documents show that AKA's former director of meetings and conferences, Kenitra Shackelford, reported to the board American Express charges for a $6,500 Movado gold watch, an $8,500 diamond heart and a $1,000 ruby pinky ring.

The major issue ratcheting up AKA sisters' indignation has been the Supreme Basileus's compensation. According to the nonprofit's most recent tax return, McKinzie in 2007 received $375,000 in compensation, up from zero the year before.

In contrast, the president of the NAACP was paid $240,000, according to the group's most recent tax forms. The national president of AKA's rival, Delta Sigma Theta, drew no pay at all.

Linda White, 67, of Chicago, McKinzie's predecessor, took no compensation.

In 2009, McKinzie appears not to be changing her ways: In June and July, she received five AKA checks totaling $499,669, according to Edward Gray, a Washington attorney for the eight AKA plaintiffs. Gray received copies of the stubs by mail in an unmarked brown envelope with a return address that said only "Friend of the WI," or Weeping Ivy. The Ivy is a symbol of the sorority. In court papers, Gray has asked the sorority to verify the authenticity of the stubs.

In one e-mail, McKinzie said her stipend was part of the sorority's "professionalization." McDowell, the AKA spokeswoman, elaborated: "We don't do bake sales. This is a corporation. This is a business. Our Web site is aka1908.com -- that means we're a company. Barbara is a certified public accountant. We will be solvent for years to come."

But much of the ire stems from the wax statue and its cost. The lawsuit alleged that AKA's board approved McKinzie's statue, along with a second one depicting the group's first president, Nellie Quander, at a Medici-esque cost of $900,000.

Not so, said Joanne Martin, founder of the National Great Blacks in Wax museum: "It was $22,500 apiece for the works."

McDowell, the AKA spokeswoman, said the statues were purchased by Washington area "hostess chapters," not the national organization. "Barbara didn't say, 'I want a statue of myself,' " McDowell said. "It wasn't to honor Barbara, but to tell the story of 100 years."

To some members, even the lower price tag stings.

"It was $22,500? That doesn't make it better," said Leilani Lipa, 24, an Ernst and Young financial adviser and recent graduate of George Washington University, where she joined AKA's Mu Delta chapter.

Martin learned recently that McKinzie liked the statue but had one request. "She wanted the hair cut slightly," Martin said. "So, we're going to bob her hair a bit more."

Obama Administration Making Progress on Transferring Guantanamo Bay Detainees

By Peter Finn
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, August 20, 2009

The Obama administration has secured commitments from nearly a dozen countries willing to accept detainees from Guantanamo Bay and is increasingly confident about its ability to transfer a large majority of the prisoners who have been cleared for release, according to U.S. and foreign officials.

Six European Union countries -- Britain, France, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain -- have accepted or publicly agreed to take detainees. Four E.U. countries have privately told the administration that they are committed to resettling detainees, and five other E.U. nations are considering taking some, according to the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the negotiations.

Two E.U. countries will soon send delegations to the U.S. military prison in Cuba to assess detainees held there.

The administration's progress in resettling the approximately 80 detainees cleared for release so far could ease the politics and logistics of moving terrorism suspects to American soil. Some lawmakers fiercely oppose bringing any detainees to the United States, but a substantially reduced detainee population could bolster the administration's effort to secure a prison location in this country.

Even if the administration meets its most optimistic targets for transferring prisoners to other countries, it still faces major obstacles to closing Guantanamo Bay. Of the 229 detainees held there, the cases of nearly 120 have yet to be reviewed. Officials are still deciding how to handle detainees they want to hold for a prolonged period, as well as others they want to prosecute.

Moreover, the administration is trying to determine the fate of the 98 Yemenis held at Guantanamo. Officials, wary of repatriating them to a country U.S. officials view as ill-equipped to monitor their activities, say they are negotiating with Saudi Arabia to take them.

Of the detainees cleared for release so far, 11 have been transferred home or to third countries, including Bermuda, which accepted four Chinese Uighurs. The Pacific island of Palau has agreed to resettle the 13 remaining Chinese Uighur detainees, and more than half of them are willing to go or are seriously considering the offer.

In addition, the administration has held positive talks with Australia and Georgia, and it has formally approached or is planning to hold talks with countries in South America, the Persian Gulf region, the Balkans and the former Soviet Union, the administration officials said.

Congress has blocked the administration from resettling any detainees in the United States, a move that administration and some European officials feared would lead other countries, particularly in the European Union, to refuse to help close the military prison. But the issue has proved relatively unproblematic, officials said.

"Obama has a lot of political capital. Countries want to do something for him, and that allows us to say, 'This is it, this is what we want you to do,' " said a senior administration official. "This is going a lot better than we might have thought."

President Obama has promised to close Guantanamo Bay by January. To meet that goal, the administration has appointed Daniel Fried, a longtime diplomat with deep ties in Eastern Europe and parts of the former Soviet Union, to lead negotiations with other countries.

Fried was recently in Georgia, where officials expressed willingness to help. Indeed, a senior Georgian official joked in an interview that his country, which just marked the first anniversary of a war with Russia, would accept every Guantanamo detainee if the deal came with the establishment of a U.S. military base in Georgia.

The senior administration official said negotiations in Eastern Europe will intensify once detainees arrive in larger countries in the European Union, such as Italy and Spain. U.S. and European officials believe that stalled negotiations with Germany can be rekindled after that country holds national parliamentary elections next month. And there is some expectation that France, which has taken one detainee, may accept more.

The administration has repatriated five detainees to Chad, Iraq and Saudi Arabia. Officials also expect to transfer more prisoners to their home countries, but in some cases, involving prisoners from Algeria and Tajikistan, officials are facing resistance from the detainees themselves, some of whom fear persecution upon their return.

Thirty detainees have been tentatively approved for prosecution, including a Tanzanian sent to U.S. District Court in New York, and teams of federal and military prosecutors are assessing where to put the others on trial.

Of the detainees whose cases are still under review, a majority are Yemeni. Some of those, such as Ramzi Binalshibh, an alleged co-conspirator in the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, will almost certainly be prosecuted or held in some form of indefinite detention if the administration creates a system for prisoners who it believes cannot be brought to trial but are deemed too dangerous to release.

Binalshibh's military lawyers have argued in a military commission at Guantanamo Bay that the Yemeni, who allegedly acted as a liaison between al-Qaeda's leadership and the Hamburg cell led by hijacker Mohamed Atta, is not mentally competent to stand trial.

Yemen has said it is willing to accept its nationals, but the administration fears that the impoverished nation, which is combating a resurgent al-Qaeda, cannot control terrorism suspects. U.S. officials point to a series of prison escapes and the unexplained release of some suspects by the Yemeni authorities. Adding to a deteriorating security situation, the government of President Ali Abdullah Saleh is also battling a secessionist movement in the country's south and a Shiite rebellion in the north.

In response, the administration is negotiating with neighboring Saudi Arabia, which has created rehabilitation centers to integrate returning detainees and terrorism suspects captured in the kingdom. John O. Brennan, assistant to the president for homeland security and counterterrorism and a former CIA station chief in the region, is leading talks with the Saudis, administration officials said. Brennan has also met with officials in Yemen.

"The administration is engaged in an ongoing dialogue with many countries, including Saudi Arabia and Yemen, on the potential transfer of Guantanamo detainees and on the availability and 'best practices' of rehabilitation programs abroad," said an administration official. "We have been encouraged by the readiness of these governments to work collaboratively with us, as we work through the many security and legal issues involved."

A Saudi official declined to comment on the status of negotiations other than to say that "things are moving."

Carnage in Baghdad Suggests Sectarian War Is Far From Over

By Ernesto Londoño and Greg Jaffe
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, August 20, 2009

BAGHDAD, Aug. 19 -- The massive car bombs that killed about 100 people and wounded more than 500 in Baghdad on Wednesday morning offered powerful new evidence of the enduring strength of Sunni extremists nearly two months after U.S. troops all but disappeared from Iraqi cities.

The early-morning blasts, by far the deadliest attacks since the June 30 withdrawal of U.S. troops from cities, raise fresh questions about whether American troops disengaged from Baghdad too quickly and whether the recent violence will lead them to try to assert more control over security, at the risk of embarrassing and unsettling Iraq's government.

The coordinated bombings targeted prominent ministries, marking the most crippling attack on the Shiite-led government to date. Despite a recent U.S. focus on tension between Arabs and Kurds in northern Iraq, Wednesday's strikes suggest that the sectarian fight between Shiites and Sunnis over dominance of the country remains far from over.

U.S. military officials in Baghdad said there is little they can do in response to the surge in violence other than pressure Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to be more cautious as his government takes control of the country's security. Senior American officials have criticized Maliki for recent decisions that they consider overconfident and impulsive. Since the June 30 urban drawdown, his government has sharply restrained the mobility and authority of U.S. troops and his security forces have begun removing blast walls along major roads, declaring the capital safe.

Retired Col. Peter Mansoor, a senior adviser to the top American commander in Iraq in 2007 and 2008, said the Iraqi government is unlikely to ask the U.S. military to reestablish its presence in Baghdad.

"Regrettably, I think we can't go back in," he said, adding that such a move would in any event be unpalatable to most Americans and Iraqis. "The Iraqi government got ahead of itself. It is declaring the war over when it is far from over."

His comments echoed those of other U.S. military officials, who say the United States has reached a point of diminishing returns in its ability to influence Iraqi decisions.

The bombs, which exploded outside the Foreign and Finance ministries in heavily guarded areas of downtown Baghdad, detonated in close succession shortly after 10:30 a.m.

The deadliest blast left an enormous crater a few feet from the Foreign Ministry, which is near the Green Zone. At least 60 people were killed, mostly ministry employees, and 315 were wounded, Iraqi authorities said.

The blast targeting the Finance Ministry killed at least 35 people and wounded 228, Iraqi officials said. It caused an overpass to collapse and left the building, which had only recently been repaired after a bombing in 2007, in shambles.

In addition, a series of mortar attacks and other explosions occurred in close succession, with reports indicating that as many as eight people were killed.

Maliki blamed the attacks on former officials of Saddam Hussein's regime and vowed to revamp security measures.

In recent months, as violence has increased in northern Iraq, in part fueled by tension between Arabs and Kurds, U.S. officials have said that that fault line has surpassed the Sunni-Shiite schism as the biggest threat to the country's stability. Wednesday's carnage led some to suggest that assessment was premature. U.S. officials have been urging Maliki in recent months to take more meaningful steps to reconcile with Sunnis, even those with links to Hussein's regime, to little avail.

"The Maliki government doesn't seem to be holding to its deals," said Stephen Biddle, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, who frequently advises U.S. officials on Iraq and Afghanistan policy. "The Sunnis seem to be saying that there are costs to the government's actions."

He said American officials must use their diminishing influence in Iraq to foster reconciliation.

"We no longer have coercive leverage," Biddle said. "Now the challenge is to persuade. . . . Part of what needs to change is Maliki's behavior."

Retired Lt. Col. Douglas A. Ollivant, a military planner in Baghdad in 2007 who recently served as an Iraq expert on the National Security Council, said the recent spate of attacks do not appear likely to plunge the country back to the point of staggering violence and near-anarchy reached in 2007.

"At the strategic level, the bombings don't appear to be having the effect al-Qaeda wants," he said. "It's not rekindling a civil war."

Still, the ravaged buildings, thick plumes of smoke and incessantly wailing sirens brought back the sights and sounds of the darkest days of the war.

Ibrahim Mohammed Ibrahim, 58, an official at the Foreign Ministry, had just sent off his 24-year-old son, also a ministry employee, to the mailroom when the blast shook the building, shattering all its windows and sending large chunks crashing to the ground.

"I ran upstairs trying to find him and could hardly reach him because of the dead bodies lying on the floor," he said Wednesday night. "When I found my son, he was drenched in blood." A piece of glass had pierced Gassan's heart, killing him.

Hours later, after the dead and wounded had been taken away, the scene outside the ministry was apocalyptic. Scores of cars were mangled beyond recognition. Trees were stripped of leaves and branches. The stench of burned rubber lingered in the air.

Gazim Mohammed, 54, sat outside, under the scorching sun, looking desolate as he watched the building. Two of his sons worked at the ministry, and they were not answering their phones.

"They've disappeared," he said quietly.

Teams of American explosives-disposal experts and army trainers responded to the scenes of the bombings, and U.S. Apache helicopters hovered overhead. Some American troops stood on the roof of the building across the street from the Foreign Ministry, while others established a security cordon. Soldiers took photographs and searched through debris.

"Just make sure you photograph us doing nothing," one of the U.S. troops said wryly to a reporter taking photos. "Because that's what we're supposed to be doing now."

A few miles across town, at al-Kindi Hospital, Mohammed Nouri, 45, shuffled from one room to another to tend to his two brothers, who were seriously wounded in the Finance Ministry bombing.

"The civilians are the ones getting killed," he said, taking a break from wiping the blood off his bare-chested brother Salah, 36, as he complained faintly about his sore head. "The government needs to protect them."

Next door, doctors used scissors to remove burned flesh from the feet of his younger brother, Abas.

Abas and Salah were driving by the Finance Ministry when the overpass they were on collapsed. Their pickup truck crashed down and caught fire.

"Now I've become jobless because my car is burned," said Salah, a truck driver whose face, arms and chest were burned. "That's the only way I have to make a living. My car is destroyed, and I am sure the government will never help me."

The patient in front of him, a senior official at the Finance Ministry, said he has little faith in the government's ability to defeat the insurgency. The 53-year-old official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue, said U.S. troops withdrew from Baghdad too soon.

"There is infiltration everywhere in the state, especially in the security forces," he said. "Today the entire city was targeted. How do you justify that?"

Jaffe reported from Washington. Special correspondents Qais Mizher and Zaid Sabah in Baghdad contributed to this report.

Sources Say CIA Hired Blackwater for Assassin Program

By Joby Warrick and R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, August 20, 2009

A secret CIA program to kill top al-Qaeda leaders with assassination teams was outsourced in 2004 to Blackwater USA, the private security contractor whose operations in Iraq prompted intense scrutiny, according to two former intelligence officials familiar with the events.

The North Carolina-based company was given operational responsibility for targeting terrorist commanders and was awarded millions of dollars for training and weaponry, but the program was canceled before any missions were conducted, the two officials said.

The assassination program -- revealed to Congress in June by CIA Director Leon Panetta -- was initially launched in 2001 as a CIA-led effort to kill or capture top al-Qaeda members using the agency's paramilitary forces. But in 2004, after briefly terminating the program, agency officials decided to revive it under a different code name, using outside contractors, the officials said.

"Outsourcing gave the agency more protection in case something went wrong," said a retired intelligence officer intimately familiar with the assassination program.

The contract was awarded to Blackwater, now known as Xe Services LLC, in part because of its close ties to the CIA and because of its record in carrying out covert assignments overseas, the officials said. The security contractor's senior management has included high-ranking former CIA officials -- among them J. Cofer Black, the agency's former top counterterrorism official, who joined the company in early 2005, three months after retiring from government service.

Blackwater became notorious for a string of incidents in Iraq during which its heavily armed guards were accused of using excessive force. In the deadliest incident, 17 civilians were killed in a Baghdad square by Blackwater guards in September 2007 after the guards' convoy reportedly came under fire.

The plan to kill top al-Qaeda leaders was thrust into the spotlight in July, shortly after Panetta briefed members of two congressional panels about the program. Panetta told House and Senate leaders that he had only recently learned of the program and, upon doing so, had canceled it. Panetta also told lawmakers that he thought they had been inappropriately kept in the dark about the plan -- in part because then-Vice President Richard B. Cheney had directed the CIA not to reveal the program to Congress.

The CIA declined to comment Wednesday about Blackwater's alleged involvement in the program, which was first reported Wednesday night on the Web site of the New York Times. Efforts to reach Blackwater for comment late Wednesday were unsuccessful.

Agency officials again defended Panetta's decision to terminate the effort and notify congressional overseers.

"Director Panetta thought this effort should be briefed to Congress, and he did so," CIA spokesman George Little said. "He also knew it hadn't been successful, so he ended it. Neither decision was difficult. This was clear and straightforward."

The House Intelligence Committee has launched an investigation into whether the CIA broke the law by failing to notify Congress about the program for eight years. Current and former agency officials have disputed claims by some Democratic lawmakers that the withholding of key details of the program was illegal.

"Director Panetta did not tell the committees that the agency had misled the Congress or had broken the law," Little said. "He decided that the time had come to brief Congress on a counterterrorism effort that was, in fact, much more than a PowerPoint presentation."

The effort, known to intelligence officials as the "targeted killing" program, was originally conceived for use in Iraq and Afghanistan, but officials later sought to expand it to other countries in the region, according to a source familiar with its inception.

It was aimed at removing from the battlefield members of al-Qaeda and its affiliates who were judged to be plotting attacks against U.S. forces or interests. The program was initially managed by the CIA's counterterrorism center, but its functions were partly transferred to Blackwater when key officials from the center retired from the CIA and went to work for the private contractor.

Former agency officials have described the assassination program as more aspirational than operational. One former high-ranking intelligence official briefed on the details said there were three iterations of the program over eight years, each with a separate code name. Total spending was well under $20 million over eight years, the official said.

"We never actually did anything," said the former official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the program remains highly classified. "It never became a covert action."

A second former official, also intimately familiar with details of the program, said the Blackwater phase involved "lots of time spent training," mostly near the CIA's covert facility near Williamsburg. The official said the teams simulated missions that often involved kidnapping.

"They were involved not only in trying to kill but also in getting close enough to snatch," he said. Among team members there was "much frustration" that the program never reached an operational stage, he said.

The CIA -- and Blackwater -- were not the only agents that sought to covertly kill key members of al-Qaeda using small, highly trained teams. A similar effort, officials say, was undertaken by U.S. Special Forces.

"The targets were generally people on a kill or capture list," said a source familiar with Special Forces operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. "How did people get on the list? Well, if we knew that people were involved in planning attacks, they got on the list. More than half were generally captured. But the decision was made in advance that if they resisted, or if it was necessary for any reason, just kill them."

26 Killed During Afghan Election, Turnout Uncertain

Afghanistan has wrapped-up its high-stakes presidential election and officials are calling it a success. But it is not clear how many people participated and there are reports of voting irregularities.

Afghan officials said scattered violence killed at least 26 people across the country. The dead included nine civilians, nine police officers and eight Afghan soldiers. Attacks were reported in Kabul, Kandahar and other major cities. But NATO officials said that overall, the election was a security success.

Election workers are now counting the votes, a process that could take several days before initial results are known.

In Kabul and in northern Afghanistan, voting was steady in some polling centers throughout the day. In the south and east, where fears of Taliban attacks were strongest, there were reports of very low participation.

A low voter turnout could damage the election's credibility and undermine support for the winner.

Presidential candidates have accused one another of stuffing ballot boxes, printing fake voter cards and tampering with the indelible ink that marks voters fingers, thus allowing people to cast multiple ballots.

Independent election monitors have not yet weighed in on the allegations.

In a field of more than 30 presidential candidates, four are considered frontrunners. Incumbent President
Hamid Karzai's once comfortable lead shrank as election day neared. Former Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah is considered his closest challenger.

Other leading candidates are former Finance Minister Ashraf Ghani and Ramazan Bashardost, a popular lawmaker from Kabul. Candidates must get more than 50 percent of the vote to avoid a run-off.

Voters Thursday also cast ballots for advisory provincial councils.

A massive security operation was put in place, with hundreds of thousands of Afghan soldiers and police, and NATO and U.S. troops, providing back-up.

Sri Lankan army in refugee call

By Charles Haviland
BBC News, Colombo

Sri Lanka's new army chief says the 250,000 people displaced by the recent conflict - currently in government camps - should be rapidly resettled.

Lieutenant-General Jagath Jayasuriya, appointed last month, admitted there were obstacles in the way of this.

The new army chief said the country was entering a new post-war era and that even if the military increased slightly in size, it would have to retrain.

The remarks appear to be more dovish than much of what has come out lately.

Playing down

Lt Gen Jayasuriya told the reporters that this was a new era of reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction and that the army would have to retrain for peace time.

He appeared to play down remarks from his predecessor, Gen Sarath Fonseka - now overall armed forces chief - that the military might add up to 100,000 new men.

He said between 20,000 and 50,000 might join up but many of these would be to allow others to retire.

Describing the army's new role, Lt Gen Jayasuriya said: "Consolidate what is captured and ensure this type of thing won't arise again. So that is the main task.

"Then help in government, development and reconstruction. If we increase, it is mostly not the fighting type, it will be other tradesmen like construction, road and building reconstruction - because the army has a lot of tradesmen."

Gen Jayasuriya said the Tamil refugees interned by the government in camps should be resettled "as fast as possible".

He said the army was more than doubling its demining expertise to help this happen.

But, like ministers, he alleged that there were still "hard-core" Tamil Tiger members sheltering in the camps over and above the 10,000 or so who had admitted to being members.

Therefore, he said, careful screening of all these refugees must continue for now.

The army chief was asked whether he believed that there were still rebel operatives in other parts of Sri Lanka outside of the north.

He said he thought some such people had already been sent south "on suicide missions" before the war ended, but that their network had been broken and their leaders killed so they were no longer receiving instructions.

India state bans book on Jinnah

The day we start banning books, we are banning thinking
Jaswant Singh

Authorities in the western Indian state of Gujarat state have banned a controversial book on Pakistan's founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah.

The book has been written by Jaswant Singh, an expelled leader of the Hindu nationalist main opposition party BJP.

The BJP government in Gujarat said it banned the book for its "defamatory references" to Vallabhbhai Patel, India's first home minister.

The late Mr Patel is a political icon in his home state of Gujarat.

Described often as the "Iron Man of India", Mr Patel played an important role in the country's independence and the integration of the different states in the Indian Union.

"The book has been banned because it contains defamatory references regarding Vallabhai Patel who is considered as the architect of the modern India," a statement by the Gujarat government says.

Jaswant Singh's book is a serious academic exercise, one long overdue. A serious political party should have space for that
Pratap Bhanu Mehta, analyst

"It is a bid to defame Patel by distorting historical facts. So, the state government has decided to ban the book with immediate effect for wider public interest."

Jaswant Singh said he was "saddened" by the banning of the book in Gujarat.

"The day we start banning books, we are banning thinking," he said.

Jaswant Singh book examines the role of Congress party leader and the country's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Mr Patel in the partition of India in 1947.

He writes that Mr Patel was "far off the mark" in many ways with his projections about the division and future of India.

The book was released earlier this week and immediately created a controversy.

The BJP "dissociated" itself from the book and sacked Mr Singh from the party.

'Anti-intellectual'

Jaswant Singh, a 71-year-old party veteran who has served as finance and external affairs minister in BJP cabinets, said he was "saddened" by his expulsion.

"It saddens me even more that I have been expelled on grounds of writing a book," he said.

Mr Singh has said that his book is a "purely academic exercise, which should be read and understood".

Analysts have criticised the BJP for sacking Mr Singh over a book.

"Jaswant Singh's book is a serious academic exercise, one long overdue. It is complicated, full of internal tensions. A serious political party should have space for that," wrote political scientist Pratap Bhanu Mehta in The Indian Express.

"In expelling Jaswant Singh the BJP has confirmed the fears of its worst critics: that the party is nothing but a party founded on endless resentment that makes it inherently insecure and anti-intellectual."

The Times Of India daily said Mr Singh's expulsion raised questions about free thinking and free speech in cadre-based, ideology driven parties.

"Surely it is not impossible for a political outfit to function without asking members to always agree with party views," the newspaper said.

The Hindu says it is for "historians to evaluate the scholarly merit of Mr Singh's work".

"But who is to say that a political figure, especially when he or she is out of power, is not to dabble in such sensitive areas," the newspaper wrote.

Iran's president unveils cabinet

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose disputed re-election triggered a political crisis in the country, has unveiled his list of cabinet ministers.

For the first time in the 30-year history of the Islamic republic it includes three women.

Mr Ahmadinejad was sworn in for a second term on 5 August after a disputed poll in June.

Lawmakers are expected to begin voting on the proposed 21-member list at the end of the month.

Under the proposed list, women would head up the country's health, social welfare and education ministries.

The nominees for the respective posts are Marzieh Vahid Dastjerdi, Fatemeh Ajorlou and Sousan Keshavarz.

Warning

Analysts say Mr Ahmadinejad is expected to face considerable opposition over the list - both from the conservatives who dominate the assembly and moderates foes who say his government lacks legitimacy.

KEY MINISTRY NOMINATIONS
  • Defence : Ahmad Vahidi
  • Interior : Mostafa Mohammad Najjar
  • Foreign : Manouchehr Mottaki
  • Oil : Massoud Mirkazemi
  • Intelligence : Heydar Moslehi
  • The parliament's vice-speaker warned that several of the president's nominations were unlikely to be approved.

    "Some of my colleagues and I [...] are of the opinion that close to five ministers proposed by Ahmadinejad will not receive a vote of confidence," Mohammad Reza Bahonar was quoted as saying by the Mehr News Agency.

    Mr Bahonar, a conservative, hinted that as many as five of the president's proposed ministers would not be approved but gave no names.

    Later on Thursday, Mr Ahmadinejad is expected to give a televised address to present the cabinet.

    The current Commerce Minister Massoud Mirkazemi is nominated to take control of the powerful oil ministry in a country where crude sales represent 80% of foreign revenue.

    He will be expected to bolster oil and gas output despite sanctions imposed on Iran by both the US and UN over its nuclear programme.

    Both Mr Mirkazemi and those nominated for the intelligence and interior ministries have a background within the Iran's elite Revolutionary Guard, which is seen as fiercely loyal to the values of the Islamic Republic.

    Iran's Ahmadinejad Misses Deadline to Submit List of Cabinet Picks

    By Thomas Erdbrink
    Washington Post Foreign Service
    Thursday, August 20, 2009

    TEHRAN, Aug. 19 -- Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on Wednesday ignored a constitutional deadline for submission of the names of his 21 new cabinet picks, although several news agencies close to the government released the names of the purported nominees, with the exception of the proposed justice minister.

    It was unclear when Ahmadinejad would present the definitive list. A live presidential TV appearance scheduled for Wednesday was postponed a day, an aide said.

    The president's noncompliance with the deadline pits him against parliament at the outset of what is expected to be a tense confrontation over his cabinet team. Lawmakers are required to approve the selection within two weeks.

    "This is the first constitutional violation by the government" in its second term, deputy parliament speaker Mohammad-Reza Bahonar told the semiofficial Mehr News Agency.

    Although most of parliament's 290 members share Ahmadinejad's broad convictions about confronting the West and helping the poor, many take issue with the way he governs. During his last term, they impeached several of his ministers.

    Heading parliament is speaker Ali Larijani, who in 2007 was removed, on Ahmadinejad's advice, as Iran's top negotiator with the West on the country's nuclear program. Larijani has warned that ministerial positions cannot be entrusted to the inexperienced, a sign that relatively unknown candidates might not win parliament's approval.

    The list that circulated Wednesday, however, showed a mix of young faces, some older hands and, unexpectedly, three women -- a first since the 1979 Islamic revolution. Former members of Iran's elite Revolutionary Guard Corps are proposed for several key posts, including the Interior, Oil, Intelligence and Defense ministries, according to the Iranian Labor News Agency and other news outlets.

    No members of defeated presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi's faction were on the list.

    Lawmakers noted that the apparent nominee to head the Oil Ministry, current Commerce Minister Massoud Mirkazemi, has little known experience in the oil sector -- a concern given Iran's position as the world's fourth-largest producer of crude.

    In a televised interview Sunday, Ahmadinejad said he was looking for team players. "It is possible that there are individuals who are really strong in certain positions," he said. "However, if they are not willing to work as a team, others would be appointed in preference to them."

    The unofficial list of nominees makes clear that, as in his first term, Ahmadinejad wants to surround himself with close supporters and that experience in relevant fields is not a major consideration. Heidar Moslehi, a cleric who appears to be slated to run the key Intelligence Ministry, has headed a religious institution that manages donated properties.

    "What relation does a person who hasn't done a single day's intelligence work, and whose most important job was as head of the charity organization, have to the job of intelligence minister?" said Ahmad Tavakoli, a lawmaker who is critical of Ahmadinejad's governing style, the Sahamnews Web site reported. "On this list are people without even a day of executive experience."

    Aug 19, 2009

    How the World Bank Let 'Deal Making' Torch the Rainforests

    The World Bank ignored its own environmental and social protection standards when it approved nearly $200 million in loan guarantees for palm oil production in Indonesia, a stinging internal audit has found.

    The report, detailing five years of funding from the International Finance Corp. (IFC), the private-sector arm of the World Bank, lambastes the agency for allowing commercial pressures to influence four separate loans aimed at developing the industry.

    "The IFC was aware for more than 20 years that there were significant environmental and social issues and risks inherent in the oil palm sector in Indonesia," auditors wrote. "Despite awareness of the significant issues facing it, IFC did not develop a strategy for engaging in the oil palm sector. In the absence of a tailored strategy, deal making prevailed."

    The report (pdf) from the office of the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman comes as Indonesia prepares to enter the carbon markets by protecting its tropical forests. Working in partnership with Australia, the Indonesian government currently is working to design a national carbon accounting system. Australia is building a satellite to monitor deforestation in the Southeast Asian country, according to new U.N. submissions.

    Indonesia is home to the world's second-largest reserves of natural forests and peat swamps, which naturally trap carbon dioxide -- the main greenhouse gas that causes climate change. But rampant destruction of the forests to make way for palm oil plantations has caused giant releases of CO2 into the atmosphere, making Indonesia the third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases on the planet.

    The audit does not address climate change or how lending for palm oil -- an ingredient in foods and a biofuel added to diesel for cars -- fits into the World Bank's new "strategic framework" for development and climate change. It also does not examine any of the specific charges or environmental accusations lodged against the firm to which the World Bank loaned money.

    Rather, the report confines itself to whether the IFC abided by its own standards. On that front, the multilateral bank came up short.

    IFC saw burning the trees as having 'no impact'

    Specifically, auditors said, when loaning to Wilmar International Ltd. and other firms between 2003 and 2008, the IFC did not check out concerns about the companies' supply chain plantations. The Forest Peoples Programme, a U.K.-based nonprofit group that originally brought the complaint, charged that the companies illegally used fire to clear forestland, cleared primary forests, and seized lands belonging to indigenous people without due process.

    The IFC, auditors noted, labeled the initial loan as a "category C" -- a listing signifying that a project has little or no adverse environmental or social impacts, and which is typically given to financial intermediaries. But by failing to examine the subsidiaries that source the raw materials, IFC ignored issues like the absence of publicly available environmental impact assessments for the subsidiary companies.

    "For each investment, commercial pressures were allowed to prevail," auditors wrote. "Commercial pressures dominated."

    In a written response to auditors, the IFC acknowledged shortcomings in the review process. But the lender also defended investment in palm oil production as a way to alleviate poverty in Indonesia.

    "IFC believes that production of palm oil, when carried out in an environmentally and socially sustainable fashion, can provide core support for a strong rural economy, providing employment and improved quality of life for millions of the rural poor in tropical areas," it said.

    Hunting for a 'sustainable' strategy

    The agency vowed to develop a new strategy to guide its future palm oil investments, to be completed in about three months, and to put "renewed emphasis" on assessing a company's supply chain before lending.

    Marcus Colchester, director of the Forest Peoples Programme, called that response "inadequate."

    In a letter to World Bank President Robert Zoellick and the board, Colchester and leaders of other nonprofit groups called on the World Bank to freeze palm oil lending, charging that IFC suffers a "systemic problem whereby the pressure to lend and to support business interests overcomes prudence, due diligence and concern for social and environmental outcomes."

    They noted that the management response included no actions to address the problem of climate change being exacerbated by planting on peatlands and burning forests, and advised no discipline for staff that failed to comply with standards.

    Barbara Bramble, a senior program adviser for international affairs at the National Wildlife Federation, said she believes the World Bank should help the Indonesian government at all levels change incentives for palm oil planting and refuse to invest in any company whose primary plantation is primary rainforest.

    She, Colchester and even IMF officials widely agreed that there is in Indonesia an abundant amount of already degraded land that could be used for palm oil productuon. The challenge, Bramble said, is shifting national and local laws to encourage more sustainable production.

    Meanwhile, the IFC indicated in a statement to E&E that the agency does not plan to give up palm oil investment anytime soon.

    "IFC is aware of the environmental and social concerns associated with the palm oil sector in Indonesia. We also believe that the sector has considerable potential for job creation and economic growth," agency officials wrote. "We believe it is imperative to promote sustainable practices in the sector that will benefit the poor and preserve biodiversity."

    US pullout in doubt after day of slaughter on streets of Baghdad

    Extremists struck at the Iraqi Government with a wave of bombings and mortar attacks, killing at least 95 people and injuring more than 560 and raising new doubts about the withdrawal of US soldiers from the country.

    The bombings were directed against the main centres of power, including the ministries of finance, foreign affairs, health, education and housing, as well as the parliament and cabinet buildings.

    A lorry packed with explosives that went off within 30ft of the Foreign Ministry is reported to have killed up to 59 people and injured 250. The ministry’s compound wall was flattened and the ten-storey building all but destroyed. Cars and buildings in the vicinity were devastated and houses five miles away were shaken.

    The bomb left a crater in the road 10 feet deep and 25 feet wide; it was filled with charred bodies. The heat of the ensuing fire melted debris into the torn asphalt. Dozens of buildings were damaged, including the Rasheed Hotel, on the edge of the fortified green zone. John Tipple, a British solicitor, said: “The windows were blown out — even the door frames went. If I had been in my room I would have been seriously injured or worse. Everything is locked down now. Nobody can move anywhere.”

    No group has said that it was behind the attack but it is likely to have been the work of Sunni radicals trying to undermine the Shia-led Government, to reignite sectarian warfare of two years ago. Nouri al-Maliki, the Prime Minister, said: “These attacks represent a reaction to the opening of streets and bridges and the lifting of barriers inside the residential areas.”

    The date of the attacks was symbolic: today was the sixth anniversary of the bombing of the United Nations compound in Baghdad, killing 22 people, including the UN special envoy Sergio Vieira de Mello. That atrocity prompted the UN to suspend its operations in Iraq and signalled a deadly increase in the insurgency.

    Since US troops began to pull out of the cities, a rise in attacks has led to fears of a resurgence of violence before the elections to be held by the end of January.

    In a reference to the party of Saddam Hussein, Major-General Qassim Atta, the spokesman for the Iraqi Army’s Baghdad operations, said “We accuse the Baathist alliance of executing these terrorist operations.”

    Today Baghdad was again enveloped by chaos and fear. Abu Mazen, a 39-year-old police officer, said: “I came home and found all my neighbours crying and my wife crying, then I saw the kids. They were injured in the heads and hands.”

    A bystander, Abu Mohammed, 45, said: “I saw a body fly through the air and land next to me. I saw 40 burnt bodies being taken out of the Foreign Ministry — they needed an industrial vehicle with a big shovel to remove them. The bodies were still burning and we poured water on them. There is blood everywhere.”

    A woman staggered past him outside the Foreign Ministry, bleeding from the head but insistent that she did not need help. Apartment blocks hundreds of metres away showed cracks in the walls.

    Faris, a 28-year-old resident, said: “This is the biggest explosion we have seen since the invasion. I fear we are returning to the bad old days.”

    Like many others he blamed careless Iraqi security guards who replaced US soldiers: “How can you drive a lorry filled with explosives right up to the entrance of the ministry?”

    Blast walls that might have limited the damage were removed two months ago as part of “normalisation” by the Iraqi Government after US troops withdrew from Iraqi cities on June 30.

    Indonesian police arrest two suspected terrorism financiers

    Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Police have arrested two men in West Java on suspicion of being financiers of terrorist activity in Indonesia, a spokesman said.

    The head of the National Police Headquarters` public relations division, Inspector General Nanan Soekarna, said here Wednesday he could not yet say the two men were really involved in terrorism because their questioning was still in progress.

    The two men, identified only as Ali and Iwan, were arrested over the weekend respectively in Nagrek and Kuningan, West Java.

    Based on Law Number 15 of 2003 on terrorism crimes the police are allowed to hold suspects for seven days.

    If within the seven days, police could not find evidence of their involvement, they must be released but if there was strong evidence, police could detain them longer.

    "There was information they planned to open an internet kiosk but an investigation is still underway to confirm if they really wanted to open the business or had other plans," he said.

    Nanan said the police could not yet confirm Ali`s nationality, which seemed to be Saudi.

    "We still have yet to confirm if he is really a Saudi national or he had just made it up," he said.

    Nanan admitted the police had difficulty tracing the source of funds for terrorist activity because it appeared the money was not channeled through the banking system.

    Therefore, the Center of Financial Transaction Analysis and Reporting (PPATK) also faced difficulties tracing them, he said.

    "If all transactions are done through banks they can be detected by PPATK. However if they are not, they cannot be monitored," he said.

    Afghan women on the campaign trail

    Their roles as canvassers, voters, even candidates in the Aug. 20 election highlight some of the gains – and remaining challenges – facing women as the country moves toward democracy.

    | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

    When Farzana Barekzai and her small band of female campaigners knock at the home of Ahmadin Pahlawan, he greets them and points to a poster of President Hamid Karzai above the door to assure them: His vote isn't changing.

    Mr. Pahlawan didn't need convincing from the Karzai canvassers on a previous visit either, recalls Ms. Barekzai. Instead, the man with orange-dyed hair called the women of the house together and said, "You are going to vote for Karzai and these women will tell you why."

    It's not uncommon for the male head of household to dictate a woman's vote – but neither is it universal.

    "Not all families were like this. There were some families where women influenced husbands," says Barekzai. Besides, once in the voting booth, "it's only herself and her God."

    Women's roles in the upcoming national elections highlight some of the gains – and many of the remaining challenges – facing Afghan women as the country has moved toward democracy.

    "We have seen advancements in women's rights ... but what was agreed to and committed to has not been done," says Massouda Jalal, a former Minister of Women's Affairs. "A fundamental change has not happened in the national lives of women."

    Progress for women

    Considering that eight years ago Afghan women were not allowed to venture out alone, just participating at all in the elections process marks progress.

    Now, two women candidates are among the 41 running for president in Thursday's vote. Neither has gained any traction, but the issue of women's participation came up as one of the questions during a TV debate Sunday night.

    "Women should not be considered the second sex," said candidate Ramzan Bashardost. One local Kabul man, Bismallah Ahmadi, said after watching the debate at a restaurant that it was his favorite line of the evening.

    On the campaign trail

    On the campaign trail, both Karzai and candidate Ashraf Ghani have reached out to women voters with special women's rallies. Thousands attended Karzai's rally in Kabul Thursday in which he claimed credit for opening girls' schools. Karzai also appointed the country's first female governor as well as female ministers.

    Several women after the rally said they appreciated the focus on education, but complained that the salaries for teachers – many of whom are women – aren't enough to put food on the table.

    "If Karzai were not here, we would not have the freedom to say all these things, but if Karzai is reelected, we want to have him work on these things," says Shakila Mohammad.

    Controversial marriage bill

    Representative politics here hasn't always represented female freedoms.

    In March, Karzai signed a marriage law bill for Afghanistan's Shiite minority that critics said essentially legalized marital rape. The pushback, both from the international community and Afghan women, forced Karzai to suspend enforcement.

    But a revised version released last month appears little better, giving a husband the right to withhold food to a wife who refuses to have sex with him. Karzai then used a legislative loophole to pass the revision by decree.

    More women in government?

    For Ms. Jalal, the whole affair explains how the government is not "gender sensitive."

    She had fought for years trying to pass a bill to protect women against domestic violence. Meanwhile, the Shiite marriage law sailed through parliament.

    Most of the gains for women came early in the transition from Taliban rule, she says, and promises made internationally have since remained unfulfilled.

    "This lack of political willingness can be solved if we have more women in the next government of Afghanistan," says Jalal, who argues that 50 percent of the positions should go to women.

    A woman's style of campaigning

    The women who go door-to-door for Karzai seem to talk less about what Karzai will do and instead tell personal anecdotes about how their lives are better than they were seven years ago under the Taliban.

    One canvasser, Leeda Sadaat, convinced the manager of a Kabul hotel to switch allegiance from Mr. Ghani. Her list was practical – the drive from Kabul to the city of Shiberghan used to take 48 hours; now it's only nine. And when she was a refugee in Pakistan she had to pay for education, but when she came back to Afghanistan, it was free.

    "I have influenced my husband and he will vote for Karzai, too," says Mrs. Sadaat, a computer operator.

    Targeting women voters

    Mostly, the women volunteers are not dispatched to talk to male voters. The precinct campaign directs male volunteers to reach out to influential people in the public square – in other words, men – while the women go out to the houses to influence those with private sway – the women.

    Ten women volunteers work in Karzai's Precinct 8 office in Kabul. Each is assigned 50 homes to look after, paying multiple visits to each family. They especially pay a visit if they learn another candidate's workers have been courting one of the families on their list.

    Gender separation seen in the campaign roles also plays out on the campaign trail. At a rally in Daikundi for Abdullah Abdullah, the men filled the bazaar, while women listened from a private square, hidden from view by sheets. A Karzai rally in a hotel ballroom kept the women sitting on the left and the men on the right.

    But Karzai's Precinct 8 office happens to be headed up by a woman. Lailuma Naimzai, an obstetrician/gynecologist on leave to work for Karzai, manages a campaign team with male doctors, engineers, and businessmen working under her.

    In the end, Dr. Naimzai wants what most Afghans – men and women – want.

    "I want to bring some peace to the country," says Naimzai, explaining why she got into politics. "Karzai is a good person in that he brings peace, and brings a lot of clinics in the villages and hospitals to the city."