Sep 18, 2009

The Right's Fringe Festival - Nation

By Sebastian Jones

September 16, 2009

AP Images
Demonstrators holds up banners during the taxpayer rally at Freedom Plaza in Washington, Sept. 12, 2009.

This Saturday, some 70,000 people marched through downtown Washington, DC. Organizers of the "Taxpayer March on DC" crowed on their website that "thousands of local organizers and grassroots Americans" took to the streets because they've had "enough of the out of control spending, the bailouts, the growth of big government and soaring deficits." Pretty straightforward, bread-and-butter economic conservatism, right?

So imagine my surprise when, having just arrived at the march, I saw a thin, tall, bearded fellow with a boonie cap jogging up Pennsylvania Avenue shouting "White Power!" A few people looked around awkwardly, not sure how to react, but mostly the crowd just moved along. Why wouldn't they, after all, when just a few paces down the road an elderly man was showing off his "McCarthy Was Right!" sign, or when numerous placards compared the president to various genocidal tyrants, or when the most common mass-produced poster (courtesy of an antiabortion group) demanded that we "Bury Obamacare with Kennedy"?

This was only a sampling of the hateful language on display at the rally, which was only tangentially about taxation. More accurately, the event was a FreedomWorks-organized, corporate-funded, Fox News-fueled celebration of every conservative political and cultural cause of the past fifty years. Milling around the crowd, it was impossible to miss the references to issues as disparate as blocking investigations of CIA torture, promoting assault weapons and God "judging" America for homosexuality. Confederate flags were flown, Obama was told to "go back to Kenya," and so forth and so on. The crowd itself was almost exclusively white--and its members had come to get their country back.

Up on the podium, speakers put a more positive spin on the gathering; one actually echoed (with no sense of irony) a famous line from Barack Obama's stump speech, claiming the tea party was "not here to represent white America or black America. We're here for the United States of America." A more candid assessment came a few minutes later, however, when a singer took the stage and summed up the America those gathered at the base of the Capitol pined for. She was a "proud Christian American," anticommunist and Bible-believing. In fact, the most common rallying cry--beyond "You lie!" and "Can you hear me now?"--was that protesters wanted their country back, their republic restored. A country, one could only assume, that resembled the crowd.

One of the most popular memes on display was veneration of Joe Wilson, the South Carolina representative who interrupted the president's recent address to Congress by shouting "You lie!" In this crowd, it was "Joe Wilson for president." The man had done a courageous thing, with many accepting his inaccuracy about illegal immigrants getting government-funded healthcare in Obama's proposed plan as fact, and even more suggesting he ought not apologize for breaching the rules of decorum. Instead, Wilson was a hero to be congratulated. Meanwhile, in the rest of the country, Wilson was opposed by 68 percent of Americans for his outburst, according to a USA Today/ Gallup poll. A mere 21 percent supported Wilson--but those at Saturday's tea party fell into a subgroup of that number--the 6 percent who told pollsters they were "thrilled" by Wilson's actions.

While much of the rhetoric and ideology was recycled, the event was different and more successful than past efforts thanks to the dual involvement of corporate interests and Fox News. For example, parked on the edge of the National Mall was the "American Energy Express," a bus on a "town hall tour" launched by the American Energy Alliance (AEA), a recent outgrowth of the Institute for Energy Research, a conservative think tank that has received funding from ExxonMobil and Valero Energy. AEA's director is a former registered lobbyist and Tom DeLay staffer, while other alliance employees have Republican Party and oil industry connections.

Fox News, perhaps the most vociferous anti-Clinton advocate in the late 1990s and Bush-booster over the past eight years, had parked its mobile unit just a few yards away from the Energy Express, and a small crowd had gathered around with supportive signs. Throughout the day, I met people who complained bitterly about the lack of media presence, about the "Communist Broadcasting Service" and the "Communist News Network." But the crew members from Fox News were heroes, and the greatest hero of all was Glenn Beck. For them, Beck was the only truth-teller among the communist infiltrators, exposing the sinister work of ACORN, the Czars and FEMA "death camps." Sure, FreedomWorks had organized the event, but Beck had selected the date, hoping to "bring us all back to the place we were on September 12, 2001...united as Americans, standing together to protect the greatest nation ever created."

During the event, Matt Kibbe, a FreedomWorks organizer, went onstage to announce that ABC News had estimated the crowd in attendance to be 1 to 1.5 million strong--a claim which Michelle Malkin and other conservative bloggers inflated to 2 million by day's end, and which ABC News took the rare step of denying. Looking at the assembled crowd, this was a truly insane claim to make: the masses hardly stretched past Third Street; 1.5 million would have covered an additional ten blocks.

Yet, as I walked around after Kibbe's announcement, I heard people coming up with even higher numbers. "Two million, at least," one man shouted into his phone. Another, borrowing a phrase from Beck, proclaimed, "We really do have Washington surrounded!" Online, pictures of old rallies (missing buildings that are currently on the Mall) were distributed as proof the mainstream media was downplaying the real crowd and widely reposted on conservative blogs. Glenn Beck went on Fox & Friends on Tuesday morning and claimed that 1.7 million had assembled, citing a "university study" from a university he was unable to name. On the train home, the protesters sitting around me were in a celebratory mood--they felt they had assembled an impossibly large crowd and brought their message to Washington in an unprecedented manner. The politicians had no choice but to listen, to ax climate change legislation, to stop healthcare reform, to give them their country back, they said. There's no harm in this illusion, really, so long as it is clear that it is only the reactionary fringe that harbors it.

About Sebastian Jones

Sebastian Jones is a freelance writer based in Washington, DC

Obama Zaps E. Europe Star Wars - Nation

Image by kshep via Flickr

posted by Robert Dreyfuss on 09/17/2009

The right-wing regimes of the "new Europe" -- that is, the post-Soviet governments in eastern Europe that emerged, during the Bush administration, as the staunchest backers of American empire -- are yelping over the decision by the Obama administration to cancel Bush-era plans to build a missile defense system in Poland and the Czech Republic.

For Obama, who was never enthusiastic about the plan, it's a strong indication that he's serious about rebuilding relations with Russia. And the decision may have implications for Iran policy, too.

In an article entited: "U.S. to Shelve Nuclear Missile Shield," the Wall Street Journal reports today:

"The White House will shelve Bush administration plans to build a missile-defense system in Poland and the Czech Republic, according to people familiar with the matter, a move likely to cheer Moscow and roil the security debate in Europe.
"The U.S. will base its decision on a determination that Iran's long-range missile program has not progressed as rapidly as previously estimated, reducing the threat to the continental U.S. and major European capitals, according to current and former U.S. officials. The findings, expected to be completed as early as next week following a 60-day review ordered by President Barack Obama, would be a major reversal from the Bush administration, which pushed aggressively to begin construction of the Eastern European system before leaving office in January...

"But the decision to shelve the defense system is all but certain to raise alarms in Eastern Europe, where officials have expressed concerns that the White House's effort to ‘reset' relations with Moscow would come at the expense of U.S. allies in the former Soviet bloc."

Predictably, the neoconservative Weekly Standard is outraged, calling it a "complete capitulation to Russia's Vladimir Putin," and adding:

"The consequences of this action in Eastern Europe, especially in Ukraine and in other countries that feel vulnerable to Russian power, will be disastrous. It is a major American retreat in the face of Russian bullying. And we will get absolutely nothing for it."

The Standard does pick up on the link to Iran, saying that:

"The Obama administration, which is appeasing Russia in the hopes that Moscow will help put pressure on Iran, has made this mammoth concession just a few days after Moscow declared that it had no intention of supporting sanctions against Iran."

It's true that, earlier this week, President Medvedev of Russia hinted that Moscow might not look unfavorably on new sanctions against Iran, saying:

"Sanctions are not very effective on the whole, but sometimes you have to embark on sanctions and they can be right."

And earlier this year, there were reports that Obama was seeking to obtain a quid pro quo from Moscow, offering to cancel the missile defense system in exchange for Russia's support on Iran. It's unlikely, however, that Russia will go along with truly harsh sanctions against Tehran, despite Medvedev's comments. More likely, the Russian president was trying to make Iran a bit more nervous as it enters talks with the P5 + 1, which includes both Russia and the United States.

At the American Enterprise Institute, too, Gary Schmitt is unhappy:

"It looks like not only have we hit the reset button when it comes to Russia, but now with our friends in Central Europe--except this time, it's a big fat 'no thank you' for your willingness to stick your neck out to protect allies."

The London Times flips out:

"Vladimir Putin could be forgiven for having a celebratory shot of vodka with breakfast this morning at news that President Obama plans to abandon America's missile defence shield in Eastern Europe.
"His implacable opposition to the project has paid off, leaving the Kremlin emboldened in its drive to re-establish a strategic 'sphere of privileged interests' over Russia's former Soviet satellites.

"By trading the loyalty of Poland and the Czech Republic to satisfy Russia's security concerns, the United States is signalling that it no longer contests Moscow's right to assert its interests in Eastern Europe."

And it adds:

"For Mr Putin, the lesson of today's decision is clear. Intransigence pays dividends because the US and the European Union lack the patience or determination to face Moscow down. That is a lesson that send alarm bells ringing in the corridors of power of Russia's former Soviet dominions."

The truth is that the decision to put a missile defense system was both stupid and needlessly provocative. Stupid, because the system doesn't work and because the threat from Iran is nonexistent. And provocative, because it was part of the Bush administration's neo-Cold War effort to bolster and expand NATO, pressure Russia militarily in south and central Asia, back adventurist states such as Georgia, and otherwise poke the Russian bear with sharp sticks. Obama wants cooperation with Russia -- on energy policy, on Iran, on terrorism, and above all on disarmament and de-nuclearization -- and he's willing to put his money where his mouth is.

On Iran, the issue is not whether Russia will join in imposing sanctions on Iran, but whether Russia will join the United States is trying to solve the problem diplomatically. The plain fact is that it will be exceedingly difficult to get Iran to agree to a deal over its uranium enrichment program without Russia's strong diplomatic involvement.

President Obama deserves high praise for this action.

UPDATE From the text of the White House announcement this morning:

"The United States ... will be testing and updating a range of approaches for improving our sensors for missile defense. The new distributed interceptor and sensor architecture also does not require a single, large, fixed European radar that was to be located in the Czech Republic; this approach also uses different interceptor technology than the previous program, removing the need for a single field of 10 ground-based interceptors in Poland. Therefore, the Secretary of Defense recommended that the United States no longer plan to move forward with that architecture. ...
We also welcome Russian cooperation to bring its missile defense capabilities into a broader defense of our common strategic interests."

Cornell University, Southeast Asia Program Brown Bag Lecture Series

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Southeast Asia Program Brown Bag Lecture Series

Wednesday, September 23 – “Personal Narratives and Historical Experience in Southeast Asia”, Roxana Waterson (Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore), 12:00PM-1:30PM, Kahin Center, 640 Stewart Ave, Ithaca.
(http://www.einaudi.cornell.edu/southeastasia/calendar/index.asp?id=11501)

Interest in personal narratives and life histories has been growing in recent years, but attention to this form of research material in anthropology has always been patchy. As an anthropologist with long experience of fieldwork in Indonesia (specifically with the Sa’dan Toraja people of South Sulawesi), Roxana Waterson realized that some of my older acquaintances who were born near the beginning of the twentieth century had lived extraordinary lives. They had experienced all the dramatic social transformations that accompanied successive political developments as Indonesia moved from colonialism, through wartime occupation by the Japanese and the struggle for Independence, to the emergence of a new nation-state. The possibility of
identifying as “Indonesian” developed along the way as well. She became interested in the potentials of life narratives – not just of the famous, but of ordinary people - to provide insights into the interface between personal experience and great historical events. Her recently published book, Southeast Asian Lives: Personal Narratives and Historical Experience (Singapore University Press/Ohio University Press, 2007), draws together several such life narratives, as recounted and reflected upon by anthropologists working in different regions of Southeast Asia, with a view to exploring more fully the potentials of this kind of research for social scientists. In this talk, Professor Waterson shall discuss some of these life narratives, and their contributions to ananthropology that seeks to do justice to personal experience.

Sep 17, 2009

International Crisis Group - Women and Radicalisation in Kyrgyzstan

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Women and Radicalisation in Kyrgyzstan

Asia Report N°176
3 September 2009

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Kyrgyzstan’s increasingly authoritarian government is adopting a counter-productive approach to the country’s growing radicalisation. Instead of tackling the root causes of a phenomenon that has seen increasing numbers, including many women, joining groups such as Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT), it is resorting to heavy-handed police methods that risk pushing yet more Kyrgyz towards radicalism. The authorities view HT, which describes itself as a revolutionary party that aims to restore by peaceful means the caliphate that once ruled the Muslim world, as a major security threat. But for some men and ever more women, it offers a sense of identity and belonging, solutions to the day-to-day failings of the society they live in, and an alternative to what they widely view as the Western-style social model that prevails in Kyrgyzstan. Without a major effort to tackle endemic corruption and economic failure, radical ranks are likely to swell, while repression may push at least some HT members into violence. This report focuses primarily on the increasingly important role that women are playing in the movement.

Related content

Kyrgyzstan: A Deceptive Calm, Asia Briefing N°79, 14 August 2008

Thematic issue: Gender and Conflict

CrisisWatch database: Kyrgyzstan

All Crisis Group Kyrgyzstan reports

HT is banned in Kyrgyzstan and operates clandestinely. There are no accurate membership figures. It may have up to 8,000 members, perhaps 800 to 2,000 of them women. To join, individuals participate in formalised training, take examinations, an oath of loyalty and pledge to recruit others. But while HT’s membership is still small, support for it in the wider population is growing.

In post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, where many have responded to 70 years of atheism by embracing religion, HT’s uncompromising Islamic message has gained considerable acceptance. Women, especially those living in rural or conservative areas where traditional gender norms prevail, turn to HT to find meaning in their restricted social roles. The party’s activists regard the growth in those who count as sympathisers if not actual members as a critical component of a long-term strategy – a currently quiescent element of society that would be ready accept a caliphate once it begins to take form.

There are limits to HT’s expansion. In other countries, HT has sought to function as an elite organisation, not a mass movement based in the poorer sectors of the society, and there is no clear sign that the Kyrgyz party has as yet been able to substantially expand its appeal to the educated, middle class, either male or female. The degree to which it has spread from its original, predominantly Uzbek, base in the south into the majority ethnic Kyrgyz community in the north is unclear. And HT’s restrictive view of women’s roles in an avowedly revolutionary party could well limit its growth among female sympathisers who may be deeply critical of the regime but unwilling to abandon the freedoms they enjoy in a secular society.

The government hardened its position on Islamist groups following an October 2008 protest in Nookat, prosecuting and imprisoning a number of HT members, including two women. Officials justify their response to the incident by saying that HT had become too militant in its challenge to the state and had to be taught a lesson. They insist that energetic police action is coupled with political dialogue with believers. In fact, however, security methods prevail. Civilian elements of the government tasked with reaching out to the religious community take at best a distant, secondary part. They are either too inefficient and uncoordinated, or simply reluctant to do anything that impinges on the responsibilities of the powerful security establishment.

A policy based on repression will play into HT’s hands and may even accelerate its recruitment. HT has a sophisticated political organisation that resembles that of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and even, to a degree, successful communist undergrounds. It thrives on the perception of social injustice, economic collapse and repression. It views prison as the ultimate test of party resolve and will regard a crackdown as an opportunity to provide new martyrs and draw new recruits. Women, whether presently members themselves or not but whose husbands are arrested, may feel compelled to assume a more public role in petitioning authorities.

Despite the prominent role they played in the Nookat protest, the government has not implemented policies aimed specifically at discouraging women from joining HT. Kyrgyzstan’s progressive legislation on gender equality and its quotas for women representatives in government have little impact on the lives of those most likely to join HT. Religious women in particular feel that women in government do not represent their views, because most are proponents of secularism. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are not reaching out to such women. They suffer from a lack of credibility with religious women and feel compelled to concentrate on projects they can secure funding for from donors rather than grassroot initiatives such as helping mothers by providing after-school programs for young children – something HT does for its women members.

The only effective long-term strategy is political. For this, however, Kyrgyzstan – and its neighbours in Central Asia, all of whom face similar problems – needs to take serious steps to eradicate systemic corruption and improve living conditions. Economic crisis and rigged elections strengthen HT’s appeal to those who feel socially and politically dispossessed and buttress its argument that Western democracy and capitalism are morally and practically flawed. All states in the region need also to differentiate between a political struggle against HT and the desire of large segments of their societies to demonstrate renewed religious faith by adopting some traditional attributes of Islam – beards in the case of men, for example, and headscarves for women. As Central Asia becomes a major supply route for NATO’s expanded war in Afghanistan, Western powers with an increased interest in the region’s stability should caution against repressive policies.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To the Government of Kyrgyzstan:

1. Conduct a comprehensive study on the socio-demographic characteristics and needs of religious women, starting with a pilot project in Osh and Jalal-Abad and the areas around the towns of Nookat, Aravan, Uzgen and Karasuu, which are considered the hotbed of Islamic radicalism in the country.

2. Develop, based on the results of this study, social and economic policies targeting religious women that include:

a) employment schemes (at first in sectors acceptable for religious women like education, health care and social work) and vocational training opportunities; and

b) rehabilitation of social services, including kindergartens and after-school programs, that would lighten women’s workload at home and allow them to pursue outside employment.

3. Develop and implement a system of financial assistance at the local level for poor families, especially those headed by single mothers, and raise government assistance for maternity leave, sick leave to care for children, alimony and support for children with dead or missing fathers.

4. Organise, in cooperation with the Spiritual Directorate of Muslims of Kyrgyzstan (DUMK), free study groups on Islam at the neighbourhood level that are led by respected, knowledgeable women from local communities.

5. Encourage DUMK, financially and by providing domestic and international expertise, to design a program of outreach to religious women that would ensure their greater participation in the local religious community.

6. Shift the focus from prohibiting hijab in public schools to implementing measures that would ensure better attendance and graduation rates from secondary schools by girls (especially in rural and southern areas) and deliver a basic secular curriculum in women’s madrasas.

7. Set up an inter-agency task force on radicalisation whose remit includes developing specific policies relevant to religious women and assign the lead role to a non-security government body in order to establish better information sharing and decrease the influence of law enforcement agencies; ensure that concerns of religious women are separated from the agenda on gender equality.

8. Take steps to change the climate of secrecy and taboo around religious radicalism by encouraging greater public discussion on the causes of and ways to address radicalisation, and welcoming more in-depth research by domestic and international experts.

To Donors:

9. Expand programs for women beyond gender issues to include projects for religious women and joint initiatives for both secular and religious women on practical matters (e.g. water quality, coping with male labour migration, pre-school education).

10. Fund research and survey activities by the government, local think tanks and academics on the topics of religious women and female radicalisation.

11. Adjust aid priorities by channelling more funding to grassroots projects that address practical concerns of religious women and engage secular and religious audiences within local communities, as opposed to large-scale institutional initiatives.

12. Encourage local NGOs to reach out specifically to religious women in their advocacy and service provision initiatives.

13. Encourage the government to incorporate the policies on religious women as a distinct component of its institutional agenda.

To the U.S., Russia and Other Members of the International Community with Particular Influence:

14. Warn the government that its recent policy shift, which relies disproportionately on security measures in dealing with Islamic radicalism, threatens to stimulate rather than undermine the appeal of Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) and has potential to generate a popular backlash.

15. Call upon the government to conduct a new investigation and new trials in the Nookat case that observe due process and exclude evidence obtained through torture.

To Domestic Civil Society:

16. Initiate specific projects to address daily concerns of religious women and seek partnerships on such initiatives with religious NGOs.

17. Combine any advocacy on gender equality with more regular community work and, whenever possible, service provision to enhance credibility.

Bishkek/Brussels, 3 September 2009

International Crisis Group - Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and Its Discontent

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Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and Its Discontents

Africa Report N°153
4 September 2009

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by its chairman and prime minister, Meles Zenawi, has radically reformed Ethiopia’s political system. The regime transformed the hitherto centralised state into the Federal Democratic Republic and also redefined citizenship, politics and identity on ethnic grounds. The intent was to create a more prosperous, just and representative state for all its people. Yet, despite continued economic growth and promised democratisation, there is growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued inter-ethnic conflict. The international community should take Ethiopia’s governance problems much more seriously and adopt a more principled position towards the government. Without genuine multi-party democracy, the tensions and pressures in Ethiopia’s polities will only grow, greatly increasing the possibility of a violent eruption that would destabilise the country and region.

The endeavour to transform Ethiopia into a federal state is led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which has dominated the coalition of ethno-nationalist parties that is the EPRDF since the removal in 1991 of the Derg, the security services committee that overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. The EPRDF quickly institutionalised the TPLF’s policy of people’s rights to self-determination and self-rule. The federal constitution ratified in 1994 defined the country’s structure as a multicultural federation based on ethno-national representation.

The government has created nine ethnic-based regional states and two federally administered city-states. The result is an asymmetrical federation that combines populous regional states like Oromiya and Amhara in the central highlands with sparsely populated and underdeveloped ones like Gambella and Somali. Although the constitution vests all powers not attributed to the federal government in them, the regional states are in fact weak.

The constitution was applauded for its commitment to liberal democracy and respect for political freedoms and human rights. But while the EPRDF promises democracy, it has not accepted that the opposition is qualified to take power via the ballot box and tends to regard the expression of differing views and interests as a form of betrayal. Before 2005, its electoral superiority was ensured by the limited national appeal and outreach of the predominantly ethnically based opposition parties. Divided and disorganised, the reach of those parties rarely went beyond Addis Ababa. When the opposition was able to challenge at local, regional or federal levels, it faced threats, harassment and arrest. With the opportunity in 2005 to take over the Addis Ababa city council in what would have been the first democratic change of a major administration in the country’s history, the opposition withdrew from the political process to protest flaws in the overall election.

The EPRDF did not feel threatened until the 2005 federal and regional elections. The crackdown that year on the opposition demonstrated the extent to which the regime is willing to ignore popular protest and foreign criticism to hold on to power. The 2008 local and by-elections went much more smoothly, in large part because the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) was absorbed with internal and legal squabbles, and several other parties withdrew after their candidates experienced severe registration problems. The next federal and regional elections, scheduled for June 2010, most probably will be much more contentious, as numerous opposition parties are preparing to challenge the EPRDF, which is likely to continue to use its political machine to retain its position.

Despite the EPRDF’s authoritarianism and reluctance to accept genuine multi-party competition, political positions and parties have proliferated in recent years. This process, however, is not driven by democratisation or the inclusion of opposition parties in representative institutions. Rather it is the result of a continuous polarisation of national politics that has sharpened tensions between and within parties and ethnic groups since the mid-1990s. The EPRDF’s ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups that vie over land and natural resources, as well as administrative boundaries and government budgets.

Furthermore, ethnic federalism has failed to resolve the “national question”. The EPRDF’s ethnic policy has empowered some groups but has not been accompanied by dialogue and reconciliation. For Amhara and national elites, ethnic federalism impedes a strong, unitary nation-state. For ethno-national rebel groups like the ONLF (Ogaden National Liberation Front; Somalis in the Ogaden) and OLF (Oromo Liberation Front; the Oromo), ethnic federalism remains artificial. While the concept has failed to accommodate grievances, it has powerfully promoted ethnic self-awareness among all groups. The international community has ignored or downplayed all these problems. Some donors appear to consider food security more important than democracy in Ethiopia, but they neglect the increased ethnic awareness and tensions created by the regionalisation policy and their potentially explosive consequences.

Nairobi/Brussels, 4 September 2009

International Crisis Group - China’s Myanmar Dilemma

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China’s Myanmar Dilemma

Asia Report N°177
14 September 2009

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Each time global attention is focused on events in Myanmar, concerned stakeholders turn to China to influence the military government to undertake reforms. Yet simply calling on Beijing to apply more pressure is unlikely to result in change. While China has substantial political, economic and strategic stakes in Myanmar, its influence is overstated. The insular and nationalistic leaders in the military government do not take orders from anyone, including Beijing. China also diverges from the West in the goals for which it is prepared to use its influence. By continuing to simply expect China to take the lead in solving the problem, a workable international approach will remain elusive as Myanmar continues to play China and the West against each other. After two decades of failed international approaches to Myanmar, Western countries and Beijing must find better ways to work together to pursue a wide array of issues that reflect the concerns of both sides.

All Crisis Group North East Asia reports

All Crisis Group Burma/Myanmar reports

The relationship between China and Myanmar is best characterised as a marriage of convenience rather than a love match. The dependence is asymmetric – Myanmar has more to lose should the relationship sour: a protector in the Security Council, support from a large neighbour amid international isolation, a key economic partner and a source of investment. While China sees major problems with the status quo, particularly with regards to Myanmar’s economic policy and ethnic relations, its preferred solution is gradual adjustment of policy by a strong central government, not federalism or liberal democracy and certainly not regime change. In this way, it can continue to protect its economic and strategic interests in the country. In addition to energy and other investments, Myanmar’s strategic location allows China access to the Indian Ocean and South East Asia.

But Beijing’s policy might ultimately have an adverse effect on Myanmar’s stability and on China’s ability to leverage the advantages it holds. Political instability and uncertainty have resulted in a lack of confidence in Myanmar’s investment environment, and weak governance and widespread corruption have made it difficult for even strong Chinese companies to operate there. Myanmar’s borders continue to leak all sorts of problems – not just insurgency, but also drugs, HIV/AIDS and, recently, tens of thousands of refugees. Chinese companies have been cited for environmental and ecological destruction as well as forced relocation and human rights abuses carried out by the Myanmar military. These problems are aggravated by differences in approach between Beijing and the provincial government in Yunnan’s capital Kunming, which implements policies towards the ethnic ceasefire groups.

At the same time, resentment towards China, rooted in past invasions and prior Chinese support to the Communist Party of Burma, is growing. Myanmar’s leaders fear domination by their larger neighbour, and have traditionally pursued policies of non-alignment and multilateralism to balance Chinese influence. Increasing competition among regional actors for access to resources and economic relationships has allowed Myanmar to counterbalance China by strengthening cooperation with other countries such as India, Russia, Thailand, Singapore, North Korea and Malaysia. The military government is intensely nationalistic, unpredictable and resistant to external criticism, making it often impervious to outside influence.

While China shares the aspiration for a stable and prosperous Myanmar, it differs from the West on how to achieve such goals. China will not engage with Myanmar on terms dictated by the West. To bring Beijing on board, the wider international community will need to pursue a plausible strategy that takes advantage of areas of common interest. This strategy must be based on a realistic assessment of China’s engagement with Myanmar, its actual influence, and its economic and strategic interests. The West could better engage China to encourage Myanmar’s government to commit to a truly inclusive dialogue with the opposition and ethnic groups. In addition to talks on national reconciliation, dialogue should also address the economic and humanitarian crisis that hampers reconciliation at all levels of society. At the same time, China should act both directly and in close cooperation with ASEAN member countries to continue support for the good offices of the United Nations as well as to persuade the military to open up.

Myanmar is heading towards elections in 2010 which, despite major shortcomings, are likely to create opportunities for generational and institutional changes. International policy towards Myanmar accordingly deserves careful reassessment. China is encouraging the government to make the process genuinely inclusive, but will certainly accept almost any result that does not involve major instability. While its capacity and willingness to influence Myanmar’s domestic politics is limited, the international community should continue to encourage Beijing as well as other regional stakeholders to take part in a meaningful and concerted effort to address the transition in Myanmar.

Beijing/Jakarta/Brussels, 14 September 2009

Philippines: UN Group Should Highlight Killings of Children | Human Rights Watch

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Press Manila to Investigate and Prosecute ‘Death Squads’

September 14, 2009

(New York) - The United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child should press the Philippines government to take meaningful steps to investigate death squad killings and prosecute the perpetrators, Human Rights Watch said today. On September 15, 2009, the committee is reviewing the Philippines' compliance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Death squads, operating with the involvement of local authorities and with virtual impunity in Davao City and elsewhere in the Philippines, have frequently included children among their targets. In Davao City alone, more than 908 people have been killed by death squads since 1998. At least 82 victims, or 9 percent, were children. So far this year, more than 70 people have been killed.

"Children, some of whom already have miserable lives on the street, continue to be among the targets of the Philippines' lawless death squads," said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The Child Rights Committee should press the Philippines to prosecute these killings."

Death squads target alleged criminals, including street children and children in conflict with the law. They operate with at least the tacit approval of police officers and local officials.

Human Rights Watch, the Coalition Against Summary Execution and the Kalitawhan Network called on the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child to give special attention to death squad killings of children in a joint letter sent August 24, 2009.

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Burma’s Forgotten Prisoners | Human Rights Watch

September 16, 2009

The 35-page report showcases dozens of prominent political activists, Buddhist monks, labor activists, journalists, and artists arrested since peaceful political protests in 2007 and sentenced to draconian prison terms after unfair trials. The report was released on September 16, 2009 at a Capitol Hill news conference hosted by Senator Barbara Boxer.

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Read the Report
ISBN: 1-56432-517-2

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Spain must end incommunicado detention | Amnesty International

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15 September 2009

Spain must end the practice of incommunicado detention as it violates the rights of people deprived of their liberty, said Amnesty International in a report published on Tuesday.

"It is inadmissible that in present day Spain anyone who is arrested for whatever reason should disappear as if in a black hole for days on end. Such lack of transparency can be used as a veil to hide human rights violations," said Nicola Duckworth, Europe and Central Asia Programme Director.

In its report, Out of the shadows: End incommunicado detention in Spain, Amnesty International illustrates how Spain has one of the strictest detention regimes in Europe which is in breach of the country's obligations under international human rights law.

Spain's law of criminal procedure allows for a detainee to be held incommunicado for up to five days in all cases and for up to 13 days if suspected of terrorism-related offences. The 13-day period consists of up to five days of incommunicado detention in police custody, which can be extended by a further five days incommunicado in preventive imprisonment. An additional three days of incommunicado detention may be imposed by a judge at any time during the investigation.

"While held incommunicado, detainees cannot talk to a lawyer or a doctor of their choice. Their families live in stress not knowing what has happened to them and many detainees held incommunicado report that they have been tortured or ill-treated, but such allegations are rarely investigated," Nicola Duckworth said.

"Incommunicado detention denies detainees the right to fair trial. Such detention in itself may constitute cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. It does not comply with international human rights standards."

International organizations have repeatedly expressed concern about the risk of torture and other ill-treament during incommunicado detention. Such is the case of Mohamed Mrabet Fahsi who was arrested on terrorism-related charges on 10 January 2006 in his home near the city of Barcelona. During his detention incommunicado he was not able to call his own lawyer. Mohammed Fahsi told Amnesty International that he was tortured and ill-treated but both the doctor who examined him and the investigative judge ignored his complaints.

The Spanish government has justified the use of incommunicado detention on grounds of national security and public safety.

"Incommunicado detention must be relegated to the past. No other European Union country maintains a detention regime with such severe restrictions on the rights of detainees," Nicola Duckworth said.

Amnesty International has called on the Spanish authorities to:

Scrap legislation allowing incommunicado detention;
Allow all detainees to speak in confidence with a lawyer without police officers present;
Allow all detainees to have a lawyer of their choice who will be present during questioning;
Allow all detainees to be examined by a doctor of their choice;
Allow all detainees to have their families notified of their detention and location;
Make compulsory in all cases the video and audio recording at places where detainees may be present, except where this may violate their right to private consultations with their lawyer or doctor;
Investigate promptly, thoroughly and impartially all allegations of torture and other ill-treatment made by detainees.

Spain: Out of the shadows - Time to end incommunicado detention

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Index Number: EUR 41/001/2009
Date Published: 15 September 2009
Categories: Spain

Amnesty International considers that the incommunicado regime in Spanish law is a violation of Spain’s obligations under international human rights law. No other European Union country maintains a detention regime with such severe restrictions on the rights of detainees. The continuing allegations of torture and other ill-treatment demonstrate the grave consequences detention in this regime may have. Amnesty International calls on parliament to abrogate the existing legislation and to ensure the effective protection of the rights of all persons deprived of their liberty.

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Human rights activists under threat in Serbia | Amnesty International

Journalist Dinko Druhonic has been targeted for criticising neo-fascists

14 September 2009

Human rights defenders are under attack in Serbia and the authorities are failing to protect them, Amnesty International said on Monday.

Over the past year women human rights activists have faced repeated attacks in the Serbian media including being threatened with lynching.

Such attacks are made by parliamentarians, members of ultra-right organizations and members of the security services indicted for war crimes. Other defenders have had their property destroyed, their offices attacked or been beaten by members of neo-Nazi groups.

"Physical attacks and threats to the lives and property of human rights activists are seldom promptly and impartially investigated by the authorities and few perpetrators are brought to justice," said Sian Jones, Amnesty International’s Balkans expert.

"The lack of political will on the part of the authorities to fulfil their obligations to guarantee human rights defenders their right to freedom of expression and assembly creates a climate of impunity which stifles civil society."

In the briefing Serbia: Human rights defenders at risk Amnesty International reviews the latest attacks against human rights activists, including those against leading women human rights activists.

These defenders include Nataša Kandić, director of the Humanitarian Law Centre, Sonja Biserko of the Serbian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, and Biljana Kovačević-Vučo of the Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights (YUCOM), as well as the women’s NGO Women in Black.

They have been portrayed in the media as anti-Serb for favouring the independence of Kosovo, and for demanding accountability for war crimes committed in the 1990s in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo.

The briefing also focuses on those who defend the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people (LGBT). Since 2001 the LGBT community in Serbia has been unable to hold a Pride Day parade due to serious threats by right-wing and religious organizations. Such organizations have already made unveiled threats against the organizers of this year’s parade, scheduled for 20 September.

"The LGBT community is marginalized even within civil society and criminal investigations into assaults on LGBT people, even where the perpetrators have been identified, are rarely resolved," Sian Jones said.

"The Serbian authorities are obliged to protect the rights of all people to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. They must condemn publicly all attacks on and threats to human rights activists, and provide protection and support during the forthcoming Belgrade Pride later this week."

Amnesty International calls on the Serbian government to implement in law and in practice the principles of the UN Declaration of Human Rights Defenders, which provides a framework for the protection and support of human rights defenders. The organization also calls on the embassies of EU member states to provide protection and support to defenders in Serbia.

Serbia: Human rights defenders at risk

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Index Number: EUR 70/014/2009
Date Published: 14 September 2009
Categories: Serbia

Human rights defenders (HRDs) In Serbia continue to be at risk from attack by both state and non-state actors, including the media. The Serbian authorities are failing to protect them from physical attacks and threats to their lives and property. Amnesty International is extremely concerned at the impact of these attacks on the rights of HRDs and the rights to freedom of expression and assembly in Serbia.

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A Terrorist Mastermind Whose Luck Ran Out - NYTimes.com

Image by aulia.m via Flickr

By SETH MYDANS

BANGKOK — Over the past six years, Noordin Muhammad Top, considered to be the most violent Islamist militants in the region, had become an almost mythical figure among both those who sheltered him on the run and those who pursued him and finally killed him in Indonesia on Thursday.

While suspected of orchestrating the country’s main bombing attacks during those years, he repeatedly slipped away from capture, most recently in August when, after an all-night raid on a safe house, the police discovered they had killed the wrong man.

At a news conference on Thursday, the chief of the National Police, Bambang Hendarso Danuri, held up photographs of fingerprints that he said confirmed that this time, the man they had killed was Mr. Noordin.

Journalists joined the police in raising a cheer.

As the region’s main Islamist group, Jemaah Islamiyah, turned away from large-scale violence in recent years, and as its leading figures were killed or captured one after another, Mr. Noordin, 41, became the most wanted terrorism suspect and a symbol of violent jihad.

He made a name for himself as the most skilled, inventive and dangerous bomb maker in the country, and was suspected of planning bomb attacks on the JW Marriott hotel in Jakarta in 2003, on the Australian Embassy in Jakarta in 2004, in Bali in 2005 and at the JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels in Jakarta in July.

People who knew him and people who have studied his activities said Thursday that Mr. Noordin had a quiet magnetism that drew sympathizers to protect him, new recruits to join his splinter group and at least three women to marry and start families with him, giving him both cover and shelter.

“He was a quiet person, didn’t talk much, very pious,” said an Islamic clergyman, Abu Wildan, who knew him between 1993 and 2002 when he was a student and then the headmaster at Lukmanul Hakiem, an Islamic boarding school in Malaysia, where he was born.

“He prayed five times a day and was keen to look after and defend the Muslims’ rights,” Mr. Wildan said in a telephone interview. Mr. Noordin, who graduated from the University of Technology in Malaysia in 1991, taught computers, sociology and the Malay language at the boarding school, he said.

Mr. Noordin was also a networker, Mr. Wildan said, visiting friends who were sick and consulting with fellow teachers before making decisions at the boarding school.

The school preached the violent brand of jihad of Abu Bakar Bashir, the godfather of Jemaah Islamiyah, and Mr. Noordin embraced its radical version of Islam.

Like many other militants, he fled to Indonesia to evade a Malaysian crackdown on militants that followed the terrorist attacks in the United States on Sept. 11, 2001.

By this time he seemed to have matured into a more focused and ambitious man, according to Nasir Abas, a former Islamist leader who defected to the government in 2003 and who was for a time Mr. Noordin’s commander.

“He is very well-organized,” Mr. Abas said in a telephone interview. “He is very charismatic. He is articulate, he is very good in influencing people to join his cause, giving encouragement and motivation.

“That’s why he was good in recruiting his followers.”

But it was luck and circumstance that turned him into a leader, said Sidney Jones, an expert on terrorism with the International Crisis Group.

He did not set out be become a bomb maker but began working with explosives when another militant, who had been hiding them, said he no longer wanted to keep them, Ms. Jones said, speaking by telephone from Jakarta.

“It was only when he was forced into a decision about having explosives that he became a leader and turned into a bomb maker,” she said.

“And from that time on his status grew within the radical fringe of the extremist network,” she said. “It continued to grow with each act and with his ability to elude the police. And so it was largely through flukes and an astonishing run of good luck, rather than skill on his part.”

After breaking with Jemaah Islamiyah, Mr. Noordin founded a splinter group that, Ms. Jones wrote recently, “models itself, in terms of ideology, targets, and propaganda, after Al Qaeda. The question is whether he only imitates it or whether he has some structural affiliation.”

Mr. Noordin also made contacts and recruited supporters in a wide network that included Indonesia, Malaysia and the southern Philippines, according to Rohan Gunaratna, the head of the International Center for Political Violence and Terrorism Research at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore.

“He could preach a very radical version of Islam but could present it in a very, very simple way to attract students whom he managed to convince,” Mr. Gunaratna said in an interview.

Mr. Noordin’s death is a major victory for security forces, he said, but it will not mean an end to violence. “He leaves behind a significant network that will continue the fight.”

Sari Sudarsono contributed reporting from Singapore.

Sep 16, 2009

Japan sees historic change, Hatoyama elected prime minister, forms DPJ-led Cabinet - Daily Yomiuri)

Democratic Party of Japan leader Yukio Hatoyama, standing, bows as he is applauded by fellow lawmakers after he was elected the nation's 60th prime minister at the House of Representatives plenary session Wednesday.

Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama was elected the nation's 60th prime minister in a special Diet session convened Wednesday. He officially announced the lineup of his Cabinet later in the day.

Hatoyama formed the nation's 93rd cabinet, which was then sworn in at an attestation ceremony at the Imperial Palace, launching the DPJ-led government in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party.

It is the first time for the Liberal Democratic Party to hand over the reins of government in 16 years.

The 172nd Diet session was convened Wednesday, with the session to run through Saturday.

Hatoyama was named prime minister at the plenary session of the House of Representatives that started at 1 p.m. and then at the House of Councillors plenary session that started at 2:30 p.m.--in each case by a majority vote including votes by the SDP and PNP members.

Before Hatoyama was named prime minister at the lower house, the DPJ's Takahiro Yokomichi was elected the speaker of the lower house and former Defense Minister Seishiro Eto of the LDP was elected the vice speaker.

With regard to the Cabinet posts, DPJ Acting President Naoto Kan was named deputy prime minister and national strategy minister. Kan also will serve as the state minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy until the government abolishes the existing Council on Fiscal and Economic Policy.

Hatoyama appointed Hirofumi Hirano, chief of the DPJ executives secretariat, as chief cabinet secretary, and former party Secretary General Katsuya Okada as foreign minister.

DPJ Vice President Seiji Maehara was named construction and transport minister and will also serve as state minister for disaster management and Okinawa and the northern territories. Akira Nagatsuma, acting chairman of the DPJ Policy Research Committee, was appointed health, labor and welfare minister.

Other DPJ members who were given portfolios included the party's top adviser Hirohisa Fujii, who was named finance minister; party Vice President Tatsuo Kawabata who became education, science and technology minister; and Kazuhiro Haraguchi who was chosen as internal affairs and communications minister. Hatoyama appointed upper house member Keiko Chiba as justice minister. Policy Research Committee Chairman Masayuki Naoshima was given the post of economy, trade and industry minister, and Vice President Toshimi Kitazawa was named defense minister.

The posts of deputy chief cabinet secretaries for parliamentary affairs were given to Yorihisa Matsuno from the lower house, and Koji Matsui from the upper house.

From the DPJ's coalition partners, SDP leader Mizuho Fukushima entered the Cabinet as state minister in charge of consumer affairs and the declining birthrate. Fukushima's portfolio as state minister also covers gender equality and food safety issues.

Under a ruling coalition agreement, PNP leader Shizuka Kamei was named state minister in charge of financial services and postal reform.

Former Justice Minister Hiroshi Nakai was named chairman of the National Public Safety Commission and state minister in charge of abduction issues.

Former Policy Research Committee Chairman Yoshito Sengoku was appointed state minister in charge of the newly established administrative renewal council.

===

Aso Cabinet resigns

The Cabinet of Prime Minister Taro Aso resigned Wednesday, ending its administration about a year after it was formed in September last year.

At a press conference held after a special Cabinet meeting at the Prime Minister's Office, Aso said the new government should promote economic measures and making a contribution to the international community.

"The economic recovery is only halfway through. I hope [the new government] makes an effort to solidify the economic recovery. I greatly hope it will appropriately deal with terrorism, piracy" and other international issues, he said.

Looking back over his 358 days as prime minister, Aso said, "It was a short period of time, but I did my best for Japan."

"I was able to respond promptly to a global recession said to be the worst in a century. I think I can be proud of myself for implementing drastic economic measures, such as compiling four budgets," he said.

Referring to the Liberal Democratic Party's presidential election to be held Sept. 28, Aso said: "We should unite [the party]. Someone who can do the job based on an analysis of what the problem was for the LDP" is desirable as the new party leader.

--------

NEW CABINET (Sept. 16, 2009)

Prime Minister / Yukio Hatoyama, 62

Deputy Prime Minister and National Strategy Minister / Naoto Kan, 62

Internal Affairs and Communications Minister / Kazuhiro Haraguchi, 50

Justice Minister / Keiko Chiba, 61

Foreign Minister / Katsuya Okada, 56

Finance Minister / Hirohisa Fujii, 77

Education, Science and Technology Minister / Tatsuo Kawabata, 64

Health, Labor and Welfare Minister / Akira Nagatsuma, 49

Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Minister / Hirotaka Akamatsu, 61

Economy, Trade and Industry Minister / Masayuki Naoshima, 63

Construction and Transport Minister / Seiji Maehara, 47

Environment Minister / Sakihito Ozawa, 55

Defense Minister / Toshimi Kitazawa, 71

Chief Cabinet Secretary / Hirofumi Hirano, 60

National Public Safety Commission Chairman / Hiroshi Nakai, 67

State Minister in Charge of Financial Services and Postal Reform / Shizuka Kamei, 72*

State Minister in Charge of Consumer Affairs and Declining Birthrate / Mizuho Fukushima, 53**

Administrative Renewal Minister / Yoshito Sengoku, 63

(* People's New Party, ** Social Democratic Party)

(Sep. 16, 2009)

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Table of Contents

Spain must end incommunicado detention | Amnesty International

Spain: Out of the shadows - Time to end incommunicado detention

Human rights activists under threat in Serbia | Amnesty International

Serbia: Human rights defenders at risk

A Terrorist Mastermind Whose Luck Ran Out - NYTimes.com

Sep 16, 2009

Japan sees historic change, Hatoyama elected prime minister, forms DPJ-led Cabinet - Daily Yomiuri)