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Oct 29, 2009
Malaysia's opposition alliance mired in troubles
Aug 29, 2009
Merdeka - Nut Graph
By The Nut Graph team
(Pic by ~ezs @ Flickr)
THIS year, Merdeka falls on a Monday. Obligatory flags have been going up on most streetlamp posts and in most public spaces. Yet the number of cars sporting miniature Jalur Gemilang is notably sparse. It seems reasonable to believe that the fanfare surrounding Malaya's 52nd independence anniversary will be muted.
What has happened to the citizenry's display of patriotism?
An obvious factor is the commencement of Ramadan, which will render most Malaysians, an estimated 60% or more of the population comprising Malay Muslims, sluggish. Or the international economic downturn, which has rendered our collective pockets slim. It doesn't help that there's an influenza pandemic out there, too.
Maybe it's because it has been more than a year of political uncertainty. Since the landmark 2008 general election, we've seen the Barisan Nasional (BN)-engineered takeover of Perak, the constant stream of by-elections, and problems and infighting in Pakatan Rakyat (PR)-governed states. All these have undoubtedly caused consternation.
And then there's the perennial issue of race, a colonial construct designed to ease governance through communal divide-and-rule. One need only look at Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin's accusation of Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as a race traitor, to see how much traction race-based rhetoric still has.
There is also that nagging feeling that Malaysia does not care for the welfare of all its citizens in equal measure. One doesn't even have to look at the long mismanagement of the New Economic Policy (NEP). Just consider the lack of action with regards to the Penan task force report.
Maybe our lack of enthusiasm stems from a suspicion that Malaysian independence is not all that it is cut out to be — being, as it is, a deal struck between Malaya's elite right and the British.
Between May and August 1947, the multiethnic and left-leaning Putera-AMCJA negotiated particulars of the "People's Constitutional Proposals for Malaya". They recommended, among other things, equal citizenship rights, a "conference of races" to block discriminatory legislation, and swift independence.
The proposals were ignored by the British administration. They instead adopted the less-progressive Revised Constitutional Proposals for the Malayan Federation, which was formulated jointly with the Malay Rulers and Umno.
The rejection of the so-called People's Constitution resulted in the All-Malaya Hartal on 20 Oct 1947, a peninsula-wide strike modelled after Indian strategies of non-violent protest. Notably, this part of our history is missing from our school curriculum.
The British reacted to the hartal with the declaration of the Emergency. What does it mean when colonial-style legislation, such as the Internal Security Act (ISA) and the Emergency Ordinances — used to detain the Malayan left at the outset of the Emergency — still remains intact today?
And why does Merdeka receive so much attention while Malaysia Day receives so little? Especially since the latter commemorates, on 16 Sept, the actual date Malaysia — Sabah and Sarawak included — came into being?
These are just some of the issues The Nut Graph finds itself mulling over, in the lead-up to Merdeka. We'd like to know what independence means to our readers. Is it everything, nothing, or a middling somewhere-in-between? What about Malaysia is most important to you? What are your hopes and worries, as independence day swings around? Tell us in six words.
Tunku Abdul Rahman declares Malaya's independence (Public domain)
Step 1: Merdeka from colonial rule.
Next step: Remove relics of colonialism.
ISA, Section 377, divide and rule ...
Selective historical interpretation can spoil Merdeka.
I feel most patriotic when overseas.
At home watching parades on TV.
Why did Britain deal with Tunku?
But colonial laws are still intact.
Colonial divide-and-rule is still officially practised!
Merdeka negara tetapi tidak merdeka minda.
What role did wasiat raja-raja play?
Still considered "pendatang" despite our independence.
Freedom from oppression and ... oh, wait.
52 years young and already deteriorating.
(Pic by Chris2K / sxc.hu)Independence Day: when the aliens attacked.
Country. Hell. Handbasket. Connect dots. Merdeka!
Malaya: founded as a secular state.
Kemerdekaan siapa? Rakyat atau parti politik?
Kisah tanahair sentiasa berkembang. Hayatilah sepenuhnya.
Politik? Merdeka. Institusi? Merdeka. Minda bagaimana?
Let's focus on Malaysia Day, too.
Unity in diversity — theory or practice?
Erasing and forgetting the left's contributions.
Long weekend! Want to go holiday?
The Nut Graph is truly independent.
Inspired by Ernest Hemingway's genius, the Six Words On... section challenges readers to give us their comments about a current issue, contemporary personality or significant event in just six words. The idea is to get readers engaged in an issue that The Nut Graph identifies, while having fun and being creatively disciplined.
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siew eng Posted: 28 Aug 09 : 9.32AM
Sidai bendera kat luar condo je.
Stringing up Jalur Gemilang around condos.
Superficial celebrations propping up flagging patriotism.
Robert Tori Posted: 28 Aug 09 : 10.25AM
Colourful fireworks wonder, 1BlackM'sia race ponder.
terri Posted: 28 Aug 09 : 12.46PM
ARISE! Dear Malaysians, arrest the rot!
Ritchie Posted: 28 Aug 09 : 2.50PM
Merdeka became replacement history and ketuan-ism.
Aug 27, 2009
No Holds Barred, Corridors of Power and more @ mt.m2day.org - Can PAS manage victory? - NutGraph
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Thursday, 27 August 2009 12:06By Wong Chin Huat (The Nut Graph)
THE Permatang Pasir by-election was an unquestionable success for PAS and the Pakatan Rakyat (PR). PAS's share of the total votes cast, excluding spoilt votes, went from 66.39% in the March 2008 elections to 65.50% — a drop of barely 1%. The reduction in terms of PAS's majority was from 5,433 votes to 4,551 this time, and was due mainly to a reduced voter turnout.
The victory is sweet even after analysing communal voting trends. According to party sources, the preliminary analysis shows that PAS has increased its Chinese Malaysian support from about 70% in 2008 to 75%, although its Malay Malaysian support declined, from 65% to 60%.
The actual decline in Malay Malaysian support may be less than the data indicates, considering the lower turnout. The majority of the 2,000 voters who did not turn up to vote on 25 Aug 2009 were younger Malay Malaysian voters, who would probably be more likely to support PAS than Umno if the trends elsewhere are any indicator. Had polling fallen on a weekend or public holiday, PAS might have easily bagged a few hundred more Malay Malaysian votes and raised their winning margin.
Winds of change?
The result was definitely a big blow to the deputy prime minister and Umno deputy president, who claimed to see a "wind of change". A wind of change indeed swept through Permatang Pasir, just not in the direction that Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin would have liked. Instead, it blew away much of the hope for Umno and the Barisan Nasional (BN)'s renewal, without even providing a near miss as it did in Manik Urai just a month ago.
Umno had, of course, picked the wrong candidate. Either Rohaizat Othman had successfully fooled the Umno leadership into picking him, or the other potential candidates were no better than him. Either way, this speaks volumes of the problems with Umno's talent pool and candidate selection.
The BN/Umno's problem, however, is much larger than candidacy. It is institutional. It is a question of relevance, of raison d'ĂȘtre.
Why should a voter cast his or her vote for Umno? The best answer Umno could offer in Permatang Pasir was pathetic: federal incumbency. The "anak emas" (literally "golden child") argument, that Permatang Pasir would get the best financial support from the federal government with a BN representative, is one of default by position, not by capacity or choice. Any party controlling the federal government and willing to abuse its power can do that. There is no "added value" by voting for the BN.
Clearly, such incentive works only when the federal ruling party is a given. After the March 2008 elections, the BN's federal incumbency has progressively looked less like a given with each passing day. So why would voters elect the BN/Umno to discriminate against those who do not?
Mar 9, 2009
Is UMNO Over?
The difference now is that UMNO in Tun Abdul Razak's time held overwhelming parliamentary control through UMNO, abetted later by the new Barisan Nasional coalition which replaced the original Alliance. But in the 2008 elections, the Barisan nearly lost power. Too, Tun Razak proved not adverse to invoking a state of emergency and widely abusing the ISA (Internal Security Act). The ISA is still with us, but in 1969 many (not including me) believed it necessary and arrests made under it justified. Now, the ISA is widely reviled and most Malaysians understand it is just a tool to repress any democratic opposition posing a threat to UMNO rule. Last, unlike the bad old days in which there was no obvious Malay politician who could hold the country together in an opposition coalition, in Anwar Ibrahim with his PKR, there is. And there is even the unacknowledged possibility, that Lim Kit Siang from DAP could become Deputy Prime Minister. While some may say, dream on, a new Pakatan government led by these two figures is now UMNO's nightmare, all the more so since the Barisan's many non-UMNO political party partners are, for all practical purposes, dead in the water.
Maybe ISA lightning and thunder are in the offing once again.
Background:
Far Eastern Economic Review
Wikipedia entry Politics of Malaysia
Wikipedia entry Malaysia General Election 2008
Anwar Ibrahim's blog
Lim Kit Siang's blog