Showing posts with label State Department. Show all posts
Showing posts with label State Department. Show all posts

Jun 14, 2010

Trafficking in Persons Report 2009

Trafficking in Persons Report 2009

Date: 06/16/2009 Description:  Trafficking In Persons Report 2009 cover. © State Dept Image

Secretary Clinton (June 16, 2009): "The ninth annual Trafficking in Persons Report sheds light on the faces of modern-day slavery and on new facets of this global problem. The human trafficking phenomenon affects virtually every country, including the United States. In acknowledging America’s own struggle with modern-day slavery and slavery-related practices, we offer partnership. We call on every government to join us in working to build consensus and leverage resources to eliminate all forms of human trafficking." -Full Text

Date: 06/16/2009 Description: Secretary  Clinton holds copies of the 2009 Trafficking in Persons Report and the  Attorney General's Annual Report to Congress and Assessment of U.S.  Government Activities to Combat Trafficking in Persons as she gives  remarks at the release of the report. © State Dept Image-Secretary's Op-Ed: Partnering Against Trafficking
-Ambassador CdeBaca's Remarks and Foreign Press Center Briefing
-Fact Sheet: Trafficking in Persons: Coercion in a Time of Economic Crisis
-Photo Gallery from the Report release.

The Report
The report is available in HTML format (below) and in PDF format as a single file [PDF: 22 MBGet Adobe Acrobat Reader]. Due to its large size, the PDF has been separated into sections for easier download: Introduction; Country Narratives: A-C, D-K, L-P, Q-Z/Special Cases; Relevant International Conventions. To view the PDF file, you will need to download, at no cost, the Adobe Acrobat Reader.

-Letter from Secretary
-Letter from Ambassador Luis CdeBaca
-Introduction
-Major Forms of Trafficking in Persons
-The Three P's: Punishment, Protection, Prevention
-Financial Crisis and Human Trafficking
-Topics of Special Interest
-Victims' Stories
-Global Law Enforcement Data
-Commendable Intiatives Around the World
-2009 TIP Report Heroes
-Tier Placements
-Maps
-U.S. Government Domestic Anti-Trafficking Efforts
-Country Narratives
-Country Narratives -- Countries A Through C
-Country Narratives -- Countries D Through K
-Country Narratives -- Countries L Through P
-Country Narratives -- Countries Q Through Z
-Special Cases
-Relevant International Conventions
-Trafficking Victims Protection Act: Minimum Standards for the Elimination of Trafficking in Persons
-Stopping Human Trafficking, Sexual Exploitation, and Abuse by International Peacekeepers
-Glossary of Acronyms
-PDF Version: Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2009 [22488 Kb]
-Introduction (PDF) [5492 Kb]
-Country Narratives: A-C (PDF) [4074 Kb]
-Country Narratives: D-K (PDF) [3889 Kb]
-Country Narratives: L-P (PDF) [4036 Kb]
-Country Narratives: Q-Z and Special Cases (PDF) [4012 Kb]
-Relevant International Conventions (PDF) [991 Kb]

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May 18, 2010

How the U.S. Engages the World with Social Media

State Department Social Media LogoThe perception of the U.S. abroad varies widely, and is subject to many forces, including world events, media coverage, policy changes, and presidential administrations. In response, the U.S. State Department, America’s public relations branch, has been charged with the difficult task of engaging in the dialogue surrounding the controversial policies discussed in almost every corner of the world.

Social media has proven to be a valuable tool in this regard, and the State Department has made impressive gains in their mission to turn conflict into conversation. Cabinet officials, foreign dignitaries, and embassies are experimenting with ways to inject America’s voice into the global chatter. Some of their experiments are paying dividends that few expected. Here’s a look at some of these efforts.


Social Media Can Bridge the “Last Three Feet”


President Barack Obama garners an enormous response when he solicits the country’s opinion online, as when he circumvented the White House press corps with YouTube-submitted questions this past February — an effort that received over 11,000 responses.

But when Obama fields Internet () questions from local residents during an overseas trip, the numbers are staggering — a whopping 17,000 responses during a visit to Ghana, and an astounding 250,000 in South Africa (though some responses did come from outside Africa). Given the relatively smaller population and shallow Internet penetration, these numbers speak volumes about the world’s web-based engagement with U.S. leaders.

Obama’s responses alone, just out of sheer publicity, may have some positive impact on foreign attitudes. But, for Bill May, Director of the State Department’s Office of Innovative Engagement (i.e. social media), being at the epicenter of online chatter is what he thinks of as the “new version of the last three feet.”

May was invoking Edward R. Murrow’s famous public diplomacy strategy where he wrote, “The real crucial link in the international exchange is the last three feet, which is bridged by personal contact, one person talking to another.” In public diplomacy, there are a latent number of people throughout the world who will befriend America’s vision after a thorough conversation. The reverberation of Obama’s message, coupled with the hyper-local follow-ups from America’s Embassies, can reach more of those hidden friends than ever before.

Indeed, when Elizabeth Tradeau of the U.S. Embassy in Pretoria tweeted, “South Africa, what’s the impact of new media in your view of America?” there was a mix of negative and positive comments. But, one in particular seemed to prove May’s point:

South Africa Tweet

America is Fun


Jakarta Facebook Image

For every serious news or political blog, there are likely twice as many dedicated to sex, drugs, or rock n’ roll. And when Bill Clinton pioneered a youth outreach strategy answering questions from MTV fans, it was the infamous “boxers or briefs” question that garnered him the most attention. In the end, entertainment is just so much more appealing.

Seizing on this strategy, the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia has seen Facebook () fan growth of jaw-dropping proportions — an increase from 36,000 to 120,000 in roughly one month. On a single Facebook post, the embassy often receives between 700 to 1,000 comments (that’s about 10 times more comments than The Huffington Post). This is especially astonishing when you consider that less than 10% of Indonesia’s population even uses Facebook.

So, what’s their winning strategy? Simple social games, where users can dress up Barack Obama in local garb and share the creation with friends, or suggest what Obama should eat during his next visit.

While the U.S. Embassy in Indonesia does delve into some culturally thorny issues, foreign diplomat Tristram Perry admits that Facebook is “not a good venue for hard policy topics.” Instead, he says “we make our Facebook fun. Jazz, technology, tourism — we have a fascinating history. There’s lots about it that people admire.”

The embassy saw huge traffic from an essay contest to win a trip to “Barack Obama’s America” (Hawaii and Chicago), where winners will blog about their tour for what will surely be a stadium’s worth of jealous peers back home.


Education


Many of the messages texted to President Obama plead for “not a hand out, but a hand up,” says Trudeau of the South Africans she speaks with. Centuries of colonization, war, and resource scarcity have paralyzed innovation in many parts of the world. To jump-start the economy, the U.S. helps plant what is seen as the seed of technological innovation: Education.

For instance, in the humble rural township of Mamelodi, just outside Pretoria, the Embassy provides technological and scientific literacy to disadvantaged children. In the Mae Jemison reading room, which is named after the first female African-American astronaut, children are “introduced to the Internet,” says Trudeau. She tells them, “This is how you use Google (); this is how you get an e-mail account,” and my personal favorite as a writing teacher, “don’t use Wikipedia () as a source.” The students’ curiosity is limitless. During class, Trudeau observes that students bunch up by computers “six-deep” in line “looking, exploring,” and are eager to learn more.

The current business culture in South Africa points to some promising returns on this educational investment. “It’s like being in Silicon [Valley] or San Francisco in 2004 with Biz Stone and all of his friends,” said one visiting American at a local technology conference, as recounted by Trudeau. “It’s journalists, it’s editors, it’s tech entrepreneurs … they all use Twitter () to connect. It’s a very interconnected, very engaged community,” Trudeau notes.


Media Outreach


Dipnote Image

The State Department has taken to providing timely information on crises and policy via social networks. During an attempted coup in Madagascar, a rumor began circulating that the threatened president was seeking refuge in the U.S. Embassy. After refuting the rumors themselves, the State Department tweeted out the correct information, “and immediately we started getting retweets and people saying ‘thanks for the correction,’” notes Daniel Schaub, Director of Digital Communications for the State Department. “And, then within probably an hour or so, the traditional media had caught it,” helping to blanket the spreading fire of a rumor that “could potentially put embassy staff at risk.”

Moreover, Schaub’s department manages Secretary Hillary Clinton’s blog, Dipnote, which provides rich context for otherwise curt policy pronouncements. Dipnote is now cited by news organizations such as the Associated Press and The New York Times for detailed explanations of Department policy and procedure.

The importance of this supplementary information should not be underestimated. A recent study suggests that the clarity of White House rhetoric can impact the political world. “If the president is able to define an intervention in simple, compelling terms, he is likely to get considerably more support from the public,” says Associate Professor Cooper Drury, editor-in-chief of Foreign Policy Analysis.


Conclusion


Every single Department official I spoke with admitted that the era of one-way broadcasting is dying. The ubiquity of mobile and social technologies means the U.S. must now have an ear as well as a voice. It seems like an unprecedented opportunity to open a dialogue with people and communities all over the world who would otherwise be isolated.

It should be noted that members of the State Department often disagree with their bosses on best practices. But, they also understand that conversation, even in 140 characters, may one day mean the difference between conflict and peace.

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Apr 8, 2010

Language proficiency is Foreign Service's 'greatest challenge,' Negroponte says

Seal of the United States Department of State.Image via Wikipedia

By Joe Davidson
Thursday, April 8, 2010; B03

The site at 21st and E streets NW once was a favorite watering hole for State Department employees seeking something harder than the soft drinks offered in the agency's cafeteria.

Workers from State still meet at that location, presumably for more lofty deliberations than those found in most saloons. The American Foreign Service Association owned the Foreign Service Club, but decided to get out of the restaurant and bar business years ago. In that recently renovated space it sponsored a sober discussion Wednesday on challenges facing Foreign Service officers. AFSA did offer chocolates wrapped in the association's shield, but without booze to loosen up the dialogue, it might have been a far cry from the joint's livelier days.

The forum's main attraction was John Negroponte, who has served, sometimes in a storm of controversy, in a wide variety of foreign policy positions, including as the nation's first director of national intelligence. But neither foreign policy nor his controversies were on the minds of those who gathered to hear his take on some of the challenges they face as Foreign Service officers.

Although the quantity of State Department and Agency for International Development officers has increased steadily in recent years, serious gaps in their number and foreign language proficiency remain.

The "greatest challenge," according to Negroponte, is the need for officers who can speak the languages of the world.

"There is no substitute," said the multilingual Negroponte, "for recruiting, training, deploying, retaining and retraining," officers in languages and geography so they "develop the contacts, the knowledge, the insight, the local and area expertise" needed to help develop America's foreign policy.

The Letter WriterImage by rita banerji via Flickr

But State isn't meeting that challenge well enough, according to the Government Accountability Office. In September, it said the department needs a comprehensive plan to address "persistent foreign language shortfalls."

According to the GAO, whose study was current as of October 2008, there are "notable gaps" in State's foreign language capabilities that "could hinder U.S. overseas operations."

Worse yet, some of those gaps are in super-critical countries such as Afghanistan and Iraq.

Nearly one-third "of officers in all worldwide language-designated positions did not meet both the foreign language speaking and reading proficiency requirements for their positions, up slightly from 29 percent in 2005," the GAO reported. About 40 percent of officers in the Near East, South and Central Asia, China and places where Arabic is spoken are language-deficient.

As bad as the numbers are in those countries, the language skill set there is better than in America's war zones. In Iraq, 57 percent of Foreign Service officers lack sufficient language skills. Afghanistan trails far behind, with 73 percent unable to directly communicate with the country's people.

State Department officials told the GAO that the language gap could begin to close next year if it gets requested funding, but they did not say when they expect the language staffing requirements to be fully met.

But the GAO also reported that Foreign Service officers have a different take on the problem.

"Another challenge is the widely held perception among Foreign Service officers that State's promotion system does not consider time spent in language training when evaluating officers for promotion, which may discourage officers from investing the time required to achieve proficiency in certain languages," the report said. "Although HR officials dispute this perception, the department has not conducted a statistically significant assessment of the impact of language training on promotions."

The second challenge cited by Negroponte is the need for State to provide a mix of policies and incentives "in order to optimize the deployment of officers and their families for a substantial majority of their careers."

Last year, President Obama took an important step in making international postings more attractive when he signed legislation that begins to close a pay gap for Foreign Service officers, who do not get locality pay as do other federal employees.

Without that law, Negroponte said, there was a "perverse incentive" for Foreign Service officers to serve in the United States. He advocated greater employment opportunities for spouses of officers abroad -- "that effort has faltered at various times" -- and a reduction in postings to which officers can't take their families. At least, he said, State should "find ways of compensating for that problem."

In another report, the GAO said, "State uses a range of incentives to staff hardship posts, but their effectiveness remains unclear." Despite some progress, the GAO said persistent staffing gaps continue to be a problem.

The GAO made clear to Congress the stark result of these deficiencies: "State's diplomatic readiness remains at risk."

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Mar 11, 2010

US State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2009

KABO, CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC - DECEMBER 16: ...Image by Getty Images via Daylife

Front Matter
-03/11/10
Preface
-03/11/10 Overview and Acknowledgements
-03/11/10 Introduction

Africa
-03/11/10 Angola
-03/11/10 Benin
-03/11/10 Botswana
-03/11/10 Burkina Faso
-03/11/10 Burundi
-03/11/10 Cameroon
-03/11/10 Cape Verde
-03/11/10 Central African Republic
-03/11/10 Chad
-03/11/10 Comoros
-03/11/10 Congo, Democratic Republic of the
-03/11/10 Congo, Republic of the
-03/11/10 Cote d'Ivoire
-03/11/10 Djibouti
-03/11/10 Equatorial Guinea
-03/11/10 Eritrea
-03/11/10 Ethiopia
-03/11/10 Gabon
-03/11/10 Gambia, The
-03/11/10 Ghana
-03/11/10 Guinea
-03/11/10 Guinea-Bissau
-03/11/10 Kenya
-03/11/10 Lesotho
-03/11/10 Liberia
-03/11/10 Madagascar
-03/11/10 Malawi
-03/11/10 Mali
-03/11/10 Mauritania
-03/11/10 Mauritius
-03/11/10 Mozambique
-03/11/10 Namibia
-03/11/10 Niger
-03/11/10 Nigeria
-03/11/10 Rwanda
-03/11/10 Sao Tome and Principe
-03/11/10 Senegal
-03/11/10 Seychelles
-03/11/10 Sierra Leone
-03/11/10 Somalia
-03/11/10 South Africa
-03/11/10 Sudan
-03/11/10 Swaziland
-03/11/10 Tanzania
-03/11/10 Togo
-03/11/10 Uganda
-03/11/10 Zambia
-03/11/10 Zimbabwe

East Asia and the Pacific
-03/11/10 Australia
-03/11/10 Brunei Darussalam
-03/11/10 Burma
-03/11/10 Cambodia
-03/11/10 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau)
-03/11/10 Taiwan
-03/11/10 Fiji
-03/11/10 Indonesia
-03/11/10 Japan
-03/11/10 Kiribati
-03/11/10 Korea, Democratic People's Republic of
-03/11/10 Korea, Republic of
-03/11/10 Laos
-03/11/10 Malaysia
-03/11/10 Marshall Islands
-03/11/10 Micronesia, Federated States of
-03/11/10 Mongolia
-03/11/10 Nauru
-03/11/10 New Zealand
-03/11/10 Palau
-03/11/10 Papua New Guinea
-03/11/10 Philippines
-03/11/10 Samoa
-03/11/10 Singapore
-03/11/10 Solomon Islands
-03/11/10 Thailand
-03/11/10 Timor-Leste
-03/11/10 Tonga
-03/11/10 Tuvalu
-03/11/10 Vanuatu
-03/11/10 Vietnam

Europe and Eurasia
-03/11/10 Albania
-03/11/10 Andorra
-03/11/10 Armenia
-03/11/10 Austria
-03/11/10 Azerbaijan
-03/11/10 Belarus
-03/11/10 Belgium
-03/11/10 Bosnia and Herzegovina
-03/11/10 Bulgaria
-03/11/10 Croatia
-03/11/10 Cyprus
-03/11/10 Czech Republic
-03/11/10 Denmark
-03/11/10 Estonia
-03/11/10 Finland
-03/11/10 France
-03/11/10 Georgia
-03/11/10 Germany
-03/11/10 Greece
-03/11/10 Hungary
-03/11/10 Iceland
-03/11/10 Ireland
-03/11/10 Italy
-03/11/10 Kosovo
-03/11/10 Latvia
-03/11/10 Liechtenstein
-03/11/10 Lithuania
-03/11/10 Luxembourg
-03/11/10 Macedonia
-03/11/10 Malta
-03/11/10 Moldova
-03/11/10 Monaco
-03/11/10 Montenegro
-03/11/10 Netherlands
-03/11/10 Norway
-03/11/10 Poland
-03/11/10 Portugal
-03/11/10 Romania
-03/11/10 Russia
-03/11/10 San Marino
-03/11/10 Serbia
-03/11/10 Slovakia
-03/11/10 Slovenia
-03/11/10 Spain
-03/11/10 Sweden
-03/11/10 Switzerland
-03/11/10 Turkey
-03/11/10 Ukraine
-03/11/10 United Kingdom

Near East and North Africa
-03/11/10 Algeria
-03/11/10 Bahrain
-03/11/10 Egypt
-03/11/10 Iran
-03/11/10 Iraq
-03/11/10 Israel and the occupied territories
-03/11/10 Jordan
-03/11/10 Kuwait
-03/11/10 Lebanon
-03/11/10 Libya
-03/11/10 Morocco
-03/11/10 Western Sahara
-03/11/10 Oman
-03/11/10 Qatar
-03/11/10 Saudi Arabia
-03/11/10 Syria
-03/11/10 Tunisia
-03/11/10 United Arab Emirates
-03/11/10 Yemen

South and Central Asia
-03/11/10 Afghanistan
-03/11/10 Bangladesh
-03/11/10 Bhutan
-03/11/10 India
-03/11/10 Kazakhstan
-03/11/10 Kyrgyz Republic
-03/11/10 Maldives
-03/11/10 Nepal
-03/11/10 Pakistan
-03/11/10 Sri Lanka
-03/11/10 Tajikistan
-03/11/10 Turkmenistan
-03/11/10 Uzbekistan

Western Hemisphere
-03/11/10 Antigua and Barbuda
-03/11/10 Argentina
-03/11/10 Bahamas, The
-03/11/10 Barbados
-03/11/10 Belize
-03/11/10 Bolivia
-03/11/10 Brazil
-03/11/10 Canada
-03/11/10 Chile
-03/11/10 Colombia
-03/11/10 Costa Rica
-03/11/10 Cuba
-03/11/10 Dominica
-03/11/10 Dominican Republic
-03/11/10 Ecuador
-03/11/10 El Salvador
-03/11/10 Grenada
-03/11/10 Guatemala
-03/11/10 Guyana
-03/11/10 Haiti
-03/11/10 Honduras
-03/11/10 Jamaica
-03/11/10 Mexico
-03/11/10 Nicaragua
-03/11/10 Panama
-03/11/10 Paraguay
-03/11/10 Peru
-03/11/10 Saint Kitts and Nevis
-03/11/10 Saint Lucia
-03/11/10 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
-03/11/10 Suriname
-03/11/10 Trinidad and Tobago
-03/11/10 Uruguay
-03/11/10 Venezuela

Appendices
-03/11/10 Appendix A: Notes on Preparation of Report
-03/11/10 Appendix B: Reporting on Worker Rights
-03/11/10 Appendix C: Selected International Human Rights Conventions [1187 Kb]
-03/11/10 Appendix D: Description of International Human Rights Conventions in Appendix C
-03/11/10 Appendix E: FY 2009 Foreign Assistance Actuals [581 Kb]
-03/11/10 Appendix F: UN General Assembly's Third Committee Country Resolution Votes 2009 [253 Kb]
-03/11/10 Appendix G: United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Related Material
-03/11/10 Remarks to the Press on the Release of the 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices; Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton; Washington, DC
-03/02/10 2009 Human Rights Report; Acting Assistant Secretary Karen Stewart, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor; Washington, DC
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Dec 24, 2009

Little word from U.S. on Nyi Nyi Aung, jailed in Burma

Amnesty International Burma Political Prisoner...Image by totaloutnow via Flickr

By Glenn Kessler
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, December 24, 2009; A07

After his arrest in September, the American was held for 17 days in a dank Burmese jail and denied food, medical treatment, sleep and the chance to speak with a U.S. government official. Even after he finally met with a representative from the U.S. Embassy, the American was transferred to solitary confinement in a cell for military dogs.

But the harsh treatment on what advocates say are trumped up charges has barely merited a peep from the Obama administration.

Nyi Nyi Aung, a Montgomery Village resident and Burmese democracy advocate who has traveled there often, appears to be politically inconvenient for both the United States and the Burmese military dictatorship at a moment when the two countries have taken tentative steps toward engagement after years of stormy antagonism.

"It is shocking to me that an American citizen has been treated this way and higher U.S. officials are silent on that," said Wa Wa Kyaw, Nyi Nyi's fiancee and also a U.S. citizen and Maryland resident. "It will let the generals think, 'We can do whatever we want, even torture and inhumane treatment of a U.S. citizen,' because America wants to do the engagement policy."

In one apparent concession to American sensitivities, the Burmese government in October abruptly dropped charges of instigating unrest in concert with pro-democracy groups. Instead, it accused Nyi Nyi of purely criminal acts -- allegedly possessing a forged Burmese identification document and failing to declare U.S. currency totaling more than $2,000. His lawyers say he is innocent of both offenses; they note that he appears to have been seized by authorities before he even made it through customs, where he would have had to declare the currency.

Officials at the Burmese Embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment.

Burma, also known as Myanmar, is regarded as one of the world's most oppressive nations, ruled by generals who have enriched themselves while much of the country remains desperately poor. The National League for Democracy, the party of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide electoral victory in 1990, but the military leadership refused to accept it. Since then, she has been under house arrest for most of the time, as have hundreds of her supporters.

The 40-year-old Nyi Nyi was one of the leading organizers of demonstrations against the junta in 1988 and fled the country after a violent crackdown, eventually settling in the United States as a political refugee in 1993. He became a U.S. citizen in 2002 and earned a college degree in computer science, but he also remained deeply involved in Burmese democracy efforts.

Wa Wa said that her fiancee managed to often travel to Burma to visit his family and work with the Burmese underground because his U.S. passport is in his legal name, Kyaw Zaw Lwin. In his professional and personal lives in the United States, he has used Nyi Nyi Aung -- an amalgam of a childhood nickname and his father's first name -- and for years the Burmese government never made the connection.

But last summer Nyi Nyi's profile was raised when he helped deliver a petition to senior United Nations officials with 680,000 signatures calling for the release of all political prisoners in Burma.

Wa Wa, who has lived with Nyi Nyi since 2005, also has secretly traveled back to Burma even though she is a political refugee. "We have taken the risk because we want to organize and train the new generation for democracy and freedom," she said.

Nyi Nyi's mother and sister are serving prison sentences of five years and 65 years, respectively, for their involvement in 2007 anti-government demonstrations known as the "Saffron Revolution." Wa Wa said that he tried to enter the country again in part to see his ailing mother. But he appears to have been seized as soon as he landed at the airport in September.

Nyi Nyi's treatment in prison has attracted worldwide attention, with both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International issuing statements on his case. Fifty-three members of the House of Representatives, including House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard L. Berman (D-Calif.), sent a letter last week to Senior Gen. Than Shwe calling for Nyi Nyi's immediate release and return to the United States.

On Nov. 6, Sen. Barbara Milkulski (D-Md.) sent Wa Wa a letter saying she had asked Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton to condemn the detention in the "strongest terms possible." But Clinton -- who over the summer called for the release of another American, John Yettaw -- has been silent. Yettaw, who was tried for entering Aung San Suu Kyi's compound, eventually was freed through the intervention of Sen. James Webb (D-Va.), when he traveled to Burma and met with senior leaders in August.

Sources also said that Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell did not raise the case when he met with senior Burmese officials in a rare high-level visit to Burma last month, though it has been raised at lower levels. Jared Gensler, a Washington lawyer who is assisting Wa Wa, said Westerners put on trial in Burma are usually treated well and then deported, but Nyi Nyi appears to be the first American of Burmese descent on trial, which might account for the rough treatment.

State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said the department is handling the case as it would for any American citizen. "Embassy representatives have monitored his court appearances and been able to talk with him in that setting," he said. "We continue to press the Burmese government for ongoing consular access as required by the Vienna Convention so that we can ensure that he is treated appropriately."

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Dec 23, 2009

Report Says Afghan Anti-Drug Effort Lacks Strategy

Opium PoppiesImage by ChuckHolton via Flickr

WASHINGTON — The United States-led counternarcotics effort in Afghanistan, which is critical to hopes of cutting off the flow of money to the Taliban and curtailing rampant corruption in the central government, lacks a long-term strategy, clear objectives and a plan for handing over responsibility to Afghans, the State Department inspector general said in a report issued Wednesday.

“The department has not clarified an end state for counternarcotics efforts, engaged in long-term planning, or established performance measures,” said the 63-page report, an audit of work done by the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.

Among other things, the report found that the military and civilian lacked clear delineation of roles; that civilian contracts for counternarcotics work were poorly written and supervised from thousands of miles and many time zones away; and that the United States embassies in Afghanistan and Pakistan did not coordinate well on the problem.

The effectiveness of drug-control efforts is critical to President Obama plan for the Afghanistan war, which entails sending additional troops to Afghanistan.

The Taliban finance many of their operations through the illicit drug trade, forcing payments for the cultivation, processing and shipment of opium, and netting $70 million to $400 million a year, according to estimates from the U.S. Defense Department and the United Nations. Afghanistan produces roughly 90 percent of the world’s illicit opium.

The report calls it essential that the threat of eradicating that trade come from a force controlled by the Afghan government. But it adds that the State Department has no clear “strategy for transitioning and exiting from counternarcotics programs in Afghanistan.”

American officials have harshly criticized corruption in the government of President Hamid Karzai. Much of that, the officials say, has to do with officials’ enriching themselves from the flow of narcotics. Mr. Karzai has promised to prosecute people involved in the drug trade.

Despite what it says is a consensus that eradication of poppy crops is essential, the report notes that in midyear a decision was made to shift from eradication efforts to financing interdiction of drug traffickers.

While the United States military has begun engaging more heavily in counternarcotics efforts, the inspector general found that “there is no agreement on appropriate roles for either civilian agencies or the U.S. military.”

The report also found that while contractors performing counternarcotics work are generally meeting the terms of their contracts, those contracts are often “poorly written, with overly optimistic goals” and “vague performance measures.”

Partly because the United States Embassy in Kabul is shorthanded, there is no monitoring from inside the country of seven counternarcotics contracts valued at $1.8 billion, the report said. Instead, monitoring is conducted “many thousands of miles away in a different time zone.”

The report, initiated by the Middle East branch of the inspector general’s office, said coordination in the Kabul embassy of the various entities involved in antinarcotics efforts was “generally ad hoc and informal.”

Coordination between the American embassies in Kabul and Islamabad, it said, was “limited.”

It also listed the profound handicaps undercutting that effort, “including a weak justice system, corruption and the lack of political will” in the Afghan government, and the overpowering economic incentives that lead farmers to grow poppies.

Among other things, the report recommends setting “a defined end state” for counternarcotics programs; establishing benchmarks for the shift toward an Afghan takeover of those programs; and establishing in-country monitoring of contractors.

The report was based on meetings with embassy personnel in Kabul and Islamabad, visits to Kabul and four Afghan provinces, and meetings with United Nations, United States military and coalition government officials.

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Oct 27, 2009

U.S. official resigns over Afghan war - washingtonpost.com

A Useless DeathImage via Wikipedia

Foreign Service officer and former Marine captain says he no longer knows why his nation is fighting

By Karen DeYoung
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, October 27, 2009

When Matthew Hoh joined the Foreign Service early this year, he was exactly the kind of smart civil-military hybrid the administration was looking for to help expand its development efforts in Afghanistan.

A former Marine Corps captain with combat experience in Iraq, Hoh had also served in uniform at the Pentagon, and as a civilian in Iraq and at the State Department. By July, he was the senior U.S. civilian in Zabul province, a Taliban hotbed.

But last month, in a move that has sent ripples all the way to the White House, Hoh, 36, became the first U.S. official known to resign in protest over the Afghan war, which he had come to believe simply fueled the insurgency.

"I have lost understanding of and confidence in the strategic purposes of the United States' presence in Afghanistan," he wrote Sept. 10 in a four-page letter to the department's head of personnel. "I have doubts and reservations about our current strategy and planned future strategy, but my resignation is based not upon how we are pursuing this war, but why and to what end."

The reaction to Hoh's letter was immediate. Senior U.S. officials, concerned that they would lose an outstanding officer and perhaps gain a prominent critic, appealed to him to stay.

U.S. Ambassador Karl W. Eikenberry brought him to Kabul and offered him a job on his senior embassy staff. Hoh declined. From there, he was flown home for a face-to-face meeting with Richard C. Holbrooke, the administration's special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan.

"We took his letter very seriously, because he was a good officer," Holbrooke said in an interview. "We all thought that given how serious his letter was, how much commitment there was, and his prior track record, we should pay close attention to him."

While he did not share Hoh's view that the war "wasn't worth the fight," Holbrooke said, "I agreed with much of his analysis." He asked Hoh to join his team in Washington, saying that "if he really wanted to affect policy and help reduce the cost of the war on lives and treasure," why not be "inside the building, rather than outside, where you can get a lot of attention but you won't have the same political impact?"

Hoh accepted the argument and the job, but changed his mind a week later. "I recognize the career implications, but it wasn't the right thing to do," he said in an interview Friday, two days after his resignation became final.

"I'm not some peacenik, pot-smoking hippie who wants everyone to be in love," Hoh said. Although he said his time in Zabul was the "second-best job I've ever had," his dominant experience is from the Marines, where many of his closest friends still serve.

"There are plenty of dudes who need to be killed," he said of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. "I was never more happy than when our Iraq team whacked a bunch of guys."

But many Afghans, he wrote in his resignation letter, are fighting the United States largely because its troops are there -- a growing military presence in villages and valleys where outsiders, including other Afghans, are not welcome and where the corrupt, U.S.-backed national government is rejected. While the Taliban is a malign presence, and Pakistan-based al-Qaeda needs to be confronted, he said, the United States is asking its troops to die in Afghanistan for what is essentially a far-off civil war.

As the White House deliberates over whether to deploy more troops, Hoh said he decided to speak out publicly because "I want people in Iowa, people in Arkansas, people in Arizona, to call their congressman and say, 'Listen, I don't think this is right.' "

"I realize what I'm getting into . . . what people are going to say about me," he said. "I never thought I would be doing this."

'Uncommon bravery'

Hoh's journey -- from Marine, reconstruction expert and diplomat to war protester -- was not an easy one. Over the weeks he spent thinking about and drafting his resignation letter, he said, "I felt physically nauseous at times."

His first ambition in life was to become a firefighter, like his father. Instead, after graduation from Tufts University and a desk job at a publishing firm, he joined the Marines in 1998. After five years in Japan and at the Pentagon -- and at a point early in the Iraq war when it appeared to many in the military that the conflict was all but over -- he left the Marines to join the private sector, only to be recruited as a Defense Department civilian in Iraq. A trained combat engineer, he was sent to manage reconstruction efforts in Saddam Hussein's home town of Tikrit.

"At one point," Hoh said, "I employed up to 5,000 Iraqis" handing out tens of millions of dollars in cash to construct roads and mosques. His program was one of the few later praised as a success by the U.S. special inspector general for Iraq reconstruction.

In 2005, Hoh took a job with BearingPoint, a major technology and management contractor at the State Department, and was sent to the Iraq desk in Foggy Bottom. When the U.S. effort in Iraq began to turn south in early 2006, he was recalled to active duty from the reserves. He assumed command of a company in Anbar province, where Marines were dying by the dozens.

Hoh came home in the spring of 2007 with citations for what one Marine evaluator called "uncommon bravery," a recommendation for promotion, and what he later recognized was post-traumatic stress disorder. Of all the deaths he witnessed, the one that weighed most heavily on him happened in a helicopter crash in Anbar in December 2006. He and a friend, Maj. Joseph T. McCloud, were aboard when the aircraft fell into the rushing waters below Haditha dam. Hoh swam to shore, dropped his 90 pounds of gear and dived back in to try to save McCloud and three others he could hear calling for help.

He was a strong swimmer, he said, but by the time he reached them, "they were gone."

'You can't sleep'

It wasn't until his third month home, in an apartment in Arlington, that it hit him like a wave. "All the things you hear about how it comes over you, it really did. . . . You have dreams, you can't sleep. You're just, 'Why did I fail? Why didn't I save that man? Why are his kids growing up without a father?' "

Like many Marines in similar situations, he didn't seek help. "The only thing I did," Hoh said, "was drink myself blind."

What finally began to bring him back, he said, was a television show -- "Rescue Me" on the FX cable network -- about a fictional New York firefighter who descended into "survivor guilt" and alcoholism after losing his best friend in the World Trade Center attacks.

He began talking to friends and researching the subject online. He visited McCloud's family and "apologized to his wife . . . because I didn't do enough to save them," even though his rational side knew he had done everything he could.

Hoh represented the service at the funeral of a Marine from his company who committed suicide after returning from Iraq. "My God, I was so afraid they were going to be angry," he said of the man's family. "But they weren't. All they did was tell me how much he loved the Marine Corps."

"It's something I'll carry for the rest of my life," he said of his Iraq experiences. "But it's something I've settled, I've reconciled with."

Late last year, a friend told Hoh that the State Department was offering year-long renewable hires for Foreign Service officers in Afghanistan. It was a chance, he thought, to use the development skills he had learned in Tikrit under a fresh administration that promised a new strategy.

'Valley-ism'

In photographs he brought home from Afghanistan, Hoh appears as a tall young man in civilian clothes, with a neatly trimmed beard and a pristine flak jacket. He stands with Eikenberry, the ambassador, on visits to northern Kunar province and Zabul, in the south. He walks with Zabul Gov. Mohammed Ashraf Naseri, confers with U.S. military officers and sits at food-laden meeting tables with Afghan tribal leaders. In one picture, taken on a desolate stretch of desert on the Pakistani border, he poses next to a hand-painted sign in Pashto marking the frontier.

The border picture was taken in early summer, after he arrived in Zabul following two months in a civilian staff job at the military brigade headquarters in Jalalabad, in eastern Afghanistan. It was in Jalalabad that his doubts started to form.

Hoh was assigned to research the response to a question asked by Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, during an April visit. Mullen wanted to know why the U.S. military had been operating for years in the Korengal Valley, an isolated spot near Afghanistan's eastern border with Pakistan where a number of Americans had been killed. Hoh concluded that there was no good reason. The people of Korengal didn't want them; the insurgency appeared to have arrived in strength only after the Americans did, and the battle between the two forces had achieved only a bloody stalemate.

Korengal and other areas, he said, taught him "how localized the insurgency was. I didn't realize that a group in this valley here has no connection with an insurgent group two kilometers away." Hundreds, maybe thousands, of groups across Afghanistan, he decided, had few ideological ties to the Taliban but took its money to fight the foreign intruders and maintain their own local power bases.

"That's really what kind of shook me," he said. "I thought it was more nationalistic. But it's localism. I would call it valley-ism."

'Continued . . . assault'

Zabul is "one of the five or six provinces always vying for the most difficult and neglected," a State Department official said. Kandahar, the Taliban homeland, is to the southwest and Pakistan to the south. Highway 1, the main link between Kandahar and Kabul and the only paved road in Zabul, bisects the province. Over the past year, the official said, security has become increasingly difficult.

By the time Hoh arrived at the U.S. military-run provincial reconstruction team (PRT) in the Zabul capital of Qalat, he said, "I already had a lot of frustration. But I knew at that point, the new administration was . . . going to do things differently. So I thought I'd give it another chance." He read all the books he could get his hands on, from ancient Afghan history, to the Soviet occupation in the 1980s, through Taliban rule in the 1990s and the eight years of U.S. military involvement.

Frank Ruggiero, the Kandahar-based regional head of the U.S. PRTs in the south, considered Hoh "very capable" and appointed him the senior official among the three U.S. civilians in the province. "I always thought very highly of Matt," he said in a telephone interview.

In accordance with administration policy of decentralizing power in Afghanistan, Hoh worked to increase the political capabilities and clout of Naseri, the provincial governor, and other local officials. "Materially, I don't think we accomplished much," he said in retrospect, but "I think I did represent our government well."

Naseri told him that at least 190 local insurgent groups were fighting in the largely rural province, Hoh said. "It was probably exaggerated," he said, "but the truth is that the majority" are residents with "loyalties to their families, villages, valleys and to their financial supporters."

Hoh's doubts increased with Afghanistan's Aug. 20 presidential election, marked by low turnout and widespread fraud. He concluded, he said in his resignation letter, that the war "has violently and savagely pitted the urban, secular, educated and modern of Afghanistan against the rural, religious, illiterate and traditional. It is this latter group that composes and supports the Pashtun insurgency."

With "multiple, seemingly infinite, local groups," he wrote, the insurgency "is fed by what is perceived by the Pashtun people as a continued and sustained assault, going back centuries, on Pashtun land, culture, traditions and religion by internal and external enemies. The U.S. and Nato presence in Pashtun valleys and villages, as well as Afghan army and police units that are led and composed of non-Pashtun soldiers and police, provide an occupation force against which the insurgency is justified."

American families, he said at the end of the letter, "must be reassured their dead have sacrificed for a purpose worthy of futures lost, love vanished, and promised dreams unkept. I have lost confidence such assurances can be made any more."

'Their problem to solve'

Ruggiero said that he was taken aback by Hoh's resignation but that he made no effort to dissuade him. "It's Matt's decision, and I honored, I respected" it, he said. "I didn't agree with his assessment, but it was his decision."

Eikenberry expressed similar respect, but declined through an aide to discuss "individual personnel matters."

Francis J. Ricciardone Jr., Eikenberry's deputy, said he met with Hoh in Kabul but spoke to him "in confidence. I respect him as a thoughtful man who has rendered selfless service to our country, and I expect most of Matt's colleagues would share this positive estimation of him, whatever may be our differences of policy or program perspectives."

This week, Hoh is scheduled to meet with Vice President Biden's foreign policy adviser, Antony Blinken, at Blinken's invitation.

If the United States is to remain in Afghanistan, Hoh said, he would advise a reduction in combat forces.

He also would suggest providing more support for Pakistan, better U.S. communication and propaganda skills to match those of al-Qaeda, and more pressure on Afghan President Hamid Karzai to clean up government corruption -- all options being discussed in White House deliberations.

"We want to have some kind of governance there, and we have some obligation for it not to be a bloodbath," Hoh said. "But you have to draw the line somewhere, and say this is their problem to solve."

**

Full-text of resignation letter --

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/hp/ssi/wpc/ResignationLetter.pdf?sid=ST2009102603447


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