Showing posts with label working papers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label working papers. Show all posts

Jul 25, 2009

"The Last Resistance Generation": The Reintegration and Transformation of Freedom Fighters to Civilians in Timor-Leste

PAPER PRESENTED AT THE RMIT UNIVERSITY ‘HARII NASAUN IHA TIMOR-LESTE URBANU NO RURAL’ CONFERENCE, DILI, 8-10 JULY 2009.

Based on the research paper, ‘Forgotten Heroes or Bandidos? Timor Leste’s High Risk Youth: The long road to stability.’ [Sousa-Santos, draft, July 2009].

Contact Details: jss@sc-et.com

The Last Resistance Generation’:

The Reintegration and Transformation of Freedom Fighters to Civilians in Timor-Leste[1]

Jose Kai Lekke Sousa-Santos

The process of nationbuilding is a notoriously exclusive exercise despite the often used, but ill-exercised catch-cry ‘principle of participation’. The reality tends to be that the best intentions of the members of the international community often create an environment in which elements of the new society are often sequestered to the margins. In the case of Timor-Leste, these elements are mostly comprised of the last generation of freedom fighters to form the resistance movement and armed struggle against the Indonesian occupation. Referred to here as ‘the last resistance generation,’ this paper advances the argument that the failure to reintegrate and transform elements of this young demographic – many of whom are disenfranchised, unemployed, and poorly educated – has been a critical but not unforseen oversight of ten years of nationbuilding.

The failure to reintegrate and transform the last resistance generation is a paramount issue which continues to be, and has the potential to remain, in the worst case scenario, one of the central pillars or dynamics of instability in the process of nationbuilding and security sector reform(SSR). On the other hand, the best case scenario is that this issue will remain a fundamental socio-economic challenge to current and future leaders which will be responsible with the critical tasks of addressing the challenges of nation and statebuilding in a complex state such as Timor Leste. This paper examines the lack of a holistic approach addressing the reintegration and transformation of former informal and formal resistance groups leading to the marginalisation and disenfranchisement of this significant demographic, . This paper also highlights past and current state and international initiatives to reintegrate former recognized independence fighters into society, as well as unrecognized or uncategorized members of the resistance movement and also explores methods to positively transform, and engage this invaluable albeit potentially destabilising demographic.

A large number of these individuals and groups gained international notoriety as a consequence of the 2006 crisis. An underlying theme of this paper – in the words of one such prominent figure, “are we forgotten heroes or bandidos? And if they continue to call us bandidos, we will show them bandidos.” Unfortunately due to the attitudes sometimes shown by the international security forces, United Nations Police, and certain INGOs, the inadvertent demonization of these former heroes of the struggle for independence continues to occur and entrenches this culture of marginalisation.

Ten Years On

Timor-Leste now faces the same central predicament that most nations emerging out of war or civil strife experience: how does the state integrate those who fought or actively supported the struggle for independence and self-determination. Ten years of internationally managed or assisted initiatives, have yet to resolve this fundamental issue. Key grievances arisen from this demographic remain only partially addressed. Many of the youth who fought or were actively engaged in the struggle for independence – the last resistance generation– remain unacknowledged and are not included or able to fully participate in the economic, educational and state development accessible to many. This is mainly due to the traumatic factors which these young men and women faced during the Indonesian occupation from 1975-99. Moreover, during the ten years since the referendum, the opinions and solutions espoused by many well-meaning countries, humanitarian agencies, and international NGOs, on how to build the national security infrastructure,[2] have failed to fully take into account the historical and socio- cultural complexities. Hundreds of thousands of dollars and countless man-hours have been spent addressing the issue of security sector reform as part of the broader nationbuilding exercise – issues deemed by international stakeholders as paramount to the future stability of an emerging democracy in Timor-Leste. This paper does not advocate an across-the-board identification or solution to all these problems but rather seeks to address one of the key topics which, Timorese NGOs[3] advocating for disenfranchised youth and disaffected groups have red flagged as one of the few critical issues yet to be addressed and resolved.

The Marginalisation and Disenfranchisement of the ‘Last Resistance Generation’

Comprising what is termed here as ‘the last resistance generation,’ are a complex mix of countless remnants consisting of young former FALINTIL fighters; ritual arts groups and semi religious sects, of secret societies and clandestine youth cells incorporated into the structures of martial arts organisations. All were critical components of the resistance and independence movement which now ten years on from the referendum, continue to struggle with issues regarding cultural and national identity, deep-seated trauma, the loss associated with no longer fulfilling a vital role in society, and a fundamental sense of not belonging in mainstream civil society. The ongoing marginalisation of the last resistance generation by – and from - the process of nationbuilding underway in Timor-Leste since 1999, reflects a failure to genuinely acknowledge and address the historical role that many young Timorese played in the fight for independence, and threatens to undermine contemporary statebuilding efforts. The issue of marginalisation and disenfranchisement is by no means exclusive to this category. However, the inclusion, meaning participation and not just representation, of the last resistance generation, is of critical concern in the context of both security sector reform and national development.

The last resistance generation which played such a critical role during the final years of the struggle for independence now feel marginalised and/or discriminated against due to the lack of recognition for both their roles and involvement during the resistance leading to a loss of opportunities in education and socio-economic prosperity. A singularly common denominator – and occasionally unifying factor - amongst the majority of individuals and elements within these groups scattered throughout urban and rural Timor-Leste is the poverty of opportunity they have experienced and an overriding sense of not belonging. It is of no coincidence that a proportion within these groups are well-represented by a frequently quoted and critically important demographic fact: the largest demographic within Timor-Leste’s population is our youth and up to two-thirds of Timorese youth are either directly involved with or affiliated to martial arts, ritual arts or disaffected groups. This demographic combined – this last resistance generation – is potentially volatile as demonstrated during the 2006 crisis and presents an uncompromising security landscape which needs to be understood and engaged with by stakeholders, not demonised or further marginalised. This militaristic and often feared demographic should and could become Timor-Leste’s greatest resource.

Early DDRR Initiative

Despite early efforts in disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration and rehabilitation (DDRR) programmes, many young former FALINTIL remain at the margins of society. Over 1000 former FALINTIL fighters went through the reintegration program, but thousands of others remained dissatisfied with their treatment and the manner in which the new army had been established.[4] In 2001 this dissatisfaction led to the creation of a number of veterans’ organisations and riots in December 2002.[5] Former FALINTIL fighters under the age of 35 who do not qualify to be considered as veterans under current government legislation are to a large extent uneducated, lacking in vocational skills, and suffering from extensive post-traumatic stress disorder. For instance, young former FALINTIL fighters who were not integrated into the newly-formed defence or police forces mainly due to high levels of post-traumatic stress disorder and / or the lack of educational skills, such as literacy and numeracy, are relegated to accepting menial positions in the very State that they have sacrificed so much to create.

The FALINTIL Reinsertion Assistance Program or (FRAP) developed in 2000 under the UNTAET administration attempted to assist in the social and economic reintegration into civilian society of the 1,308 guerrilla fighters not selected to join the new East Timor Defence Force. Although a package consisting of: transport to their host communities; a transitional safety net of USD$500.00 provided over a 5 month period; a reintegration package or income generating activity; training; as well as job and medical referrals, it was not a long-term solution but rather provided initial support to the former combatants and did not engage or guarantee participation in the broader nation-building process.[6]

The Alkatiri / Fretilin Government created a secretary of state for veteran’s affairs and undertook the registering of veterans with the intention of granting pensions.[7] The caveat, however, is that only 350 veterans with service of fifteen years or more will receive monthly payments of calculated at USD$407 ($100 more a month than the public service salary). Veterans who have served eight to fourteen years only become eligible to receive a pension after the age of fifty-five. For many young fighters experiencing difficulties in accessing employment, education and vocational training, feel this to be unjust and discriminatory.

The transition from combatant life to civilian is shaped by context and it is arguable that for the transition, and therefore reintegration and transformation, to have a lasting impact, the unique cultural, historical, and social fabric and context of Timor-Leste must be an integral part of any strategy that seeks to address this issue. Particularly, the role of traditional leadership and power structures within Timor Leste, which comprises of large numbers of former combatants and clandestine elements – as central figures. The difficulties regarding the identification and validification of members of the clandestine movement has meant that as of yet there have been no similar programmes or initiatives to address and support the needs of these former clandestine elements and groups.

Former key elements of the independence movement such as formal and informal clandestine groups; ritual art groups; cells and elements within martial arts groups are at risk of morphing into disenfranchised and violent armed groups, organised criminal elements, and / or guns for hire.

Trauma and A Sense of Not Belonging = Violence and Instability

One of the critical and largely unaddressed consequences of the occupation is the widespread trauma experienced by those engaged both directly and indirectly in the struggle. Severe and untreated post-traumatic stress disorder has led to the elements who have contributed to the struggle being left at a disadvantage as opposed to the youth demographic which was not involved in the struggle for independence and was able to pursue and access a semi-normal life, for example, through educational, employment, and health care opportunities. Access to opportunities has better enabled this demographic to more easily integrate into an independent Timor-Leste and thereby overcome a certain level of trauma. Those who have little or no experience beyond the jungle and minimal opportunity to develop their skills beyond that of guerrilla warfare, civil disturbances, and the instigation of instability during the occupation, now find themselves within a vacuum regarding their identity, skill-sets, and a place and means in which to contribute to a now independent Timor-Leste. The lack of opportunity and sense of not belonging compounded by post-traumatic stress disorder can manifest in deep-seated resentment which will continue to maintain the availability of these groups as a source of political and civil instability.

A Source of Instability: Alternative Security Structures

The reintegration and transformation of young resistance veterans – including both FALINTIL and clandestine - into mainstream society is an essential component of nationbuilding and the mitigation of future conflict. It is of little coincidence that a number of the martial arts and ritual arts groups involved in the 2006-07 violence have their origins in the clandestine and guerrilla movement. Strong affiliations to both of the respective national security institutions – the F-FDTL and PNTL – as well as political parties and / or economic elites further necessitates the need for a comprehensive and holistic understanding and approach to transform past security and clandestine structures into the state apparatus. Due to their moral authority and legitimacy established during the occupation, many of these groups pose a challenge – and legitimate alternative - to state authority, specifically to the security sector and administrative institutions at the local and national levels.

Where to from here?

The approach advocated in this paper is a far more holistic, comprehensive, and socially appropriate approach that challenges those involved in SSR – the Government, the United Nations, international security stakeholders and INGOs– to engage this demographic not only in discussion but also into the security sector reform and nationbuilding process itself. Programmes initiated by local Timorese NGOs such as Uma Juventude, Ba Futuru, and many others, where selected young leaders from groups such as(7-7, 5-5, 3-3, 12-12, Fitar bua Malus, PSHT, KORK, Colimau Duah Ribuh and Sagrada Familia as well as Former FALINTIL fighters under the age of 35) were given the opportunity to engage in intensive training in conflict mediation, peacebuilding, and nationbuilding techniques, after completion of the programs the majority of participants have shown their effectiveness as agents of conflict mediation and change both at the grass-roots and national levels.

Academics and practitioners alike need to think outside the box and utilise programmes such as those conducted within the region in response to conflict in Bougainville and the Solomons Islands which gave young combatants the opportunity to experience possibilities beyond the jungle.

For instance, in response to the protracted civil war in Bougainville, the New Zealand Government invited leaders from the two warring factions from Bougainville on a study-tour of New Zealand where they were able to meet with Maori representatives and discuss traditional methods of maintaining nationhood and identity within a modern democratic state.

This eventuated in a change of attitudes on the part of the leaders of these warring factions, created bonds and understanding between the leaders based on mutual experience, and opened their eyes to the possibilities and benefits of dealing with long-standing conflicts and animosity through peaceful means within cultures similar to their own. This enabled Bougainvilleans to then peaceably address the long-standing self-determination movement between the Bougainvillean people and the Papua New Guinean state.

It is critical for the future peace and stability of Timor-Leste that all stakeholders involved in security sector reform – from the Timorese Government to the United Nations and all in between – that increased engagement with the last resistance generation is prioritised as it this group who themselves hold both the answers and the key to long-term security and stability in Timor Leste.

Selected References

International Crisis Group, ‘Timor-Leste: Security Sector Reform,’ Crisis Group Asia Report No 143, 17 January 2008.

King’s College of London, ‘Independent Study of Security Force Options and Security Sector Reform for East Timor,’ The Centre for Defence Studies, King’s College, London, September 2000.

McCarthy, John, ‘Falintil Reinsertion Assistance Program (FRAP), A Final Evaluation Report,’ (USAID: Dili, East Timor), June 2002.

Rees, Edward, ‘The UN’s failure to integrate FALINTIL veterans may cause East Timor to fail,’ Online Opinion Australia, 2 September 2003

Sousa-Santos, Jose, ‘Forgotten Heroes or Bandidos? The Last Resistance Generation of Timor-Leste’ [draft research paper], July 2009.

Sydney Morning Herald, ‘East Timor at flashpoint as disillusionment sets in,’ 14 December 2002.


[1] This paper was presented at the RMIT University‘Harii Nasaun iha Timor-Leste Urbanu no Rural’ conference, Dili, 8-10 July 2009, and is based on the research paper, ‘Forgotten Heroes or Bandidos? Timor Leste’s High Risk Youth: The long road to stability.’ [Sousa-Santos, draft, July 2009].

[2] The earliest and most influential of which was the King’s College of London, ‘Independent Study of Security Force Options and Security Sector Reform for East Timor,’ The Centre for Defence Studies, King’s College, London, September 2000. For a recent critique of security sector reform initiatives, see International Crisis Group, ‘Timor-Leste: Security Sector Reform,’ Crisis Group Asia Report No 143, 17 January 2008.

[3] Such as the national NGO Uma Juventude

[4] For a critical evaluation of the Falintil Reinsertion Assistance Program, see John McCarthy, Falintil Reinsertion Assistance Program (FRAP), A Final Evaluation Report, (USAID: Dili, East Timor), June 2002.

[5] ‘East Timor at flashpoint as disillusionment sets in,’ Sydney Morning Herald, 14 December 2002.

[6] John McCarthy, Falintil Reinsertion Assistance Program (FRAP), A Final Evaluation Report, (USAID: Dili, East Timor), June 2002, ibid. See also, Edward Rees, ‘The UN’s failure to integrate FALINTIL veterans may cause East Timor to fail,’ Online Opinion Australia, 2 September 2003.

[7] International Crisis Group (2003), ‘Timor-Leste: Security Sector Reform,’ p.20.

Jun 10, 2009

Southeast Asia Research Centre Working Papers Series

Click on the Working Paper title to download. Each paper is a PDF, created with Adobe Acrobat.


To obtain a copy of Adobe Reader, click here.


Source page - http://www.cityu.edu.hk/searc/WP.html


The Working Papers series is organised in the following table by year of publication. To look for papers published in a particular year, click the year. Alternatively, simply scroll down the page to browse all papers.


A full set of papers on CD-ROM can be obtained by sending a US$25 draft drawn on the City University of Hong Kong to Ms Josephine Yim, Southeast Asia Research Centre, City University, Tat Chee Ave, Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong.


2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008

2001

Working Paper & Date

Author

Title

1, April 2001

Kevin Hewison

Pathways to Recovery: Bankers, Business and Nationalism in Thailand

2, April 2001

Kanishka Jayasuriya

Governance, Post Washington Consensus and the New Anti Politics

3, April 2001

Kanishka Jayasuriya

Southeast Asia's Embedded Mercantilism in Crisis: International Strategies and Domestic Coalitions

4, May 2001

Kevin Hewison

Nationalism, Populism, Dependency: Old Ideas for a New Southeast Asia?

5, May 2001

Herb Thompson

Indonesia: The Denouement of Forest Management Following Economic, Environmental and Political Crises

6, May 2001

Zang Xiaowei

Resource Dependency, Chinese Capitalism, and Intercorporate Ties in Singapore

7, May 2001

Raymond Chan

The Sustainability of the Asian Welfare System after the Financial Crisis: Reflections on the Case of Hong Kong

8, May 2001

Kevin Hewison

Thailand: Class Matters

9, June 2001

Maniemai Thongyou

Sub-contracting Industry in Rural Villages: Fish-nets in Rural Thailand

10, June 2001

Mark Beeson

The Political Consequences of the Southeast Asian Region's Economic Vulnerability

11, June 2001

Michael Vatikiotis

Fixing Southeast Asia: Mixed Blessings

12, October 2001

Michael Kelly Connors

Ideological Aspects of Democratisation in Thailand: Mainstreaming Localism

13, October 2001

Raymond Chan

The Welfare System in Southeast Asia: Development and Challenges

14, November 2001

Vivienne Wee

Gender and Development in Post-Crisis Southeast Asia

15, November 2001

Kevin Hewison

Liberalism and Globalisation

16, November 2001

Vivienne Wee

Political Faultlines in Southeast Asia: Movements for Ethnic Autonomy as Nations of Intent

17, November 2001

David Brown

Why Might Constructed Nationalist and Ethnic Ideologies Come Into Confrontation With Each Other?

2002

18, January 2002

Amy Sim

Organising Discontent: NGOs for Southeast Asian Migrant Workers in Hong Kong

19, January 2002

Michael Jacobsen

Cross-Border Communities and Deterritorialising Identities. Assessing the Diaspora Triangle: Migrant-Host-Home

20, January 2002

Philip Bowring

East Asia: Centrifugal or Centripetal

21, January 2002

Graeme Lang

Deforestation, Floods, and State Reactions in China and Thailand

22, March 2002

Vivienne Wee

Ethno-nationalism in Process: Atavism, Ethnicity and Indigenism in Riau

23, March 2002

Thomas M. McKenna

Saints, Scholars and the Idealised Past in Philippine Muslim Separatism

24, March 2002

Kanishka Jayasuriya

Globalisation, International Standards and The Rule of Law: A New Symbolic Politics

25, April 2002

Alex H. Choi

Non-Governmental Organisations and Democratisation: The 1992 Bangkok Uprising Revisited

26, May 2002

Michael Jacobsen

Nation-making and the Politicisation of Ethnicity in Post-Suharto Indonesia

27, July 2002

Andrew Brown

Bundit Thonachaisetavut Kevin Hewison

Labour Relations and Regulation in Thailand: Theory and Practice

28, July 2002

Nick Thomas

From ASEAN to an East Asian Community? The Role of Functional Co-operation

29, July 2002

Michael Jacobsen

‘To be or what to be – that is the question’. On Factionalism and Secessionism in North Sulawesi Province, Indonesia

30, September 2002

Vivienne Wee

Kanishka Jayasuriya

New Geographies and Temporalities of Power: Exploring the New Fault Lines of Southeast Asia

31, September 2002

Vivienne Wee

Social Fragmentation in Indonesia: A Crisis from Suharto’s New Order

32, September 2002 Mark Beeson East Asia and the International Financial Institutions: The Politics of Regional Regulatory Reform
33, September 2002

Richard Robison

Garry Rodan

Kevin Hewison

Transplanting the Regulatory State in Southeast Asia: A Pathology of Rejection
34, October 2002 Vivienne Wee

Will Indonesia Hold? Past, Present and Future in a Fragmenting State

35, October 2002 William A. Callahan

Diaspora, Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism: Overseas Chinese and Neo-Nationalism in China and Thailand

36, October 2002

Pasuk Phongpaichit

Chris Baker

‘The Only Good Populist is a Rich Populist’: Thaksin Shinawatra and Thailand’s Democracy
37, October 2002 Catherine C.H. Chiu Labour Relations and Regulation in Hong Kong: Theory and Practice
38, November 2002

Malcolm Falkus

Stephen Frost

Labour Relations and Regulation in Cambodia: Theory and Practice Full Version (The file is large, downloads may be slow)

Main Report, Appendices, Figure 1

2003

39, January 2003

Martin Painter

Marketisation, Integration and State Restructuring in Vietnam: The Case of State Owned Enterprise Reform

40, March 2003 Raymond K.H. Chan
Moha Asri Abdullah
Zikri Muhammad
Labour Relations and Regulation in Malaysia: Theory and Practice
41, April 2003 Michael Jacobsen

Reconceptualising the Ethnic Chinese Diaspora in Southeast Asia: Exploring the Outer Limits of Ethnic Affiliations

42, April 2003 Michael Kelly Connors

The Reforming State: Security, Development and Culture in Democratic Times

43, April 2003 Anne Loveband

Positioning the Product: Indonesian Migrant Women Workers in Contemporary Taiwan [A SEARC CAPSTRANS Paper]

44, April 2003 Kevin Hewison

A Preliminary Analysis of Thai Workers in Hong Kong: Survey Results [A SEARC CAPSTRANS Paper]

45, May 2003 Kevin Hewison

The Politics of Neo-Liberalism: Class and Capitalism in Contemporary Thailand

46, May 2003 Michael Jacobsen

Tightening the Unitary State: The Inner Workings of Indonesian Regional Autonomy

47, May 2003 Vedi R. Hadiz

Decentralisation and Democracy in Indonesia: A Critique of Neo-Institutionalist Perspectives

48, July 2003 Huei-ying Kuo Nationalism Against Its People? Chinese Business and Nationalist Activities in Inter-War Singapore, 1919-1941 (The file is about 3.5MB, downloads may be slow)
49, August 2003

Vivienne Wee

Amy Sim

Transnational labour networks in female labour migration: mediating between Southeast Asian women workers and international labour markets [A SEARC CAPSTRANS Paper]

50, August 2003 Allen Chun Who Wants To Be Diasporic?
51, September 2003 William Case

Malaysia: New Reforms, Old Continuities, Tense Ambiguities

52, September 2003

Vedi R. Hadiz

Richard Robison

Neo-Liberal Reforms and Illiberal Consolidations: The Indonesian Paradox

53, September 2003

Li Qi

Bill Taylor

Stephen Frost

Labour Relations and Regulation in Vietnam: Theory and Practice

54, November 2003 Michael Jacobsen Chinese Muslims in Indonesia: politics, economy, faith and expediency
55, November 2003

Stephen Frost

Catherine C.H. Chiu

Labour Relations and Regulation in Singapore: Theory and Practice
56, December 2003 Adrian Vickers The Country and the Cities [A SEARC CAPSTRANS Paper]
57, December 2003 Kathleen Weekley

Saving Pennies for the State. A New Role for Filipino Migrant Workers? [A SEARC CAPSTRANS Paper]

2004

58, January 2004 Ken Young

Southeast Asian Migrant Workers in East Asian Households: Globalisation, social change and the double burden of market and patriarchal disciplines [A SEARC CAPSTRANS Paper]

59, January 2004

Kanishka Jayasuriya

Kevin Hewison

The Anti-Politics of Good Governance: From Global Social Policy to a Global Populism?

60, February 2004 Michael Jacobsen

De-linking the Chinese Diaspora. On Manadonese Chinese Entrepreneurship in North Sulawesi

61, March 2004 Vedi R. Hadiz

Indonesian Local Party Politics: A Site of Resistance to Neo-Liberal Reform

62, March 2004

Andrew Brown

Kevin Hewison

Labour Politics in Thaksin’s Thailand

63, May 2004

Kevin Hewison

Garry Rodan

Closing The Circle?: Globalization, Conflict and Political Regimes

64, May 2004 Mark Beeson

Multilateralism, American Power and East Asian Regionalism

65, July 2004 Graeme Lang

Cultural Intrusions and Religious Syncretism: The Case of Caodaism in Vietnam

66, July 2004 Alex H. Choi Migrant Workers in Macao: Labour and Globalisation
67, July 2004 Stephen Frost

Chinese Outward Direct Investment in Southeast Asia: How Much and What Are the Regional Implications?

68, August 2004

Florencio R. Riguera

Environment and Social Justice: Familiar Norms and Contingent Settings – A Philippine Case Study

69, August 2004 Adam Fforde

Vietnamese State Owned Enterprises: ‘Real Property’, Commercial Performance and Political Economy

70, September 2004 Adam Fforde

State Owned Enterprises, Law and a Decade of Market-Oriented Socialist Development in Vietnam

71, September 2004 Dennis Arnold

The Situation of Burmese Migrant Workers in Mae Sot, Thailand

72, September 2004 Khoo Boo Teik

Searching for Islam in Malaysian Politics: Confluences, Divisions and Governance

73, October 2004 Vedi R. Hadiz

Indonesia: Order and Terror in a Time of Empire [A SEARC-Asia Research Centre Paper]

74, November 2004 Joy Y. Lam

Religious Conversion and Reconstruction of Identities: The Case of Chinese Muslim Converts in Malaysia

75, November 2004

Philip S. Robertson Jr.

Somsak Plaiyoowong

The Struggle of the Gina Workers in Thailand: Inside a Successful International Labour Solidarity Campaign

2005

76, May 2005 Martin Painter Thaksinocracy or Managerialization? Reforming the Thai Bureaucracy
77, June 2005 Graeme Lang
Cathy Hiu Wan Chan
The Impact of China on Southeast Asian Forests
78, July 2005 Vivienne Wee Melayu, Indigenism and the 'Civilising Process': Claims and Entitlements in Contested Territories
79, August 2005 Michael H. Nelson Analyzing Provincial Political Structures in Thailand: Phuak, Trakun, and Hua Khanaen
80, August 2005 Maniemai Thongyou Dusadee Ayuwat Social Network of Laotian migrant workers in Thailand
81, December 2005 Michele Ford Accountable to whom? Trade unions, labour NGOs and the question of accountability in Indonesia
2006

82, November 2006

Michele Ford

Nicola Piper

Southern Sites of Female Agency: Informal Regimes and Female Migrant Labour Resistance in East and Southeast Asia
2007

83, January 2007 William Case Democracy’s Quality and Breakdown: New Lessons from Thailand
84, February 2007 Jan Stark Malaysia’s Foreign Policies and a New Asian Regionalism
85, April 2007 Stephen McCarthy The Politics of Piety: Pageantry and the Struggle for Buddhism in Burma
86, May 2007 William Case
Phoebe So
Hong Kong’s 2007 Chief Executive Election:Comparators and Consequences
87, May 2007 Michael H. Nelson People’s Sector Politics’ (Kanmueang Phak Prachachon) in Thailand: Problems of Democracy in Ousting Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra
88, June 2007 Edo Andriesse Personal Power Networks and Economic Development in Satun (Thailand) and Perlis (Malaysia)
89, October 2007 Vivienne Wee A Cultural Economy of Regionalisation: Ethnicity and Capital in the Changing Relations between China and Southeast Asia (in Chinese)
90, October 2007 Michael Jacobsen Decentred Diaspora or Grounded Cosmopolitanism? On Negotiated Identities and International Linkages in Southeast Asia (in Chinese)
91, October 2007

Stephen Frost

Marry Ho

Mainland Investment on the Move: State-owned Enterprises and Outward Direct Investment in Southeast Asia (in Chinese)
92, October 2007

Wang Wangbo

The Characteristics of Southeast Asian Chinese Investments in Mainland China since 1978 (in Chinese)
93, October 2007

Vivienne Wee

Michael Jacobsen

Tiong Chong Wong

Oscillating between Economic Opportunities and Contextual Constraints: Assessing the Positioning of Southeast Asian Ethnic ‘Chinese’ Entrepreneurs in relation to China (in Chinese)
94, October 2007

Michael Jacobsen

De-linking the Chinese Diaspora – Manadonese Chinese Entrepreneurship in North Sulawesi (in Chinese)
95, October 2007

Edmund Terence Gomez

Chin Yee Whah

Malaysia in China: Transnationalism, Business Networks and Enterprise Development (in Chinese) (Part I and Part II)

96, November 2007

Andrew Selth

Modern Burma Studies: A View from the Edge

97, November 2007

Troy Johnson

Voices from Aceh: Perspectives on Syariat Law

2008

98, February 2008

Michael H. Nelson

Thaksin’s 2005 Electoral Triumph: Looking Back From the Election in 2007

99, May 2008

Astrid S. Tuminez

The Past Is Always Present: The Moros of Mindanao and the Quest for Peace

100, June 2008

Andrew Selth

Populism, Politics and Propaganda: Burma and the Movies

101, November 2008

Andrew Selth

Burma’s Coco Islands: Rumours and Realities in the Indian Ocean