Starting Points: Thailand

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Apr 1, 2010

Memo From Bangkok - Thai Protesters Shed Culture of Restraint - NYTimes.com

By THOMAS FULLER

BANGKOK — Thailand is a country of 145,000 Mercedes Benz sedans and about 75,000 villages, many of them hamlets afflicted by poverty.

During nearly three weeks of mass anti-government demonstrations here, luxury cars have had to share the streets of Bangkok with the blaring megaphones of rural discontent.

Standing in the back of a pickup truck and shaded by a wide-brimmed hat was Thanida Paveen, a 43-year-old mother of two who explained the epiphany that brought her to the demonstration.

“I used to think we were born poor and that was that,” said Ms. Thanida, who grew up in the provinces but now lives in Bangkok and rents out rooms to factory workers in the city’s industrial outskirts. “I have opened my mind to a new way of thinking: We need to change from the rule of the aristocracy to a real democracy.”

The Thailand of today is not quite the France of 1789 — there is no history of major tensions between rich and poor here, and most of the country is peaceful despite the noisy protests. But more than ever Thailand’s underprivileged are less inclined to quietly accept their station in life as past generations did and are voicing anger about wide disparities in wealth, about shakedowns by the police and what they see as the longstanding condescension in Bangkok toward people who speak provincial dialects, especially from the northeast.

The deference, gentility and graciousness that have helped anchor the social hierarchy in Thailand for centuries are fraying, analysts say, as poorer Thais become more assertive, discarding long-held taboos that discouraged confrontation.

Image by Getty Images via Daylife

The haves in Thailand have a lot — the country has one of the most inequitable income distributions in Asia, a wider gap between rich and poor than in China, Malaysia, the Philippines or Vietnam, according to a World Bank report.

Four years of political turmoil have brought clearer divisions between wealthy families and their domestic staff, between the patrons of expensive restaurants and the waiters who serve them, between golfing businessmen and the legions of caddies who carry their bags.

“This is a newfound consciousness of a previously neglected part of Thai society,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, one of the country’s leading political scientists and a visiting scholar at Stanford University’s FSI-Humanities Center. “In the past they were upset, but they weren’t cohesive as a force and coherent in their agenda. New technologies have enabled them to unify their disparate voices of dissatisfaction.”

The role of technology in bringing together the protesters has been crucial. The leaders of the protest movement have used community radio stations, mobile-phone messaging and the Internet to forge an identity for lower-income Thais and connect a vast constellation of people in villages and towns.

At times the protests in Bangkok could be described as flash mobs of the disaffected. Protesters, who wear trademark red shirts, have converged on government buildings, banks and military bases across the city guided by text messages.

“This would not have been possible 10 years ago,” said Ms. Thanida, who was returning from military barracks in Bangkok where protesters had demanded that soldiers leave the area. The military acquiesced. Like many protesters, she subscribes to D Station, a “red shirt” news service that gives updates and instructions to protesters.

The leaders of the red-shirted protesters have advertised the current round of protests as class warfare and describe themselves as defenders of the “prai,” a feudal word meaning commoner or lower-class citizen. “The blood of the prai is worth nothing” is a phrase now affixed on bumper stickers and T-shirts.

That may be overblown rhetoric. There are many stories of upward mobility in Thailand and, despite the presence of tens of thousands of protesters, the anger has not translated into personal attacks on the wealthy.

The main target of the protesters’ ire seems to be the system: the perception that bureaucrats and the military serve the elite at the expense of the poor. The protesters bewail the 2006 military coup that removed Thaksin Shinawatra, the tycoon turned prime minister who focused his policies on rural areas. And they question the fairness of a judicial system that removed two subsequent prime ministers who were allied with Mr. Thaksin.

To many outsiders, Mr. Thaksin’s role is puzzling: The notion that a billionaire is leading Thailand’s disaffected to rebellion verges on the absurd. It also infuriates the Bangkok elite, who see Mr. Thaksin’s role as largely self-serving. Mr. Thaksin, most analysts agree, was hardly a paragon of democratic values during his five years in power. He intimidated the media, stripped institutions like the anti-corruption commission of their independence and mixed his business interests with those of the government.

Many protesters, as well as associates of Mr. Thaksin, say the protest movement has taken on much larger dimensions than just a battle between Mr. Thaksin and his political rivals.

“This goes well beyond Thaksin,” said Pansak Vinyaratn, one of the main architects of policies during the Thaksin administration. “The question is, will the Thai state be able to harness this negative energy to something positive.”

It is significant that Mr. Thaksin made his fortunes in the telecommunications business. Even his critics concede that he was able to communicate with the rural poor and deliver results in ways that none of his predecessors had achieved. As prime minister, he gave lower-income Thais a taste of a better life, including cheap loans that allowed people to buy pickups and mobile phones, which inadvertently or not laid the groundwork for the current political movement.

In 2005, after four years of Mr. Thaksin as prime minister, the number of people using mobile phones in the vast, rice-growing northeast had more than doubled to 5.3 million.

Incomes in the northeast rose nearly 50 percent during the Thaksin government and even more in the provinces east and south of Bangkok.

The protesters today are not the country’s desperately poor, says Ammar Siamwalla, a prominent economist in Thailand who specializes in development issues. They are more likely to be people whose expectations were raised and then dashed: they started small businesses like hair salons in the Thaksin years when more money started circulating in rural areas, Mr. Ammar said. “It jump-started a lot of things.”

After the coup in 2006, these small-time entrepreneurs were stuck. “They were suddenly caught short by the lack of access to credit,” said Mr. Ammar, who is otherwise critical of Mr. Thaksin’s rule.

Debt levels in the northeast doubled to an average of about 100,000 baht, or just over $3,000, per family. Today rural families still carry this debt, but their incomes are relatively stagnant, in part because crop prices were deflated by last year’s economic crisis.

Beyond the economics, there is an intangible side to Thailand’s political crisis that may be even more significant for the country in the long run.

The once deeply ingrained cultural mores that discouraged displays of anger, that prized politeness and justified the entitlements of the royalty and the elite have been eroded by technology and mobility. The prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, rarely visits the northeastern part of the country because his aides fear a hostile reception. (Mr. Abhisit has been ensconced in a military barracks in Bangkok for much of the past two weeks.) Another group of protesters, the “yellow shirts,” who helped precipitate Mr. Thaksin’s ouster with their own demonstrations, held the country hostage by shutting down the airport for a week in late 2008, a protest that stranded hundreds of thousands of travelers.

The traditional restraints on aggressive and argumentative behavior — the Buddhist clergy and a once deeply held fear of bad karma, among other factors — have been weakened, says William J. Klausner, an expert on Thai culture and Buddhism who has studied village life since he moved to Thailand in the 1950s.

“Villagers today feel far less inclined to accord deference and respect to those in authority simply because of their privileged position and perceived sense of entitlement,” Mr. Klausner wrote in an essay.

Many Thais say they are shocked by the coarse language used by political activists of all stripes today. Insults that were once rarely heard in public have become common.

Thailand appears to be losing a small part of what has long attracted millions of tourists to its shores: a culture of unflappable, bend-over-backwards politeness.

Pakawan Malayavech, a 55-year-old native of a northeastern province, reflected on these changes as she walked through a crowd of tens of thousands of red-shirted protesters recently. She left Thailand as a young woman for the United States, where she drove a Good Humor ice cream truck in Fairfax, Virginia, and did other odd jobs. Then, in 1999, she returned to retire, and now she sees the country like frames in time-lapse photography.

“People used to forgive and forget easily,” she said. “Now the new generation are more like Americans — they talk back.”

Mar 30, 2010

Burma Digest- Children Shot and Killed by the Burma Army

Image by Rusty Stewart via Flickr

Burma Digest - Children Shot and Killed by the Burma
Army

Mar 12, 2010

Thailand: Investigate Killings of Children

Soldiers at Checkpoint Shot at Truck Carrying Burmese Migrants

March 5, 2010

The government needs to carry out an immediate investigation into why and how the army opened fire on this truck. Shooting into a truck apparently without concern for who could be killed or wounded is not acceptable. Those responsible need to face the consequences.

Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch

(New York) - The Thai government should promptly investigate the use of lethal force by Thai soldiers against Burmese migrants, which resulted in the death of three children, Human Rights Watch said today.

The army said soldiers fired on a pick-up truck carrying 13 undocumented migrant workers from Burma on February 25, 2010, after the driver failed to heed a signal to stop for inspection. Human Rights Watch has obtained photos showing that the truck was riddled with bullet holes.

"The government needs to carry out an immediate investigation into why and how the army opened fire on this truck," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "Shooting into a truck apparently without concern for who could be killed or wounded is not acceptable. Those responsible need to face the consequences."

The shooting in Pak Nam sub-district, Ranong province, involved soldiers from the 25th Infantry Division under the overall command of Col. Pornsak Punsawad. The soldiers opened fire with assault rifles at about 5 a.m. on February 25, when the driver failed to heed a signal to stop for inspection near a fishing pier, the army said. The children killed were a three or four-year-old boy, a six or seven-year-old girl, and a 16-year-old boy. Five others in the truck were wounded.

Human Rights Watch urged both the Thai government and the National Human Rights Commission to conduct transparent and thorough investigations immediately into the shooting. If excessive or illegal force is found to have been used, all those responsible, including those at the officer level who gave orders or were otherwise involved, should be prosecuted or disciplined in an appropriate manner, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch said that Thai soldiers, when performing law enforcement duties, should strictly abide by the United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The Basic Principles require that law enforcement officials shall as far as possible apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force. Whenever the use of force is unavoidable, they must use restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense. The legitimate objective should be achieved with minimal damage and injury, and with respect for the preservation of human life.

Human Rights Watch also called on the Thai government to provide unfettered access for investigators to the survivors and to ensure that none of the survivors are deported to Burma while investigations are conducted. The Thai government should also provide humanitarian assistance to the surviving victims and ensure that appropriate compensation is paid to the families of the three dead children.

"This episode shows that the government needs to rethink its approach to border security," Adams said. "What is needed are well-trained civilian border police, who are less likely to be trigger-happy than soldiers. The government should act urgently to avoid a repeat of such a horrific human tragedy."

Eighty percent of migrant workers in Thailand are from Burma. Millions of these workers and their families have fled repression and poverty in Burma, only to find abuse and exploitation in Thailand. Apart from the deadly risks at heavily armed checkpoints along the border areas, migrants who manage to find their way into Thailand also suffer at the hands of corrupt civil servants and police, unscrupulous employers, and violent thugs. Local police and officials frequently ignore or fail to investigate complaints effectively.

Human Rights Watch's recent report, "From the Tiger to the Crocodile: Abuse of Migrant Workers in Thailand," detailed the widespread and severe human rights violations faced by migrant workers in Thailand - including killings, torture in detention, extortion, sexual abuse, and labor rights abuses. The perpetrators of those abuses have little fear of consequences, Human Rights Watch said, because they know that undocumented migrants fear deportation if they complain through legal channels.

The vulnerability of undocumented migrants has increased as a result of the Thai government's decision requiring all migrants to enter a process to verify their nationalities by March 2, or face arrest and deportation.

"Migrant workers make huge contributions to Thailand's economy, but receive little protection from abuse and exploitation," Adams said. "It is time for the Thai government to do the right thing by showing migrants that the state will provide justice for them when they suffer abuse."

Mar 3, 2010

Fresh Political Uncertainties Lie on Thai Political Horizon

Supporters of deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra reacts at the Pheu Thai Party building as Thailand's Supreme Court started reading its ruling on the former leader's wealth, in Bangkok, Thailand, 25 Feb 2010

A Thai Supreme Court verdict last week against former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, accused of abuse of power and concealing his wealth, has eased the political uncertainty that had gripped the country in recent months. But, new uncertainties have emerged as pro-Thaksin supporters vow to mobilize against the government to force new elections, as a way to bring Thaksin back to power.

The long-awaited Supreme Court verdict concerning telecom tycoon and former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra ended months of political uncertainties, amid fears of fresh protests after the verdict's outcome.

Initial reaction by pro-Thaksin supporters has been muted. But threats of protests this month against Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's government adds new concerns to an already troubled political landscape.

In a verdict broadcast Friday on television and radio, the panel of nine judges found Thaksin guilty of concealment of wealth and abuse of power by using his position to benefit family-linked telecommunications business.

The court called for seizure of $1.4 billion, about 60 percent of the more than $2.3 billion of family assets frozen by the state after Thaksin, who was ousted in a coup in 2006.

Thaksin faces a new round of legal cases against him and family members on charges ranging from tax avoidance to perjury.

Chulalongkorn University political scientist Pasuk Pongpaichit says the verdict ended months of uncertainty surrounding Thailland.

"Things are clearer now about what is going to happen to Mr. Thaksin. It would be very difficult for him to return to fight through his supporters here. I suspect that he will not be able to recoup any of these back," she said.

While in power for five years, Thaksin drew his support from urban and rural poor and working class people who benefited from his populist policies of low-cost health care and rural development programs.

But the urban middle and upper class accuse him of abuse of power, attacks on the media and human rights abuses. He has been in exile since 2008 to avoid a corruption verdict in absentia that sentenced him to two years jail.

In Bangkok's working-class suburb, Klong Toey, opinions were divided about the verdict. Public-opinion polls indicate fears of further potential political tension, with a majority calling for Thaksin not to appeal the decision.

Chakra Silapanongchuk, a Bangkok a taxi driver who supported the verdict, said the court ruling proved Thaksin had been corrupt, and how the former leader had used his business knowledge to carry out the corruption.

But others, such as motorbike taxi driver Sompon, said many Thais still support Thaksin, especially those from the pro-Thaskin United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship or UDD, also identified by the group's wearing of red shirts.

Sompon says he believes Thaksin faces many legal hurdles, but he is still loved by many red-shirt supporters. He said Thaksin's Peua Thai Party would win an election over the Democrat Party leader, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva.

Political economist Pasuk Pongpaichit agrees. She says the verdict will act to draw more 'grassroots' sympathy for Thaksin. "If you go and talk to people at the ground level this verdict has actually increased sympathy to Mr. Thaksin among his supporters. So in other words he has not lost any support. So this political asset in terms of his supporters has actually increased," said Pasuk.

The UDD say it will mobilize protests against Prime Minister Abhisit's government with the goal of forcing the government to resign. Some observers fear violence, while others say it will be a major test for both the UDD's support base and for the government's survival.

Kudeb Saikrajang is a member of the parliamentary opposition Peua Thai Party who believes underlying sympathy for Thaksin triggered by the verdict will draw more people to the protests. "If they can mobilize people and stay for a while, I think the government has to make it clear when they are going, otherwise they cannot rule. Neutral people will ask then what they will do. I think the best way is to dissolve the house; then the government can save face," said Kudeb.

The protests are expected to see a return to the larger street demonstrations that were at the heart of the pro-Thaksin movement in early 2009. In April 2009 protests in Bangkok and a seaside resort where red-shirt protesters crashed a conference hall of regional leaders forcing the gathering to be canceled. Troops were called out to quell the protests.

For the city of Bangkok, questions remain whether fresh street protests will end peacefully or push the government to again use emergency legislation to quell violence.

Feb 26, 2010

Thailand coup rumours circle Thaksin assets ruling

By Rachel Harvey
BBC News, Bangkok

Thailand's army has a history of taking matters into its own hands

Thailand's political divisions are under scrutiny once more.

The Supreme Court ruled on Friday to seize $1.4bn (£910m) in contested assets belonging to the family of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in a military coup in 2006.

Local media have been rife with speculation that the verdict might be the catalyst for further violence involving his supporters.

And, despite robust denials from the current army chief, there are persistent rumours that another coup could be in the offing.

Confident steps

Thailand's military has long played a pivotal role in the country. Its influence stretches far beyond traditional realms of defence.

The latest graduation day at Bangkok's military cadet school was an event full of pride and possibility.

More than 500 freshly minted cadets, destined for the ranks of the army, navy, air force and police, all in identical tight white shirts and peaked caps, marched across the parade ground.

These were the confident steps of Thailand's future military leaders, their polished shoes glinting in the sun.

The Thai people know very well that a year under the military regime didn't do any better than any other type of regime

Suchit Bunbongkarn
Military expert

Piyachart Siriboon finished top of his class. But his ambitions do not end here - he wants to rise to the highest ranks.

He is well on track - and certainly on message

"Our main duty is to protect the nation, the king and the people," he said.

"We also have other roles, less important, to help development in the country and improve lives."

The glaring omission in that list is any mention of a duty to serve the elected government.

Show of strength

The oversight is telling. Thailand's military has a history of taking matters into its own hands, most recently in September 2006.

Thaksin Shinawatra address a dinner in Bangkok, Thailand

Mr Thaksin has vowed to continue his fight to return to politics

One of the justifications offered by the coup leaders then was that Mr Thaksin had abused his position as prime minister to enrich himself and his family.

That argument was at the centre of the case before the Supreme Court.

Meanwhile Mr Thaksin still has influence even from exile in Dubai.

At a recent business dinner at a Bangkok hotel he was the VIP speaker, joining the guests via satellite link.

Defiant as ever, he berated the current government, a shaky coalition installed by parliament rather than elected by popular mandate.

His image stared down from screens all around the huge ballroom as Mr Thaksin vowed to continue what he called his fight for justice.

Show of strength

The police and army have been practicing riot control drills amid warnings of possible violence from Mr Thaksin's supporters should the court verdict go against him.

This is a very deliberate show of strength designed to send a clear message.

Disturbances will not be tolerated and Thailand's security forces stand ready to intervene if necessary.

Our role is to protect, and anyone who wants to get political should resign

Piyachart Siriboon, cadet

But despite the recent hyperbole, that does not necessarily mean another coup is being hatched.

Seasoned observers, like Suchit Bunbongkarn, a military expert at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn university, says times have changed.

"They [the military] know quite well that if they launch a coup, it doesn't mean they can rule the country," he said.

"And the Thai people know very well that a year under the military regime didn't do any better than any other type of regime.

"So they tend to think, 'OK, let's give democracy a try'."

Military cadets like Piyachart Siriboon seem to be in tune with that new thinking.

"The police and army should not get involved in politics," he said firmly.

"Our role is to protect, and anyone who wants to get political should resign."

The young generation seems to be embracing new ways of thinking.

But in the current febrile atmosphere, many Thais will still question whether the old ways of the old guard have really been left behind.

Thailand top court seizes part of Thaksin fortune

Thai policeman outside Supreme Court in Bangkok - 26 February 2010

Security was increased in Thailand ahead of the court's verdict

Thailand's Supreme Court has ruled that former PM Thaksin Shinawatra's family should be stripped of more than half a contested $2.3bn fortune.

The court said $1.4bn (£910m) of the assets were gained illegally through conflict of interest when Mr Thaksin was prime minister.

The funds were frozen after Mr Thaksin's elected government was overthrown in a military coup in 2006.

Mr Thaksin, who is living abroad, has denied any wrongdoing.

The Supreme Court said "to seize all the money would be unfair since some of it was made before Thaksin became prime minister".

ANALYSIS

By Vaudine England, BBC News, Bangkok

By choosing to confiscate some, but not all of Mr Thaksin's known assets, the court has managed to dampen arguments from his "red shirt" supporters that the entire judiciary is suborned to a military-bureaucratic elite which intends to finish off Mr Thaksin once and for all.

But it will also weaken the government's demonisation of Mr Thaksin. It appears to be saying that the former prime minister did cheat on the hiding and increase of his fortune, but he was significantly and legitimately wealthy when he entered office. He remains a rich man by any standards.

What this verdict will not do is heal the divisions in this country, polarised by Mr Thaksin's hugely popular appeal and the threat this poses to the military-bureaucratic elite. The 2006 coup that deposed him continues to damage the legitimacy of the current military-backed government of Abhisit Vejajjiva - this basic issue also goes well beyond one man and his money.

Ruling unlikely to heal divide

The court took several hours to deliver its verdict, with security forces on high alert amid government predictions of violence by Mr Thaksin's red-shirted supporters if the court decision went against him.

The judges said that Mr Thaksin shaped government mobile phone and satellite communications policy to benefit his firms.

He abused his power to benefit telecoms company Shin Corp, which he owned then, earning wealth from shares sales in the company through "inappropriate means", they ruled.

The sale of Shin Corp to Singapore state investment firm Temasek in January 2006 was one of the main catalysts for widespread protests calling for Mr Thaksin to resign, and the government applied for the seizure of the proceeds from the sale.

The court dismissed defence arguments that the anti-corruption commission that instigated the proceedings against Mr Thaksin was illegitimate.

Mr Thaksin addressed his supporters from Dubai after the verdict.

"This is total political involvement. The government knew the result in advance," he said, according to Associated Press.

"I've been prepared for the result since yesterday. I knew that I would get hit, but they are kind enough to give me back 30 billion [baht]."

He had previously told them he would continue his political fight against the "military-bureaucratic elite" that deposed him - with or without his family fortune.

He has said the money he and his family earned was acquired legally. The full extent of fortune is unknown, but he is thought to be very wealthy.

Tensions in Thailand remain high. Tens of thousands of extra police have been placed in and around the capital, and in areas of the north-east of the country where some of Mr Thaksin's supporters are based.

THAKSIN TIMELINE

2001: Elected prime minister

19 Sept 2006: Ousted in military coup

25 Sept 2006: Corruption investigation begins

11 June 2007: Thaksin family assets frozen

25 Aug 2008: Prosecutors ask Supreme Court to seize frozen assets

21 Oct 2008: Sentenced in absentia to two years for conflict of interest in land deal

26 Feb 2010: Court seizes $1.4bn of $2.3bn in contested assets

Coup rumours circle ruling

Profile: Thaksin Shinawatra

There were only small numbers of Thaksin supporters outside the court. The pro-Thaksin United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD), which leads the red shirts, has said it has no plans for any demonstration until mid-March.

Local media had predicted huge disruption, counting down to what they called "judgement day".

The judges looked at whether Mr Thaksin illegally deposited his fortune with family members because he was not allowed to hold company shares while prime minister, and whether his administration implemented policies to benefit his family's businesses.

They have also considered whether telecoms liberalisation measures unfairly benefited the country's main mobile phone service provider, then controlled by Mr Thaksin's family.

And they have investigated whether he unfairly promoted a $127m low-interest loan to neighbouring Burma to benefit a satellite communications company also controlled by his family.

Feb 22, 2010

Thai Political Uncertainty Causes Investor Concern

Ron Corben | Bangkok22 February 2010

Former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra talks to The Associated Press at a hotel in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, Thursday, April 16, 2009.

Photo: AP

Former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra (file)

Thailand's finance minister says the political uncertainty gripping the country could damage economic growth and investor confidence. Some investors are concerned a Thai Supreme Court verdict against former Thai Prime Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, due later this week could lead to protests that could destabilize the fragile economy.

Thai Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij warned Monday that political uncertainties in the country could adversely affect economic growth.

Korn's comments come just ahead of a Friday Supreme Court verdict on whether former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra is guilty of corruption.

If the court finds Mr. Thaksin guilty of corruption, the state could seize up to two billion dollars worth of illegally acquired assets. Some observers believe a guilty verdict could also lead to fresh street demonstrations by his supporters, known for wearing red shirts.

Mr. Thaksin was ousted from power in a coup in 2006. Two years later he fled Thailand ahead of another conviction on corruption charges. A court sentenced the former prime minister to a two year jail term in absentia.

Thai business and industrial leaders say the business climate and the economy could be hit if protests erupt.

Krianglit Sukcharoensin, president of the 500-member Plastic Industries Association says the uncertainties have undermined investor and business confidence.

"The international market they are not confident we can supply product 'just in time' for their requirement of their demand. They will switch and then order from another place," said Krianglit. "Then the investor will suffer so we will have to see."

The concerns from business leaders come just as the economy appears to be recovering from the global recession, on the strength of strong exports. The government has predicted a better than four percent growth for 2010.

But analysts warn the gains may be lost amid fears a guilty verdict will lead to potential violence from pro-Thaksin supporters. The Thai share market has weakened due to the jittery climate.

Vikas Kawatra, head of institutional research for Kim Eng Securities, says the local share market's outlook depends on Thaksin's future plans after the verdict.

"It pretty much depends on what Thaskin will do next," said Vikas. "One thing is for sure, is that he's not going to like it and the extent of money confiscated will increase his frustration but diminish his ability to come back."

Concerns over possible violence has led to the United States, Britain and Australia to issue travel advisories warning their nationals to avoid locations where protests could occur. The tourism industry, with around 14 million arrivals annually, accounts for about six percent of Thailand's national output.

Richard Chapman, general manager of the Sheraton Grande Hotel, says the tourism industry has suffered in recent times because reports of political instability has undermined traveler confidence.

"I'm just hoping and praying that our friends in the world of communications and media will give a fairly good ride over the next few weeks and we can come out of it no worse that we are today," said Chapman.

Potential damage to the economy was evident in 2008 when anti-Thaksin protesters occupied a government administration building against pro-Thaksin government steps to open the way for his return to the country. Later the anti-government protesters occupied the international airport for a week at a cost of millions of dollars in lost tourism and trade revenue.

Mr. Thaksin gained popularity among the urban and rural poor for his populist economic policies. But the urban middle class, that largely backed the 2006 coup, accused him of corruption and abuse of power.

Jan 12, 2010

The Cambodia-Thailand Conflict: A Test for ASEAN

Image via Wikipedia

by Sokbunthoeun So

Asia Pacific Bulletin, No. 44

Publisher: Washington, D.C.: East-West Center in Washington
Publication Date: December 10, 2009
Binding: electronic
Pages: 2
Free Download: PDF

Abstract

The current conflict between Cambodia and Thailand, both members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), provides a test case for ASEAN to act as a key player in resolving disputes among its members. A failure by ASEAN to do so would reduce its credibility and impede the realization of an ASEAN community by 2015. Sokbunthoeun So discusses the Cambodian-Thai conflict and the implications for ASEAN.

Jan 8, 2010

National Survey of the Thai People

December 21, 2009

Image via Wikipedia

Thailand continues to struggle for political stability three years after the September 2006 coup. To ensure that opinions from Thai citizens are represented during this time of political turmoil, The Asia Foundation conducted a nationwide opinion poll in 26 provinces to gauge the national mood toward election reform, participation in politics, amending the constitution, and more.

The survey, Constitutional Reform and Democracy in Thailand: A National Survey of the Thai People, reveals that the Thai electorate is pessimistic about the overall direction of the country, with less than a third saying the country is moving in the right direction. At the center of the national debate is the current Constitution, which voters approved in an August 2007 referendum, replacing the 1997 Constitution.

“The survey results shed light on emerging trends and changing attitudes of Thai voters, including compelling insights into controversial issues surrounding the calls for revisions to the 2007 Constitution, as well as hot button topics like political amnesty and impunity,” said Dr. James Klein, the Foundation’s Country Representative in Thailand. An overwhelming majority (84 percent) believes that a new or revised constitution should be ratified through a referendum.

Image via Wikipedia

The survey also asked respondents their views on decentralization, vote-buying, influences in the voting process, their allegiance to political parties, and their level of trust in institutions. The complete findings are available in on our website in English and Thai.

Dec 29, 2009

Laos General in Charge of Hmong Repatriation Denies UN, Amnesty Reports of Attacks

Image via Wikipedia

"Brigadier General Bouasieng Champaphanh, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Lao Armed Forces, has also been in charge of denying all human rights violations regarding the Hmong, including denying all charges by Amnesty International and others," said Philip Smith of the Center for Public Policy Analysis in Washington, D.C.
(Media-Newswire.com) - Washington, D.C., December 29, 2009 - The head of the Hmong effort to forcibly repatriate Lao Hmong refugees from Thailand to Laos is a senior Lao Peoples Army ( LPA ) general who has a track record of denying findings of war crimes and atrocities by Amnesty International, the United Nations and others. Brigadier General Bouasieng Champaphanh ( AKA Bouaxieng Champaphanh ), chairman of the Lao-Thai general border sub-committee, is also the Deputy Chief of Staff for the Lao Armed Forces which has target the Hmong in Laos for military attacks and political and religious persecution. General Bouasieng Champaphanh has been put in charge of the Hmong repatriated from Thailand to Laos.

“Lao Brigadier General Bouasieng Champaphanh, along with other senior Lao Peoples Army commanders and Politburo members, have engaged in efforts before the United Nations to cover-up atrocities and war crimes committed in recent years to exterminate Hmong dissidents and unarmed civilians in the jungles and mountains of Laos, including in Xieng Khouang Province Boulikhamxai and Vientiane Provinces,” said Philip Smith, Executive Director of the Center for Public Policy Analysis.

Smith continued: “This is the equivalent of putting SS-Obersturmbannführer Adolf Eichmann in charge of the plan for the so-called ‘Jewish resettlement’ in Poland and Germany during World War II,” Smith continued.

http://www.universalhumanrightsindex.org/documents/824/960/document/en/pdf/text.pdf

In 2003, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination passed a resolution in Geneva condemning the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic ( LPDR ) for atrocities against the Hmong including the rape and murder of Hmong children by LPA forces. Thereafter, it again raised concerns about attacks against Hmong civilians and opposition groups in Laos.

http://www.universalhumanrightsindex.org/documents/824/1223/document/en/pdf/text.pdf

http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?id=ENGASA260022006〈=e

http://www.universalhumanrightsindex.org/documents/824/1223/document/en/pdf/text.pdf

Amnesty International has also repeatedly documented atrocities against the Hmong by the LPA against Hmong civilians which were also denied by Laos and General Bouasieng and other LPA Generals. The LPA controls the central committee of the LPDR politburo with a majority of senior military officers controlling the communist party in Laos.

http://asiapacific.amnesty.org/aidoc/ai.nsf/Index/ENGASA260042004

http://www.amnesty.org.au/hrs/comments/2421/

“Ironically, General Bouasieng Champaphanh, an officer in charge of military operations directed against the Hmong in Laos, placed LPA officers in charge of investigating the war crimes they were accused of committing in Xieng Khoang Province and elsewhere for the purpose of denying it to the United Nations after the passage of the resolution by the United Nations Committee in Geneva in 2004,” Smith said. “Earlier this year, Thailand’s Prime Minister and General Anupong Paochinda allowed General Bouasieng Champaphanh to visit the Hmong refugee camp at Ban Huay Nam Khao and speak to the refugees who repeatedly refused his demands to volunteer to return to Laos.”

“Brigadier General Bouasieng Champaphanh, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Lao Armed Forces, has also been in charge of denying all human rights violations regarding the Hmong, including denying all charges by Amnesty International and others,” Smith stated.

“The Chief of Staff of the Army and Deputy Chief of Staff, including the office of General Bouasieng Champaphanh, have authorized repeated ‘Einstatzgruppen’ ethnic cleansing operations, military operations and a campaign of mass starvation against many Lao Hmong civilians and dissident groups in recent months and years,” Smith said.

Laos does not have an independent judiciary. It is a one-party, authoritarian military regime.

In 2004, the U.S. Congress passed H. Res. 402 in response to the Hmong crisis in Laos and Thailand and attacks and human rights violations against Hmong and Laotian civilians and dissidents.

http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=108_cong_bills&docid=f:hr402ih.txt.pdf

“Over the last three years, political analysts have painstakingly documented evidence that supports the ongoing persecution of Lao Hmong and Political Prisoners in secret detention centres throughout Laos. It is a broadly accepted view held by the International Community that the Lao Hmong Refugees will face similar persecution, arbitrary detention, torture, and possibly death, if forced back to Laos. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the Foreign Prisoner Support Service have independently reported returnee abuse in Laos” says Kay Danes, advocate for the Foreign Prisoner Support Service in Australia and a former political prisoner in Laos.

###

Contact: Maria Gomez
Telephone ( 202 ) 543-1444
Center for Public Policy Analysis
info@centerforpublicpolicyanalysis.org

US lawmakers demand access to expelled Hmong

Image via Wikipedia

WASHINGTON — US lawmakers on Tuesday denounced Thailand for expelling more than 4,000 Hmong into Laos and demanded that the Vientiane government allow immediate international monitoring to ensure their safety.

The senators representing Minnesota and Wisconsin, states home to much of the Hmong community in the United States, said they "strongly condemn" Thailand for going ahead with Monday's mass expulsion despite US and UN pleas.

"This action violates humanitarian and refugee principles and could have serious repercussions," said the statement by Senators Russ Feingold and Herb Kohl of Wisconsin and Al Franken and Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota.

"We share the concern of many of our Hmong-American constituents whose loved ones have been forced to return, and we will be paying close attention as the Hmong are resettled in Laos," said the senators, all members of President Barack Obama's Democratic Party.

The senators urged Laos "to ensure the safety and well-being of these individuals and to allow immediate and ongoing monitoring by international observers at all stages of the resettlement and reintegration process."

In a separate joint statement, the top Democrat and Republican on the House Foreign Relations Committee said that the repatriation "marks a dangerous precedent" for refugees worldwide.

"The Lao government must ensure that they are treated humanely, guarantee access to the international community for independent monitoring, and let those who are eligible for resettlement be resettled promptly," wrote Representatives Howard Berman, the committee chair, and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the ranking Republican.

Image via Wikipedia

Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont had earlier held out the threat of scaling back military cooperation with Thailand, a long-standing US ally, if it went ahead with the expulsions.

Both Thailand and Laos said that the Hmong were illegal immigrants and not political refugees as they contended. Thailand said it had received assurances that Laos would treat them well.

But Hmong activists say that the ethnic group continues to face persecution in communist Laos stemming from the time of the Vietnam War, when the mountain people were recruited to fight alongside US forces.

Doctors Without Borders said earlier this year that Hmong who fled to Thailand recounted killings, gang-rape and malnutrition inflicted by Laotian forces.

Thailand and the US behave like traitors

Image by Adrian Whelan via Flickr

Published on December 29, 2009

On Sunday your paper reported that Thailand will begin using the Army to repatriate several thousand Hmong refugees back to Laos. The story deserves more coverage than you gave it.

It is a very sad situation that people are being forced at gunpoint back to a place they want to leave. In the midst of this sad story, however, a real tragedy is taking place - one that brings shame to both America and Thailand.

First, remember that the Hmong were the Lao mountain soldiers who fought on behalf of the USA and Thailand during the Vietnam War. They were highly regarded as fighters, and they played a major part in keeping Laos in the control of our allies until the end.

Image by eliodoro via Flickr

Among the present Hmong refugees is a small group known as the "Jungle Hmong" who will be going back to predictable brutality and likely death. They are a rebellious group that remained in the jungle after the communist victory and refused to assimilate or cooperate. They thought of themselves as patriots, and awaited the day when they might help free their country from their old enemy - likely with ongoing encouragement from some Hmong who escaped to other countries. Over the years, the Lao government, regarding them as criminals and traitors, has been systematically exterminating them. Many, maybe most, of them would now like to find a way to assimilate, but, with good reason, they believe they will be jailed and/or killed if they come under the control of Lao officials.

Image by jackol via Flickr

The Jungle Hmong in Thailand (mostly women, children, and old men) have been officially and properly designated as political refugees, and other governments have stated a willingness to accept them. Last April it appeared that common sense and compassion might prevail when the Thai foreign minister announced that Thailand would facilitate the resettlement of 158 of the Jungle Hmong held at Nong Khai. A month later, however, Laos insisted that they be sent back, and Thailand caved in. A couple of months ago, Laos became a party to an important UN human rights accord, but many observers believe that the communists' hatred for the Jungle Hmong is so deep and strong that, in spite of the now official policy, those Hmong will likely be brutally received if returned to Laos.

Image by Eric Bagchus via Flickr

Thailand and America have both paid some lip service to resettlement of the Jungle Hmong, but both governments have been fundamentally spineless. They know that the Jungle Hmong are legitimate political refugees, they know that they are terrified to return to Laos, they know that they have good reason to so feel, they know they are our former allies, and they know that most of the persons in Thailand pose no possible threat to anyone. Nevertheless they will not do what it takes to move them on. One wonders if the Afghans will notice this sense of ongoing commitment that America has for former military allies.

In a related story, the legendary old Hmong general, Vang Pao, announced a couple of weeks ago that he would like to travel back to Laos to see if he could ease the tensions between his followers and the present government. The Lao government, however, expressed contempt for the idea by saying he must serve his death sentence first.

LARRY FRASER

CHIANG MAI

Dec 25, 2009

Thailand may send Hmong back to Laos

By John Pomfret
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, December 25, 2009; A15

Image via Wikipedia

An estimated 4,200 ethnic Hmong, many of whom fought for the CIA during the Vietnam War or are related to soldiers who worked with the agency, are set to be expelled from Thailand back to Laos, where they could face political persecution.

The State Department said Thursday that it was deeply concerned about the fate of the Hmong, an ethnic minority that battled the communist government of Laos for years with U.S. support.

The Thai military had dispatched more than 30 trucks Thursday evening to a refugee camp in central Thailand containing about 4,000 Hmong and had shut off satellite and cellphone service from the camp, according to human rights officials. The Thai military was also thought to be preparing to expel an additional 158 Hmong from a camp near the border with Laos, even though members of that group have been granted refugee status by the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.

The forced resettlement, which the Thai government had announced would take place before the end of this year, would mark the second such repatriation of refugees in Southeast Asia in a week. On Saturday, Cambodia sent 20 Uighur refugees back to China for certain punishment because of their links to violent protests over the summer in northwestern China.

Image by HKmPUA via Flickr

The Obama administration sent Eric Schwartz, assistant secretary of state for population, refugees and migration, to Thailand this week to present senior Thai officials, including military officers, with a letter committing the United States and other Western countries, such as the Netherlands and Australia, to resettle any Hmong who are deemed to be refugees. As a legacy of the Vietnam War, the United States has accepted 150,000 Hmong.

Despite Schwartz's entreaties, all indications were that Thailand had decided to go ahead with its operation.

"The tragedy of this issue is that this is a solvable problem," Schwartz said in an interview. "We've got the resources; we've got the commitment to get into those camps and work with the Thai to achieve the results the Thai want to achieve."

Thai officials say that if more Hmong are granted refugee status, then more will flood into Thailand. At the same time, Thailand is seeking warmer ties with Laos as it deals with a tense standoff with another neighbor, Cambodia.

Schwartz said the imminent expulsion of the Hmong, along with this week's repatriation of the Uighurs, highlighted concerns about Southeast Asia's commitment to protecting refugees.

"We're concerned about the entire regime of protection breaking down," Schwartz said.