Showing posts with label Najib Razak. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Najib Razak. Show all posts

Apr 2, 2010

Global Voices Online » Malaysia: New Economic Model

Malaysian Prime Minister, Najib Tun RazakImage via Wikipedia

by Jude Chia

After months of creating anticipation for the ambitious New Economic Model (NEM), Malaysia's Prime Minister, Najib finally unveiled the first part of the plan detailing the future economic direction. It is a major development following a series of selective liberalization measures introduced by Najib since he became the Prime Minister in 2009, constantly projected to be eloquently driving a strong message in gradual economic liberalization and overhaul of affirmative action for ethnic Malay majority in order to make the country more competitive.

The effort is much lauded especially by policy makers in mainstream press, but the citizen media abounds with skepticism. Meanwhile Najib acknowledged the need to be more transparent about the timeline and implementation plan which will be announced later of the year. So the questions are still centered on two key aspects: Has the government finally gathered enough political will to change? Are there enough change agents to take up the ambitious initiative other than the PM?

South East Asian economies have always been characterized by large-state corporations, Najib has made a direct challenge to call for private-sector driven economy and reduce political patronage. How many will embrace such ideas? As Din Merican pointed out, Malaysia needs the drive of SMEs and entrepreneurs to turn this nation into high-income developed country.

These are the people who have been excluded from participation simply because they only have technical skills but no patronage and no intimate relationship with powerful decision makers.

Controversial writer, Raja Petra Kamarudin gave a colorful critique in Shakespearean metaphors, doubting the policy change will immediately constitute the change of heart of key implementers.

The New Economic Policy (NEP) has transformed into the National Economic Policy and now the National Economic Model. It is certainly a change of clothes. But is the wearer of the clothes the same? If so then it would be old wine in a new bottle.

The affirmative action, NEP has always been at the heart of debate. Najib promised to overhaul it into need-based rather than race-based. But some still reserve doubts about it. As Hafiz Noor Shams said:

Somewhere in the speech, the term market-friendly affirmative action appeared. I am not quite bought by that term. I rather hear the abolition of affirmative action but I am willing to give ground that need-based is far better than race-based affirmative action.

In a collection of interviews of economic policy experts, Stephanie Sta Maria highlighted polarized opinions on NEM. Professor Lim Teck Ghee from the Centre of Policy Initiatives described the framework as pure rhetoric.

The long-term time frame of the NEM is an excuse for inaction or delaying tactics. NEM has no short-term targets and I think it will suffer the same fate as the other ambitious policies before it.

University Malaya's Professor Edmund Terence Gomez also delivered a blunt critique that NEM is a fresh coat of gloss on old ideas.

Najib says that the affirmative action policy will now be need-based instead of race-based. But the aspects of its transparency and market-friendliness are clearly targeted at Bumiputeras (Ethnic Malays). And this is no different from the NEP.

Without a track record in making tough political choices and implementing changes, there is little surprise about the level of skepticism on NEM. While the intent of reform is clear but the end result is not, the job has just begun for the coalition government. Like balajoe27 articulated:

The fact is NEM is still in its infant stage – there are good items under the NEM but whether it turns out to be another one-sided policy by another name or it can be implemented effectively, it will remain to be seen.

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Aug 3, 2009

Malaysian Arrests Put in Question Vow of Rights

BANGKOK — Soon after coming to power four months ago, Najib Razak, the Malaysian prime minister, vowed to temper the country’s repressive laws and respect civil liberties though they have often been ignored.

But Malaysia’s honeymoon of liberalism hit the rocks over the weekend, when the police broke up a large rally in Kuala Lumpur, arresting nearly 600 people and reaffirming the governing party’s longstanding policy of zero tolerance toward street protests.

Opposition parties, which organized the rally, were calling for the repeal of a law that allows the government to jail its critics indefinitely without charge. The opposition is also pressing the government to expand an inquiry into the recent death under mysterious circumstances of a political aide after a late-night interrogation by anticorruption officials.

News services estimated that the rally on Saturday, which was broken up by thousands of police officers using tear gas and water cannons, drew about 20,000 protesters, making it the largest demonstration in two years.

“We can provide them stadiums where they can shout themselves hoarse till dawn, but don’t cause disturbance in the streets,” Mr. Najib said Sunday, according to the Malaysian news media.

Since taking office in April, Mr. Najib has gained favor with investors and businesspeople by partly dismantling a system of racial preferences that long caused resentment among the country’s minorities.

He also released 13 political detainees held without trial. An opinion poll conducted from June 19 to July 1 showed 65 percent of respondents were satisfied or very satisfied with his performance. The poll, by the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research, surveyed 1,060 voters.

More recently, Mr. Najib’s government has been criticized as reverting to the authoritarian tactics of previous administrations.

A former health minister and stalwart of the governing coalition, Chua Jui Meng, defected to the opposition in July, saying that Mr. Najib represented an “iron fist behind the velvet glove.”

Lim Kit Siang, a prominent opposition politician, said in a blog entry on Sunday that the large number of people detained “underlines” that the “greatest violators of human rights are often the police and the law enforcement agencies.”

The death of the political aide, Teoh Beng Hock, in July has galvanized opposition parties and caused widespread outrage, especially among the minority Chinese.

Mr. Teoh, a legislative aide in the opposition-controlled state of Selangor, was found dead beneath the 14th-story window of the offices of the country’s anticorruption commission after a nightlong interrogation. A pathologist’s report said he died of internal injuries from a fall.

A government minister initially said Mr. Teoh, 30, committed suicide, but his belt and back pockets were torn, adding to speculation that he might have been forced out the window.

After initial resistance, the government bowed to public pressure and ordered an inquiry into Mr. Teoh’s death as well as the interrogation tactics of the anticorruption officers.

Deaths in police custody have increased in recent years, according to Suaram, a human rights group. According to the Malaysian Home Ministry, 1,535 people died in police custody between 2003 and 2007, the latest year for which data is available.

Mar 9, 2009

Is UMNO Over?

In a highly critical (free, not fee) article in the March 2009 issue of Far Eastern Economic Review, Barry Wain, former editor of The Wall Street Journal Asia, seems to argue, no, but maybe it should be. He doesn't say this explicitly but that's how it sounds to me in his long article on Najib Razak's impending succession, through UMNO, as Malaysia's next Prime Minister. As I read it, I thought, like father (former PM Abdul Razak) like son. All the same behind-the-scenes power plays and dirty tricks through UMNO political secretaries. All the same fleeting gestures of tolerance to non-Malays while wielding the iron first in practice.

UMNO logo

The difference now is that UMNO in Tun Abdul Razak's time held overwhelming parliamentary control through UMNO, abetted later by the new Barisan Nasional coalition which replaced the original Alliance. But in the 2008 elections, the Barisan nearly lost power. Too, Tun Razak proved not adverse to invoking a state of emergency and widely abusing the ISA (Internal Security Act). The ISA is still with us, but in 1969 many (not including me) believed it necessary and arrests made under it justified. Now, the ISA is widely reviled and most Malaysians understand it is just a tool to repress any democratic opposition posing a threat to UMNO rule. Last, unlike the bad old days in which there was no obvious Malay politician who could hold the country together in an opposition coalition, in Anwar Ibrahim with his PKR, there is. And there is even the unacknowledged possibility, that Lim Kit Siang from DAP could become Deputy Prime Minister. While some may say, dream on, a new Pakatan government led by these two figures is now UMNO's nightmare, all the more so since the Barisan's many non-UMNO political party partners are, for all practical purposes, dead in the water.

Maybe ISA lightning and thunder are in the offing once again.

Background:
Far Eastern Economic Review
Wikipedia entry Politics of Malaysia
Wikipedia entry Malaysia General Election 2008
Anwar Ibrahim's blog
Lim Kit Siang's blog

Mar 7, 2009

Malay Language Chauvinism Breaks Out Again in KL

Sadly, Malay-language chauvinism never seems to die in Malaysia, even when it has been in the ascendancy for decades. Today, diehards held a large protest rally (much YouTubed) in Kuala Lumpur, calling for the end of a minor sensible policy concession proposed by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and implemented from January 2003 which mandated a gradual switch in instruction medium for science and mathematics from Malay to English from the first year in so-called national (Malay-medium) schools. Mahathir's rationale, widely considered to have merit, was to remedy serious decline in English competence (especially among Malay students), a handicap to future economic prospects. The policy change has improved this awkward situation somewhat in just the half-dozen years it has been in effect.



Well-organized segments of Malay teachers and Malay student leaders have always opposed any change to Malay as the main medium of instruction, even to the point of making it sole medium in the education system. Many in the raucous demonstration today (over 124 arrested by national police officers, according to The Star) were precisely these large factions of Malay teachers and other Malays vested in current language policies premised on the assumption that Article 152 of the Federal Constitution dictates those policies, an argument impossible to sustain rationally. Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan proclaimed the procession illegal as he justified repeated use of tear gas and water cannons against more rowdy marchers. Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, who will likely give way to Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak in just weeks, made his usual apologies for doing nothing by blaming the Ministry of Education for dilly-dallying in its consideration of the established policy and the current newly aroused highly politicized opposition to it. (This Ministry implements primary and secondary education policy, while tertiary education policy is guided by a new Ministry of Higher Education established in 2004.) It is possible the march was planned in part as a warning shot for Najib, who would likely not make any significant alteration to medium of instruction policy.

The huge crowd, estimated from "hundreds" (by the fairly cautious Singapore-based Channel News Asia) to "at least 5,000 ethnic Malays" (AFP) to "8,000" (Malaysiakini) to even higher numbers was physically led by opposition PAS leader Abdul Hadi Awang, prominent Malay literary figure (Sasterawan Negara) A. Samad Said, 76, and former Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka director Hassan Ahmad. They worked under the formal demonstration sponsor, GNP, Gerakan Mansuhkan PPSMI (Movement to Abolish PPSMI), a coalition of 14 NGOs. PPSMI is the Malay acronym for Pengajaran dan Pembelajaran Sains dan Matematik, the policy protested today. A memorandum was successfully delivered to the State Palace (Istana Negara), official residence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (always a Malay), popularly known in English as 'king.' The march had begun at Masjid Negara, another potent symbols of Malay political hegemony.

Perhaps surprisingly to some, PKR Supreme Council member Badrul Hisham Shaharin in the opposition coalition Pakatan Rakyat, also participated, evidently in his private capacity. While PAS is regarded rightfully as the more conservative Malay Pakatan member, PKR is seen as its more open multi-racial though predominantly Malay component. There were no reports of participation by members of Pakatan's third partner, DAP, an outspoken proponent of multi-lingualism in medium of instruction and in official languages since its founding

Background:
Education in Malaysia
List of political parties in Malaysia