Showing posts with label slavery. Show all posts
Showing posts with label slavery. Show all posts

Jun 14, 2010

Trafficking in Persons Report 2009

Trafficking in Persons Report 2009

Date: 06/16/2009 Description:  Trafficking In Persons Report 2009 cover. © State Dept Image

Secretary Clinton (June 16, 2009): "The ninth annual Trafficking in Persons Report sheds light on the faces of modern-day slavery and on new facets of this global problem. The human trafficking phenomenon affects virtually every country, including the United States. In acknowledging America’s own struggle with modern-day slavery and slavery-related practices, we offer partnership. We call on every government to join us in working to build consensus and leverage resources to eliminate all forms of human trafficking." -Full Text

Date: 06/16/2009 Description: Secretary  Clinton holds copies of the 2009 Trafficking in Persons Report and the  Attorney General's Annual Report to Congress and Assessment of U.S.  Government Activities to Combat Trafficking in Persons as she gives  remarks at the release of the report. © State Dept Image-Secretary's Op-Ed: Partnering Against Trafficking
-Ambassador CdeBaca's Remarks and Foreign Press Center Briefing
-Fact Sheet: Trafficking in Persons: Coercion in a Time of Economic Crisis
-Photo Gallery from the Report release.

The Report
The report is available in HTML format (below) and in PDF format as a single file [PDF: 22 MBGet Adobe Acrobat Reader]. Due to its large size, the PDF has been separated into sections for easier download: Introduction; Country Narratives: A-C, D-K, L-P, Q-Z/Special Cases; Relevant International Conventions. To view the PDF file, you will need to download, at no cost, the Adobe Acrobat Reader.

-Letter from Secretary
-Letter from Ambassador Luis CdeBaca
-Introduction
-Major Forms of Trafficking in Persons
-The Three P's: Punishment, Protection, Prevention
-Financial Crisis and Human Trafficking
-Topics of Special Interest
-Victims' Stories
-Global Law Enforcement Data
-Commendable Intiatives Around the World
-2009 TIP Report Heroes
-Tier Placements
-Maps
-U.S. Government Domestic Anti-Trafficking Efforts
-Country Narratives
-Country Narratives -- Countries A Through C
-Country Narratives -- Countries D Through K
-Country Narratives -- Countries L Through P
-Country Narratives -- Countries Q Through Z
-Special Cases
-Relevant International Conventions
-Trafficking Victims Protection Act: Minimum Standards for the Elimination of Trafficking in Persons
-Stopping Human Trafficking, Sexual Exploitation, and Abuse by International Peacekeepers
-Glossary of Acronyms
-PDF Version: Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2009 [22488 Kb]
-Introduction (PDF) [5492 Kb]
-Country Narratives: A-C (PDF) [4074 Kb]
-Country Narratives: D-K (PDF) [3889 Kb]
-Country Narratives: L-P (PDF) [4036 Kb]
-Country Narratives: Q-Z and Special Cases (PDF) [4012 Kb]
-Relevant International Conventions (PDF) [991 Kb]

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Apr 2, 2010

Michael Gerson - Putting a face on Sudan's legacy of slavery - washingtonpost.com

QuantImage by talkradionews via Flickr

By Michael Gerson
Friday, April 2, 2010; A19

ROUM ROL, SOUTH SUDAN

For those used to seeing the faces of slaves in Civil War-era tintypes -- staring at the camera in posed, formal judgment -- it is a shock to see the face of slavery in a shy, adolescent boy.

Majok Majok Dhal, 14 or 15 years old (many former slaves have no idea of their exact age), dimly remembers his capture in the village of Mareng at about age 5. "I ran a little and was taken. I was carried on horseback." He recalls seeing other captives shot and killed after refusing to march north with the raiders into Sudan proper. His master, Atheib, was "not a good person." He forced the boy to tend goats and live with them in a stable. Majok was beaten regularly with a bamboo stick, "if I was not quick and fast." He recalls once being feverish and unable to work. The master "stabbed my leg with a knife. He said, 'I will cut your throat.' " Majok shows me his poorly healed wound. He was forced to address Atheib as "father."

Francis Bok, former Sudanese slave. It is esti...Image via Wikipedia

Relating his experience, Majok shows no anger -- until asked about the master's children. "When they beat me up, I couldn't raise my head. If I tried to fight back, the father would kill me." He recounts their taunting. "They would say to me, 'Why don't you go to your own home and eat?' " Majok's voice rises: "If he brought me all the way to take care of goats and cattle, why did he not employ his own children?"

I talk to Majok through an interpreter, under a large tamarind tree, in a setting as bleak as his story. The scenery tests every possible shade of brown: reddish brown, yellowish brown, greenish brown. It is a landscape of thatched, conical huts; circling scavenger birds; rutted mud roads; and wandering goats. A haze of fine red dust blurs the horizon.

Nearby, about 125 recently released slaves are being interviewed by Christian Solidarity International, an organization that has helped redeem and resettle tens of thousands of captives during the past 15 years. Though no more slaves are being taken by northern militias -- the raids generally stopped with the American-sponsored peace treaty in 2005 -- an estimated tens of thousands more are still held within a hundred miles of South Sudan's northern border.

One recently freed South Darfur slave boy help...Image by talkradionews via Flickr

The background of each man, woman and child at the makeshift camp is recorded, reflecting a determination by CSI that none of these people, and none of the crimes they have experienced, be forgotten. A woman is missing teeth from being tied and thrown to the ground. Others reluctantly admit that their genitals were mutilated. One woman tells me she is often awakened by her nightmares.

Slavery is only the most extreme legacy of Sudan's two decades of civil war. With patience, nearly every personal encounter reveals a story of struggle. A pastor tells me how his congregation met for 15 years under a tree so they could quickly move to avoid bombing raids. Cattle herds -- the main source of stored wealth in South Sudan -- were decimated. An estimated 40 percent of people in this region depend on food aid of some sort. There is almost no public health infrastructure. A Sudanese doctor tells me that about every two weeks he diagnoses a new case of leprosy -- a condition almost unknown in the West. Women in rural areas play fertility roulette -- a local aid official estimates that one in six will die from complications during childbirth.

Boys now in late teens freed 24 hrs before trn...Image by talkradionews via Flickr

Just months from South Sudan's likely vote for independence, its humanitarian challenges seem overwhelming. International relief organizations provide many services, but the greater need is the building of local capacity -- agricultural development, trained government administrators, a credible national teaching hospital. Direct international aid in the form of cash can encourage local corruption. But technical assistance to build specific capabilities might be the only way to avoid the destructive failure of a new nation. Still, as one U.S. State Department official recently vented to me, "We are doing about 10 percent of what we need to do."

Without leaving the planet, it would be difficult to experience greater cultural distance than meeting a Sudanese goatherd released from slavery. But my main impression of Majok was his profound resemblance to my sons of similar age. It is a hopeful thing about humanity. In a timid smile, in a turn of the head, we see similarity, we see family. We should also see responsibility.

mgerson@globalengage.org

Read more stories and see images from Michael Gerson's trip to Sudan.

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Jan 11, 2010

Sex Trafficking in South Africa: World Cup Slavery Fear

A teenage girl waits near a hotel in Bloemfontein

Melanie Hamman

By E. Benjamin Skinner

For a South African victim of human trafficking, this was the endgame. On a freezing night last July, Sindiswa, 17, lay curled in a fetal position in bed No. 7 of a state-run hospice in central Bloemfontein. Well-used fly strips hung between fluorescent lights, pale blue paint flaked off the walls, and fresh blood stained her sheets, the rusty bedpost and the linoleum floor. Sindiswa had full-blown AIDS and tuberculosis, and she was three months pregnant. Sweat poured from her forehead as she whispered her story through parched lips covered with sores. A few blocks away, the roars of rugby fans erupted from Free State Stadium. In June the roars will be from fans of the World Cup. (See pictures of South Africa.)

Sindiswa's family was one of the poorest families in Indwe, the poorest district in Eastern Cape, one of the poorest provinces in South Africa. Ninety-five percent of the residents of her township fall below the poverty line, more than a quarter have HIV, and most survive by clinging to government grants. Orphaned at 16, she had to leave school to support herself. Last February, a woman from a neighboring town offered to find work for her and her 15-year-old best friend, Elizabeth, who, like Sindiswa, was poor but was also desperate to escape her violent older sister. (I have changed Elizabeth's name to protect her identity.)

After driving them eight hours north to Bloemfontein, the recruiter sold them to a Nigerian drug and human-trafficking syndicate in exchange for $120 and crack cocaine. "[The recruiter] said we could find a job," Sindiswa recalled, "but as soon as we got here, she told us, 'No. You have to go into the streets and sell yourselves.' " The buyer, Jude, forced them into prostitution on the streets of central Bloemfontein for 12 straight hours every night. Each morning, he collected their earnings — Sindiswa averaged $40 per night; Elizabeth, $65. Elizabeth tried to escape three times, once absconding for several weeks. Jude always found her or used Sindiswa as a hostage to lure her back, then enlisted an enforcer named Rasta to beat her. (See pictures of violence in South Africa.)

It is unclear if Sindiswa contracted HIV before or after she was sold, but some of her clients didn't use condoms. She was diagnosed with the virus only a week before I met her. When she was too sick to stand and thus useless as a slave, Jude had thrown her onto the street. Nurses expected her to die within days.

Despite more than a dozen international conventions banning slavery in the past 150 years, there are more slaves today than at any point in human history. Slaves are those forced to perform services for no pay beyond subsistence and for the profit of others who hold them through fraud and violence. While most are held in debt bondage in the poorest regions of South Asia, some are trafficked in the midst of thriving development. Such is the case here in Africa's wealthiest country, the host of this year's World Cup. While South Africa invests billions to prepare its infrastructure for the half-million visitors expected to attend, tens of thousands of children have become ensnared in sexual slavery, and those who profit from their abuse are also preparing for the tournament. During a three-week investigation into human-trafficking syndicates operating near two stadiums, I found a lucrative trade in child sex. The children, sold for as little as $45, can earn more than $600 per night for their captors. "I'm really looking forward to doing more business during the World Cup," said a trafficker. We were speaking at his base overlooking Port Elizabeth's new Nelson Mandela Bay Stadium. Already, he had done brisk business among the stadium's construction workers.

Although its 1996 constitution expressly forbids slavery, South Africa has no stand-alone law against human trafficking in all its forms. Aid groups estimate that some 38,000 children are trapped in the sex trade there. More than 500 mostly small-scale trafficking syndicates — Nigerian, Chinese, Indian and Russian, among others — collude with South African partners, including recruiters and corrupt police officials, to enslave local victims. The country's estimated 1.4 million AIDS orphans are especially vulnerable. South Africa has more HIV cases than any other nation, and a child sold into its sex industry will often face an early grave.

As Sindiswa told me her story, her voice trailed off, and the man who brought me to her — Andre Lombard, 39, a pastor of the Christian Revival Church — laid his hands on her. Lombard had a penetrating gaze and a simmering rage toward men who abuse women. His father, a brutal drunkard, had beaten his mother regularly. Lombard became a born-again Christian at age 17, then served in South Africa's élite special forces for 11 years. (See 25 people who mattered in 2009.)

He began a street ministry in April 2006 and recruited some 60 volunteers to distribute food, blankets and Bibles to the dozens of women and girls selling sex within a 10-block radius of the stadium. They also preached to clients and traffickers. Fights were commonplace. Lombard allowed his volunteers to carry firearms, and several wound up in the intensive-care unit of the local hospital. Lombard acknowledges that most of the prostitutes were not enslaved. Still, in a controversial move, he purchased bus tickets home for more than two dozen women as a way to "escape the streets." With no comprehensive rehabilitation, however, several wound up back in prostitution. Mainstream antitrafficking organizations often decry such tactics as reckless. In response, Lombard says, "I'm a goer. If you drive by and just talk about it and don't do anything, you're actually justifying it."

After we left the hospice, Lombard drove eight blocks east of the stadium to the notorious Maitland Hotel. Police had identified the Maitland as a base of drug- and human-trafficking operations. HIV-positive survivors described how traffickers used gang rape, drug provision, sleep deprivation and torture to "break" new children on the fifth floor; the fourth floor featured an illegal abortion clinic. On other floors, as many as four girls slept on a single mattress. Police raided the Maitland in 2008 and shut the place down last January. Traffickers had been tipped off about the final raid, yet officials still rescued dozens of underage girls and seized weapons and thousands of dollars' worth of drugs. Though still officially closed, the Maitland was active. Next door, a club blasted music by Tupac, and several girls worked the front of the hotel, where a makeshift concierge took rents. (See TIME's tribute to people who passed away in 2009.)

A shivering girl in a red sweatshirt and flip-flops stood alone at the corner of the hotel. She said she was 15 and desperately needed help. I asked Lombard's volunteer to translate from Xhosa. Shockingly, this was Elizabeth — Sindiswa's best friend — still controlled by Jude. Having researched modern-day slavery for eight years, I knew how difficult it was for survivors to heal after emancipation. In this case, mere emancipation would be a dangerous procedure.

Earlier that day, I spoke with Luis CdeBaca, who was visiting South Africa on his first foreign visit as President Obama's ambassador-at-large to monitor and combat human trafficking. "Dedicated cops, prosecutors and victim advocates are fighting the traffickers in several host cities, but they're largely doing it on their own," he said. Obama has pledged to make the fight to abolish modern-day slavery a top foreign policy priority, but the U.S. currently spends more in a single day fighting drug trafficking than it does in an entire year fighting human trafficking. So CdeBaca, whose office evaluates every country based on its efforts to fight human bondage, must rely largely on diplomatic pressure. "An exploitation-free World Cup will require resources and political will from the South African government and the international community alike," said CdeBaca.

Such political will is not evident. At best, the South African government's response to child sex trafficking has been superficial or piecemeal; at worst, some officials have actually colluded with the traffickers. American and South African law-enforcement sources described how police at all levels have solicited underage prostitutes in Bloemfontein, Durban and other World Cup cities. South African officials claim that Parliament will pass a comprehensive law against human trafficking in early 2010. For now, enterprising police officers who take on human traffickers do so with few legal tools at their disposal. Convictions for trafficking-related offenses typically bring little or no jail time. And those vigilante humanitarians like Lombard face an emboldened and violent adversary, as I saw that evening. (See TIME's South Africa covers.)

Elizabeth insisted that we recover her scant possessions: a handful of clothes and a Bible. Jude had convinced her that he would perform witchcraft on those items, to track and punish her if she again attempted escape. We drove to Jude's fortified crack den five minutes away. Lombard and I followed Elizabeth into the darkness behind the compound. We were joined by Shadrack, a kung-fu-trained church volunteer who worked as a financial adviser by day. Elizabeth tapped a secret knock, and after Jude ushered her in, Shadrack wedged his foot in the door. We pushed into the dingy flat, which bore the medicinal odor of crack. As the churchmen escorted Elizabeth to retrieve her clothes, I smiled and feigned ignorance of their intent. While Lombard and Elizabeth retrieved her possessions, I spoke to Jude alone. Short and muscular, with dark, patchy skin, Jude wore slim, brown corduroys and white Crocs with green dollar signs. Jude explained that he lured girls from Johannesburg, where many survive by "picking through garbage." Our conversation turned to soccer. I asked him if he was looking forward to the World Cup. "Yeah, this is good! Us people are going to make a lot of money then if you know what you're doing." (See pictures of Johannesburg preparing for the World Cup.)

As I prepared to leave, a woman began screaming from a sealed-off room in the compound. Lombard burst back into the room and forced his way to the darkened recesses of the compound. He kicked in a door to find Rasta, the syndicate's enforcer, half naked with the screaming woman, who ran behind Lombard. "Did you beat her? Because if you beat her, you must beat me," Lombard said, inches from the flaring eyes of the muscular Rasta. Rasta launched a haymaker at Lombard, who ducked. Rasta threatened to call in his "brothers." "I'll break their legs too," Lombard retorted as we retreated to our car, where the photographer traveling with us, Melanie Hamman, was bent in prayer with Elizabeth. With Jude chasing us on foot, we drove off.

Newly elected South African President Jacob Zuma addressed fears about sex trafficking in a speech last August. "We have noted the concern amongst women's groups that the 2010 FIFA World Cup may have the unintended consequence of creating opportunities for human trafficking," the President said. "We are putting systems in place to prevent this, as part of general security measures that we should take when hosting an event of this magnitude."

Zuma's pledge was too little, too late for Sindiswa, who died on July 22. Immediately after we took Elizabeth off the streets, Hamman and I drove her eight hours to her home in Eastern Cape. Wary of the failure rate of Lombard's unmonitored returns, we worked with a dedicated social worker in Indwe to ensure that the conditions under which she was originally trafficked did not reappear. A suburban-Chicago couple has given her a full scholarship, enabling the otherwise impossible goal of finishing school. She is HIV-negative. It is a stretch to call her lucky. But she has another chance at life.

Skinner is the author of A Crime So Monstrous: Face-to-Face with Modern-Day Slavery (Free Press, 2008), which was awarded the 2009 Dayton Literary Peace Prize for nonfiction. This investigation was supported by a grant from Humanity United.

See pictures of child soldiers in Africa.

See the best pictures of 2009.

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Nov 12, 2009

BBC - African slavery apology 'needed'

Three Abyssinian slaves in chainsImage via Wikipedia

Traditional African rulers should apologise for the role they played in the slave trade, a Nigerian rights group has said in a letter to chiefs.

"We cannot continue to blame the white men, as Africans particularly the traditional rulers, are not blameless," said the Civil Rights Congress.

The letter said some collaborated or actively sold off their subjects.

The group said it was time for African leaders to copy the US and the UK who have already said they were sorry.

It urged Nigeria's traditional rulers to apologise on behalf of their forefathers and "put a final seal to the history of slave trade", AFP news agency reports.

Civil Rights Congress president Shehu Sani says they are calling for this apology because traditional rulers are seeking inclusion in the forthcoming constitutional amendment in Nigeria.

"We felt that for them to have the moral standing to be part of our constitutional arrangement there are some historical issues for them to address," he told the BBC World Service.

"One part of which is the involvement of their institutions in the slave trade."

He said that on behalf of the buyers of slaves, the ancestors of these traditional rulers "raided communities and kidnapped people, shipping them away across the Sahara or across the Atlantic".

Millions of Africans were forcibly transported to the Americas over a period of about 450 years from the middle of the 15th Century.

More than a million people are thought to have died while in transit across the so-called "middle passage" of the Atlantic, due to the inhuman conditions aboard the slave ships and brutal suppression of any resistance.

Many slaves captured from the African interior died on the long journey to the coast.

Do you think traditional leaders should apologise for the slave trade? How complicit do you think African rulers were at the time? Send us your views using the postform below.

Even though the children aren't really responsible for the crimes of their fathers, there is a healing aspect in repentance and forgiveness. For even the crimes of our fathers affects the lives of their children's children. Those who repent of wrongs done and those who forgive those wrongs find renewal and health which may change the course of a life or of a nation. Njinja, Yaounde, Cameroun

I think even if they apologize what they have done at the past, it doesn't have meaning, it doesn't change things. If the slavery stopped now we faced another one "the mental slavery" and the worst thing is that our leaders don't take lesson from the past and still provoke civil wars. We are tired of wars. as my above friend said lets move forward and forget about the past, I hope one day hearing "the united states of Africa" even if not me my children or my little children will hear this. Moktar, Djibouti

well it true i agree with you traditional ruler should apologise to African also but lets not forget the Arab who came first they have not yet apologise to Africa for their slavery the did with caravan through the Sahara desert. let me ask one question are these African politicians not enslaving their children again in the name of corruption. i think we should examine what is going on in our society today because for people like us who come to Europe through the Mediterranean sea and we live in no document the people should examine this fact because our so call government is enslaving us again thanks oghogho elvis smith robson, lyon france

If our traditional leaders should apologise for selling their subjects into slavery, we should also ask the question whether people living in the west coast of Africa are freemen in their respective countries. Sometimes I wish our fore fathers were all sold into slavery not that i am condoling the menace of the slave trade but rather in my opinion i see the 500 years old inhumane act perpetuated by the then rulers and their colonial counterpart as a blessing in disguise and the truth be said millions of us are still under the captivity of bad government, corrupt and irresponsible leaders that are still destroying many aspiration in Africa who is saying sorry to us. Gabriel Okodoa, Greater Manchester

The era of slavery is over and no amount of apologies and what a view will salvage African the worst that has been done, and the so called traditional ruler that collided with the slave masters were no more. Why cant we have a group that will talk and demand apologies from our past and present leaders that has change the dream of Nigeria and African continent as whole, they have collided with some unknown elements to underdeveloped our continent, lead us to wrong path. The damage that was done during the era of slavery is less to what our corrupt leader have done. no African leader will leave office without been prosecution for corruption and mismanagement. i don't need apologies from the dead, i demand from our present for governing us badly. fatai yussuff, belfast

there is no present without a past. the corruption of the 15th century on the african continent still lives with us. apology comes with an attitude change. if not, there is absolutely no need. we want a positive change in africa and starts with the traditional leaders. they must voice out the truth to these corrupt leaders all over africa. vincent bodam, lagos, nigeria

True, they were culprits to this human tragedy, but the human right group better user their energy to free Nigerians from political corruptions that has plunged the nation back to 1000 years of less development. Nigeria need EMERGENCY surgery, no kidding M Imarhiagbe, ZH/Switzerland

There apologies at this time of an age is irrelevant, rather more emphasis should be focused on how meaningful development can be achieved in Africa. I think the organisation should focus on ills ravaging the continent such as corruption, famine, HIV/AIDS, poor management of resources and the likes. The apologies from US and UK has done us no good; what has been done has been done..lets move forward Adewole M., Coventry, United Kingdom

This is certainly, YES in capital letters. African traditional leaders "rulers" should all stand before their very common poor affected African people to confess and religiously apologise for the cruel act of trans-Sahara slave trade which led to the traumatic and bad leadership portrait on their ruled masses which brought about a present day fail African Nation. Suleiman - Isa, Adamu, Abuja, Nigeria

I think it is proper for everyone involved to tender an apology. There was a national repentance prayer in Abuja on the eve of Nigeria's 49th anniversary on the 30th of September 2009. The prayers started from repentance about slave trade to today's misgovernance. The vice president was in attendance and there were representatives of the kings. The representatives of the traditional rulers from the coastal areas tendered an apology for their role in slave trade just as General Gowon did on the same night for the actions of the nation during the civil war. I don't think the traditional rulers are against this and I think it is the right way to go but it should not excuse the western nations from what they did as well. There are more than enough guilty parties. Debola Ajagunna, Houston USA

It's an interesting call, and the issue has been addressed in West Africa by reputable historians such as Adu Boahene, and documented in the UNESCO History of Africa series. What happened was a form of complicity between slavers and traditional rulers who traded defeated war captives for guns and powder so they could continue to expand their states at the expense of their neighbours. But there is another class of people whose complicity is often overlooked, and that is the cynical gun manufacturers -- like Samuel Galton Jnr of Birmingham who made cheap unproved muskets specially for this trade. Conrad Taylor, London, UK

I think this is a positive stance to take. Especially the part about putting a final seal on it. These people have to be able to say that they are at peace with the past. It is the only way to look positively to the future. Finally it should be kept in mind that commercial interests (like getting the cheapest labour possibly) has been a thorn in civilizations side whenever it has not been held up to proper moral standards. Of course this includes the current issue of sustainability. I think there is a lesson to learn here from history. On some matters humanity simply cannot turn a blind eye. The Trutherizer

Should traditional leaders apologise for the slave trade? Absolutely! Let's put this in perspective here. According to historic accounts, the Europeans slave Traders did not actually forcibly round up the merchandise. Africans delivered Africans into slavery. The Europeans just like with colonial rule, where able to persuade the traditional rulers to part with their fellow Africans with smiles on their faces and monies in their pockets. In the defence of Traditional Rulers, they had no idea of the brutal inhuman treatment to befall their fellowmen. They probably did not fathom that millions will perish even before the whips started cracking on the shores of the American continent. But I feel it is important that we as Africans do not absolve ourselves completely of blame in what can only be described as one of the worse atrocities that that the world has ever seen. O. Ayeni, Edgware, Middlesex , UK

African leaders were the biggest culprits of the crime. In fact, I estimate that up to 80% of slaves were procure and sold by other Africans for things like whisky and rum. Denying this fact only means it will and is happening again albeit with a different face. How many times have we heard demagogues blame colonialism and foreign powers for what is wrong when it is our own people causing suffering. Its sad that some of these criminals are lionised in history books as great kings when in fact their wealth was based on the blood of many. Unless we are honest to ourselves nothing will change. mustafa, glasgow scotlannd

I don't agree. Most of African leaders who participated in the act were either covertly or overtly forced by the white slave maters....the case of Oba of Benin is a good example. When he refused to trade his kinsmen for mirrors and hats....he was dethroned and beheaded to serve as deterrent to others. How could you blindfold someone and yet accuse him of not being able to see? Malcolm, Ibadan Nigeria

Indeed African traditional Leaders should apologise, and even build a monument honouring the victims of Slave Trade at each region where the slaves were put on board. The evil that many traditional leaders perpetuated in those days continues today. There are still tragic collusion of local leaders with rapacious multinational companies in the devastation and exploitation of African natural resources. A practical example of this is the imbroglio in the Niger Delta in Nigeria. The evil in some of the traditional leaders has been transferred to the modern Nigerian leaders, ad that is why many of them are into corruption. The traditional leaders still wield enormous enormous power, and as a result are are granted series of contracts in various fields in which they are not competent, leaving their responsibilities to pursue other forms of wealth. The traditional larders are indeed insatiable. While there is still the need to have them in the society, they should be more productive, rather than being parasites. John OYEWOLE, Milan, Italy

The was a debate In my Final year BA degree at the University of the Gambia. This is doubt The African Rulers at the time of slavery and Slave bore a lot of responsibility to their fellow Africans for Betraying them and selling them as slaves. The great grand children of those rulers should apologized for the bad deeds of their parents. They should even pay reparation to their victims' children if it can be arranged. Thank you for bringing this topic. Alhagie Bah, The Gambia

Marking the 200th anniversary of Britain's abolition of the slave trade
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Oct 27, 2009

Putting Caste on Notice - Nation

Member of Dalits in Jaipur, IndiaImage via Wikipedia

Navi Pillay, the South African judge who became the United Nations high commissioner for human rights last year, is moving to the forefront of a campaign to free more than 250 million people from the indignities and horrors of caste discrimination. No previous commissioner has dared to openly take on this pernicious system, the majority of whose miserable victims live in India.

"This is the year 2009, and people have been talking about caste oppression for more than a hundred years," Pillay says. "It's time to move on this issue."

For Pillay, who is of Indian descent, the subject of caste has been hidden too long by obfuscation on the part of governments, not only in India, that have successfully argued in UN conferences that existing international conventions against human rights abuses do not apply. Caste did not figure in the official conclusions of a conference on racism and other forms of intolerance in Durban in 2001, after intense lobbying by India, and remained on the periphery of a review of that conference earlier this year.

That being the case, Pillay said in an interview in her New York office on a visit from her headquarters in Geneva, there may well have to be a new international convention written to apply directly to caste.

The campaign is gathering momentum among a wide range of global nongovernmental organizations, religious groups and, lately, a few governments working from a draft document on eliminating discrimination based on work or descent--in other words, being born into predestined deprivation, assigned to the most menial of jobs and segregated socially from the better born.

Pillay would like to see this draft endorsed by the member nations of the Human Rights Council and by all governments, many of which are in denial over the harmful effects of the caste system.

She relayed a story about a group of women who came to her in Geneva recently with a brick from a latrine they had torn down in protest against being forced to carry away human excrement in their bare hands. They wanted to make the point that despite India's frequent assertions that "untouchables," who call themselves Dalits ("broken people"), were no longer condemned by birth to do this job, there were still tens of thousands of such latrines in the country, and the filthy, soul-destroying work continues.

"They have good laws in India, and they have media; they have well developed civil society organizations," Pillay said. "So how come there is no implementation of these good laws, these good intentions?" Discrimination by caste is unconstitutional in India, which also has affirmative action programs for Dalits and others at the bottom of society. Dalits have risen to high office through politics, though even democracy has not helped most of them.

It was, ironically, Nepal that broke ranks with India in September and publicly joined the campaign against caste discrimination. Nepal, a majority Hindu nation like India, is home to 4.5 million Dalits, according to the Feminist Dalit Organization of Nepal. Women among the Dalits everywhere are especially vulnerable to victimization of all kinds, most often sexual abuse.

Women of lowly birth are also sometimes accused of witchcraft, and not only in Asia. Pillay said that in a country in Africa girls and women have been jailed, and officials say they cannot release them or they would be killed. Recently in India's Jharkhand state, village women, apparently Muslims who were labeled witches by accusers, were beaten, stripped naked and forced to eat excrement, the BBC reported.

The Times of India described Nepal's unanticipated decision to align with the campaign against caste discrimination as an "embarrassment" to India, saying that it contradicts India's "stated aversion to the internationalization of the caste problem." The newspaper noted that Sweden then piled on an endorsement from the European Union, "adding to India's discomfiture."

The influence of the Hindu caste system has seeped across other borders in South Asia, into Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, sometimes affecting even Muslims based on their birth or ancestry. Converts to Christianity or Buddhism who flee Hinduism to escape caste often remain branded for life nonetheless.

Dalits, regarded widely as unclean or polluted, can, and have, faced death at the hands of upper caste people for infractions such as taking water from a forbidden well or entering a Brahmin temple. There have been lynchings for intermarriage with higher castes. In some places, particularly in north India, Dalits vote at segregated polling stations. At roadside cafes they often get separate utensils, if they are served at all.

It need not be that way, Pillay, 68, notes from her own experience. Indians in South Africa, a minority in a suppressed black majority under apartheid, soon abandoned caste consciousness, she said. "I know that in the early days they did practice that, because my parents told us," she said. "I think it would be my grandparents' generation. But it broke down by force of social pressures."

As high commissioner for human rights, Pillay takes a broad view of her responsibilities, and that applies to causes she is willing to take up as well as to her definition of human rights. She focuses not only on political or civil rights but also societal shortcomings and abuses. On caste, she said she looks for other forms of similar discrimination globally, anywhere people are held in forms of slavery based on birth, for example, or are relegated to second-class citizenship for other reasons.

"What alerted me to it is that a Bolivian woman minister who addressed the Durban review conference spoke about slavery in Bolivia and described the conditions. In Mauritania [there is] slavery as well."

Pillay has also made three public speeches on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender issues and produced a video on the subject to encourage governments to frame a declaration on LGBT rights.

When we spoke, Pillay had just come from a UN panel where victims of human trafficking presented powerful testimonies. She was struck by a fact thrown out by the panel's moderator: that there are more people being trafficked today than in the entire historical slave trade.

Caste and new forms of slavery are not unrelated, she argued in a recent op-ed article for the Huffington Post, where she wrote that landlessness, debt bondage and labor bondage, involving millions of young children, are the lot of the lowest castes.

"As high commissioner I promised to be evenhanded and raise all issues affecting all human beings," Pillay said. "I can't flow with the political concerns of anyone who doesn't want one or another issue addressed because it embarrasses them or because they are dealing with it in their own way."

Caste is now on notice: the UN has failed, she said, to educate people and change mindsets to combat the taint of caste. "How long is the cycle going to go on where those who can do something about it say, We can't, because it's the people, it's their tradition; we have to go slowly.

"Slavery and apartheid could be removed, so now [caste] can be removed through an international expression of outrage."

About Barbara Crossette

Barbara Crossette, United Nations correspondent for The Nation, is a former New York Times correspondent and bureau chief in Asia and at the UN.

She is the author of So Close to Heaven: The Vanishing Buddhist Kingdoms of the Himalayas, published by Alfred A. Knopf in 1995 and in paperback by Random House/Vintage Destinations in 1996, and a collection of travel essays about colonial resort towns that are still attracting visitors more than a century after their creation, The Great Hill Stations of Asia, published by Westview Press in 1998 and in paperback by Basic Books in 1999. In 2000, she wrote a survey of India and Indian-American relations, India: Old Civilization in a New World, for the Foreign Policy Association in New York. She is also the author of India Facing the 21st Century, published by Indiana University Press in 1993.

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Oct 8, 2009

In First Lady’s Roots, a Complex Path From Slavery - NYTimes.com

Cover of "Slaves in the Family"Cover of Slaves in the Family

WASHINGTON — In 1850, the elderly master of a South Carolina estate took pen in hand and painstakingly divided up his possessions. Among the spinning wheels, scythes, tablecloths and cattle that he bequeathed to his far-flung heirs was a 6-year-old slave girl valued soon afterward at $475.

In his will, she is described simply as the “negro girl Melvinia.” After his death, she was torn away from the people and places she knew and shipped to Georgia. While she was still a teenager, a white man would father her first-born son under circumstances lost in the passage of time.

In the annals of American slavery, this painful story would be utterly unremarkable, save for one reason: This union, consummated some two years before the Civil War, represents the origins of a family line that would extend from rural Georgia, to Birmingham, Ala., to Chicago and, finally, to the White House.

Melvinia Shields, the enslaved and illiterate young girl, and the unknown white man who impregnated her are the great-great-great-grandparents of Michelle Obama, the first lady.

Viewed by many as a powerful symbol of black advancement, Mrs. Obama grew up with only a vague sense of her ancestry, aides and relatives said. During the presidential campaign, the family learned about one paternal great-great-grandfather, a former slave from South Carolina, but the rest of Mrs. Obama’s roots were a mystery.

Now the more complete map of Mrs. Obama’s ancestors — including the slave mother, white father and their biracial son, Dolphus T. Shields — for the first time fully connects the first African-American first lady to the history of slavery, tracing their five-generation journey from bondage to a front-row seat to the presidency.

The findings — uncovered by Megan Smolenyak, a genealogist, and The New York Times — substantiate what Mrs. Obama has called longstanding family rumors about a white forebear.

While President Obama’s biracial background has drawn considerable attention, his wife’s pedigree, which includes American Indian strands, highlights the complicated history of racial intermingling, sometimes born of violence or coercion, that lingers in the bloodlines of many African-Americans. Mrs. Obama and her family declined to comment for this article, aides said, in part because of the personal nature of the subject.

“She is representative of how we have evolved and who we are,” said Edward Ball, a historian who discovered that he had black relatives, the descendants of his white slave-owning ancestors, when he researched his memoir, “Slaves in the Family.”

“We are not separate tribes of Latinos and whites and blacks in America,” Mr. Ball said. “We’ve all mingled, and we have done so for generations.”

The outlines of Mrs. Obama’s family history unfolded from 19th century probate records, yellowing marriage licenses, fading photographs and the recollections of elderly women who remember the family. Ms. Smolenyak, who has traced the ancestry of many prominent figures, began studying the first lady’s roots in earnest after conducting some preliminary research into Mrs. Obama’s ancestry for an article published in The New York Times earlier this year.

Of the dozens of relatives she identified, Ms. Smolenyak said, it was the slave girl who seemed to call out most clearly.

“Out of all Michelle’s roots, it’s Melvinia who is screaming to be found,” she said.

When her owner, David Patterson, died in 1852, Melvinia soon found herself on a 200-acre farm with new masters, Mr. Patterson’s daughter and son-in law, Christianne and Henry Shields. It was a strange and unfamiliar world.

In South Carolina, she had lived on an estate with 21 slaves. In Georgia, she was one of only three slaves on property that is now part of a neat subdivision in Rex, near Atlanta.

Whether Melvinia labored in the house or in the fields, there was no shortage of work: wheat, corn, sweet potatoes and cotton to plant and harvest, and 3 horses, 5 cows, 17 pigs and 20 sheep to care for, according to an 1860 agricultural survey.

It is difficult to say who might have impregnated Melvinia, who gave birth to Dolphus around 1859, when she was perhaps as young as 15. At the time, Henry Shields was in his late 40s and had four sons ages 19 to 24, but other men may have spent time on the farm.

“No one should be surprised anymore to hear about the number of rapes and the amount of sexual exploitation that took place under slavery; it was an everyday experience, “ said Jason A. Gillmer, a law professor at Texas Wesleyan University, who has researched liaisons between slave owners and slaves. “But we do find that some of these relationships can be very complex.”

In 1870, three of Melvinia’s four children, including Dolphus, were listed on the census as mulatto. One was born four years after emancipation, suggesting that the liaison that produced those children endured after slavery. She gave her children the Shields name, which may have hinted at their paternity or simply been the custom of former slaves taking their master’s surnames.

Even after she was freed, Melvinia stayed put, working as a farm laborer on land adjacent to that of Charles Shields, one of Henry’s sons.

But sometime in her 30s or 40s, census records show, Melvinia broke away and managed to reunite with former slaves from her childhood on the Patterson estate: Mariah and Bolus Easley, who settled with Melvinia in Bartow County, near the Alabama border. Dolphus married one of the Easleys’ daughters, Alice, who is Mrs. Obama’s great-great-grandmother.

A community “that had been ripped apart was somehow pulling itself back together,” Ms. Smolenyak said of the group in Bartow County.

Still, Melvinia appears to have lived with the unresolved legacy of her childhood in slavery until the very end. Her 1938 death certificate, signed by a relative, says “don’t know” in the space for the names of her parents, suggesting that Melvinia, then in her 90s, may never have known herself.

Sometime before 1888, Dolphus and Alice Shields continued the migration, heading to Birmingham, a boomtown with a rumbling railroad, an iron and steel industry and factories that attracted former slaves and their children from across the South.

Dolphus Shields was in his 30s and very light skinned — some say he looked like a white man — a church-going carpenter who could read, write and advance in an industrializing town. By 1900, he owned his own home, census records show. By 1911, he had opened his own carpentry and tool sharpening business.

A co-founder of First Ebenezer Baptist Church and Trinity Baptist Church, which later became active in the civil rights movement, he supervised Sunday schools at both churches, which still exist today, and at Regular Missionary Baptist Church.

“He was the dean of the deacons in Birmingham,” said Helen Heath, 88, who attended church with him. “He was a serious man. He was about business.”

He carried his family into the working-class, moving into a segregated neighborhood of striving black homeowners and renters. In his home, there was no smoking, no cursing, no gum chewing, no lipstick or trousers for ladies and absolutely no blues on the radio, which was reserved for hymns, remembered Bobbie Holt, 73, who was raised by Mr. Shields and his fourth wife, Lucy. She said the family went to church “every night of the week, it seemed like.”

He carried peppermints for neighborhood children, Mrs. Holt said, and told funny stories about his escapades as a boy. But his family struggled.

His first wife, Alice Easley Shields, moved around after they split up, working as a seamstress and a maid, and two of their sons stumbled.

Robert Lee Shields, Mrs. Obama’s great-grandfather, married Annie Lawson in 1906 and worked as a laborer and a railroad porter but disappeared from the public record sometime around his 32nd birthday.

Willie Arthur Shields, an inventor who obtained patents for improving dry cleaning operations, ended up working as a maintenance man, Mrs. Holt said.

As for his ancestry, Dolphus Shields didn’t talk about it.

“We got to the place where we didn’t want anybody to know we knew slaves; people didn’t want to talk about that,” said Mrs. Heath, who said she assumed he had white relatives because his skin color and hair texture “told you he had to be near white.”

At a time when blacks despaired at the intransigence and violence of whites who barred them from voting, from most city jobs, from whites-only restaurants and from owning property in white neighborhoods, Dolphus Shields served as a rare link between the deeply divided communities.

His carpentry shop stood in the white section of town, and he mixed easily and often with whites. “They would come to his shop and sit and talk,” Mrs. Holt said.

Dolphus Shields firmly believed race relations would improve. “It’s going to come together one day,” he often said, Mrs. Holt recalled.

By the time he died in 1950 at age 91, change was on the way. On June 9, 1950, the day that his obituary appeared on the front page of The Birmingham World, the black newspaper also ran a banner headline that read, “U.S. Court Bans Segregation in Diners and Higher Education.” The Supreme Court had outlawed separate but equal accommodations on railway cars and in universities in Texas and Oklahoma.

Up North, his grandson, a painter named Purnell Shields, Mrs. Obama’s grandfather, was positioning his family to seize the widening opportunities in Chicago.

But as his descendants moved forward, they lost touch with the past. Today, Dolphus Shields lies in a neglected black cemetery, where patches of grass grow knee-high and many tombstones have toppled.

Mrs. Holt, a retired nursing assistant, said he came to her in a dream last month. She dug up his photograph, never guessing that she would soon learn that Dolphus Shields was a great-great-grandfather of the first lady.

“Oh, my God,” said Mrs. Holt, gasping at the news. “I always looked up to him, but I would never have imagined something like this. Praise God, we’ve come a long way.”

Jim Sherling contributed reporting from Rex, Ga. Kitty Bennett contributed research.
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Aug 10, 2009

Bangladesh: The Modern Face of Slavery | Economy Governance

DHAKA, 7 August 2009 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people are working as bonded labourers in rural Bangladesh, say activists. Even though it is illegal, entire families, including children, are bonded to their employers while they struggle to pay back loans.

"Thousands of children are being forced into bonded labour every day because of poverty and their parents' unemployment," Sumaiya Khair, a human rights activist and researcher into child labour in Dhaka, the capital, told IRIN.

"The biggest tragedy is that it all seems to go unnoticed," she said.

According to
Anti-Slavery International, bonded labour - or debt bondage - is probably the least-known form of slavery and yet the most widely used method of enslaving people.

Although proscribed by international law, millions worldwide are affected, particularly in South Asia, including India, Pakistan and Nepal.

"Forced labour is the antithesis of decent work," ILO Director-General Juan Somavia said earlier this year. "It causes untold human suffering and steals from its victims. Modern forced labour can be eradicated, providing there is a sustained commitment by the international community, working together with government, employers, workers and civil society."

The face of slavery

Although rare in urban Bangladesh, bonded labour is common in rural areas.

Unlike in cities where workers are paid a daily or fixed wage, the rural workforce mostly has to make verbal arrangements for wages, which are often manipulated by unscrupulous landlords and loan sharks, known as Mahajan.

Still another way to become bonded is being forced to take out a loan due to a temporary financial crisis, often caused or aggravated by a poor harvest or family emergency.

Once bonded, the labourer is then forced to work long hours for little or no pay, often seven days a week.

Many, mostly women and children, end up as domestic servants, working in conditions that resemble servitude. Many suffer physical abuse, sometimes resulting in death, activists say.

"Domestic servants, especially the women and children, are often exposed to inhuman treatment. Few, if any, are concerned with this matter unless a tragedy like a death by torture becomes public," Nazma Ara Begum, director of the Family Planning Association of Bangladesh (
FPAB), an NGO that also works with victims of domestic torture, told IRIN.

Legislation

In 1972, Bangladesh ratified both ILO Convention No. 29 (1930), the Forced Labour Convention and ILO Convention No. 105 (1957), the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention.

The law prohibits forced or bonded labour and the Factories Act and Shops and Establishments Act provide for inspection mechanisms to strengthen laws against forced labour.

"Forced labour has been present in Bangladesh for centuries. After the liberation of Bangladesh, it changed its form and has taken the new face of various 'contracts' associated with loans taken by poor farmers from the usurers," Mohamad Abul Quasem, founder of the human rights related NGO Uddyam and member of the Bangladesh Red Crescent Society, said.

Human trafficking

Bangladesh prohibits trafficking in persons under the Repression of Women and Children Act of 2000 (amended in 2003); however, there is extensive trafficking in women and children, primarily to India, Pakistan, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and within the country, mainly for prostitution and in some instances for labour servitude.

The exact number of women and children trafficked is unknown.

In 2008, the government created a 12-member anti-trafficking investigative unit that complements the existing anti-trafficking police unit.

Last year, 231 victims of trafficking were rescued and 34 offenders convicted, of whom 26 were sentenced to life imprisonment.

In addition, Bangladeshi men and women migrating to the Middle East and elsewhere for work often face bonded labour as a result of fraud or illegal fees demanded by recruitment agents.

"It is regrettable how crooked recruitment agencies often lure young men to their doom with false promises of jobs. The victims are often unable to contact their loved ones and remain stranded in foreign lands without decent payment and [in] inhuman living conditions. This is the modern face of slavery," Motasim Billah, a manpower consultant, told IRIN.

ao/ds/mw

Jul 25, 2009

Mauritanian Political Landscape Changed after Presidential Election



25 July 2009


Voters outside Maurtiania's capital wait to cast their ballots in an election meant to restore constitutional rule following last year's coup, 18 Jul 2009
Voters outside Maurtiania's capital wait to cast their ballots in an election meant to restore constitutional rule following last year's coup, 18 Jul 2009
Mauritania's National Assembly President Messaoud Ould Boulkheir did not win the recent presidential election, but he did not exactly lose either. As the new de-facto leader of the opposition, he will have a tough time luring support away from the former general who led a coup against the country's first freely elected leader and went on to win the recent presidential election.

Boulkheir garnered more votes than long-time opposition leader Ahmed Ould Daddah, who was competing in his last presidential race. Under Mauritanian electoral law, Daddah will be too old to run in the next election.

But with just over 16 percent of the vote, Boulkheir was far behind former general Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, who won more than 50 percent of the vote in a field of nine candidates, making a second round unnecessary. The two opposition leaders had vowed to support each other if the vote had gone to a second round. While the opposition claimed the election was fraudulent, Mauritania's Constitutional Council validated the results, and observers from the African Union and the Arab League say the vote was fair.

Boulkheir will have a tough challenge if he hopes to lead the opposition to victory in the next presidential election.

Boulkheir gained respect from the international community for his steadfast opposition to last August's coup and his role in negotiating the Dakar accord that paved the way for the election. During the campaign, he pledged to combat voter fraud in a spirit of non-violence and democracy.

"We will go through democratic channels and protest democratically. If we encounter violence, we are ready to suffer that violence," he says. "We are ready to die for our convictions."

Born to slave parents, the 66-year-old politician rose through the ranks of civil service to become head of his party, president of the National Assembly and a crusader in the fight to end slavery in Mauritania. His slave mother was almost beaten to death by her master, before French authorities intervened and helped the family escape to freedom.

Though slavery was abolished in 1980, many say it is still practiced in the more traditional, far-flung regions of the country. Boulkheir had vowed that, if elected, he would bring existing slave holders to justice.

Though he had finished fourth in two previous presidential elections, opposition to the coup expanded his traditional support base from his fellow Haratines, or former slaves, to the country's white Arab and black African populations, making him a major contender in this race.

On the last day of campaigning, Boulkheir held a large rally in Nouakchott, the capital, bringing together his long-time supporters and those who had recently joined his camp.

This supporter said Boulkheir could be the president of all Mauritanians, the president who could bring progress to the country. "He's the Mauritanian Obama," she said, referring to the U.S. president. She said Boulkheir was the candidate of change, peace and national unity.

So, why didn't Boulkheir do better in the election?

Political analyst Mohamed Vall Ould Oumer says that, in reaching out to broaden his base, Boulkheir lost his traditional supporters, the more than half a million former slaves who make up one fifth of the country's population.

Oumer says that Boulkheir ignored everyday concerns like food prices, wastefulness and the redistribution of wealth. Oumer says that, in response to Abdel Aziz' claim that he was the "President of the Poor," Boulkheir said he was the president of the rich and the poor. That was a trap, Oumer says, and Messoud fell into it.

Oumer says the only card Boulkheir has left to play is the threat he could pose in the next presidential election by rebuilding his base and championing democratic change.