Starting Points: PAS

Aug 27, 2009

No Holds Barred, Corridors of Power and more @ mt.m2day.org - Can PAS manage victory? - NutGraph

Thursday, 27 August 2009 12:06

By Wong Chin Huat (The Nut Graph)

THE Permatang Pasir by-election was an unquestionable success for PAS and the Pakatan Rakyat (PR). PAS's share of the total votes cast, excluding spoilt votes, went from 66.39% in the March 2008 elections to 65.50% — a drop of barely 1%. The reduction in terms of PAS's majority was from 5,433 votes to 4,551 this time, and was due mainly to a reduced voter turnout.

The victory is sweet even after analysing communal voting trends. According to party sources, the preliminary analysis shows that PAS has increased its Chinese Malaysian support from about 70% in 2008 to 75%, although its Malay Malaysian support declined, from 65% to 60%.

The actual decline in Malay Malaysian support may be less than the data indicates, considering the lower turnout. The majority of the 2,000 voters who did not turn up to vote on 25 Aug 2009 were younger Malay Malaysian voters, who would probably be more likely to support PAS than Umno if the trends elsewhere are any indicator. Had polling fallen on a weekend or public holiday, PAS might have easily bagged a few hundred more Malay Malaysian votes and raised their winning margin.

Winds of change?

The result was definitely a big blow to the deputy prime minister and Umno deputy president, who claimed to see a "wind of change". A wind of change indeed swept through Permatang Pasir, just not in the direction that Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin would have liked. Instead, it blew away much of the hope for Umno and the Barisan Nasional (BN)'s renewal, without even providing a near miss as it did in Manik Urai just a month ago.

Umno had, of course, picked the wrong candidate. Either Rohaizat Othman had successfully fooled the Umno leadership into picking him, or the other potential candidates were no better than him. Either way, this speaks volumes of the problems with Umno's talent pool and candidate selection.

The BN/Umno's problem, however, is much larger than candidacy. It is institutional. It is a question of relevance, of raison d'être.

Why should a voter cast his or her vote for Umno? The best answer Umno could offer in Permatang Pasir was pathetic: federal incumbency. The "anak emas" (literally "golden child") argument, that Permatang Pasir would get the best financial support from the federal government with a BN representative, is one of default by position, not by capacity or choice. Any party controlling the federal government and willing to abuse its power can do that. There is no "added value" by voting for the BN.

Clearly, such incentive works only when the federal ruling party is a given. After the March 2008 elections, the BN's federal incumbency has progressively looked less like a given with each passing day. So why would voters elect the BN/Umno to discriminate against those who do not?

Mar 7, 2009

Malay Language Chauvinism Breaks Out Again in KL

Sadly, Malay-language chauvinism never seems to die in Malaysia, even when it has been in the ascendancy for decades. Today, diehards held a large protest rally (much YouTubed) in Kuala Lumpur, calling for the end of a minor sensible policy concession proposed by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and implemented from January 2003 which mandated a gradual switch in instruction medium for science and mathematics from Malay to English from the first year in so-called national (Malay-medium) schools. Mahathir's rationale, widely considered to have merit, was to remedy serious decline in English competence (especially among Malay students), a handicap to future economic prospects. The policy change has improved this awkward situation somewhat in just the half-dozen years it has been in effect.

Well-organized segments of Malay teachers and Malay student leaders have always opposed any change to Malay as the main medium of instruction, even to the point of making it sole medium in the education system. Many in the raucous demonstration today (over 124 arrested by national police officers, according to The Star) were precisely these large factions of Malay teachers and other Malays vested in current language policies premised on the assumption that Article 152 of the Federal Constitution dictates those policies, an argument impossible to sustain rationally. Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan proclaimed the procession illegal as he justified repeated use of tear gas and water cannons against more rowdy marchers. Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, who will likely give way to Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak in just weeks, made his usual apologies for doing nothing by blaming the Ministry of Education for dilly-dallying in its consideration of the established policy and the current newly aroused highly politicized opposition to it. (This Ministry implements primary and secondary education policy, while tertiary education policy is guided by a new Ministry of Higher Education established in 2004.) It is possible the march was planned in part as a warning shot for Najib, who would likely not make any significant alteration to medium of instruction policy.

The huge crowd, estimated from "hundreds" (by the fairly cautious Singapore-based Channel News Asia) to "at least 5,000 ethnic Malays" (AFP) to "8,000" (Malaysiakini) to even higher numbers was physically led by opposition PAS leader Abdul Hadi Awang, prominent Malay literary figure (Sasterawan Negara) A. Samad Said, 76, and former Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka director Hassan Ahmad. They worked under the formal demonstration sponsor, GNP, Gerakan Mansuhkan PPSMI (Movement to Abolish PPSMI), a coalition of 14 NGOs. PPSMI is the Malay acronym for Pengajaran dan Pembelajaran Sains dan Matematik, the policy protested today. A memorandum was successfully delivered to the State Palace (Istana Negara), official residence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (always a Malay), popularly known in English as 'king.' The march had begun at Masjid Negara, another potent symbols of Malay political hegemony.

Perhaps surprisingly to some, PKR Supreme Council member Badrul Hisham Shaharin in the opposition coalition Pakatan Rakyat, also participated, evidently in his private capacity. While PAS is regarded rightfully as the more conservative Malay Pakatan member, PKR is seen as its more open multi-racial though predominantly Malay component. There were no reports of participation by members of Pakatan's third partner, DAP, an outspoken proponent of multi-lingualism in medium of instruction and in official languages since its founding

Background:
Education in Malaysia
List of political parties in Malaysia