Showing posts with label Southeast Asia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Southeast Asia. Show all posts

Apr 13, 2011

Winds of change in Sarawak?

Pehin Sri Haji Abdul Taib bin Mahmud, Chief Mi...Image via Wikipedia
Taib

April 13th, 2011 by Greg Lopez · 1 Comment

While the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition has dominated politics in Sarawak over the last four decades, significant changes have been taking place in the state that could weaken BN’s control. A key development in recent years is the ascendancy of nationally based parties such as the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) within the opposition forces in Sarawak. Another significant change is the swing in Chinese support from the ruling party to the opposition. These developments together with the emergence of a Dayak intelligentsia sharply critical of the ruling elite will enable opposition forces to provide a credible challenge to the BN in the forthcoming Sarawak state assembly elections. This paper details how opposition forces will fare in the elections. It also discusses the issue of succession to Taib, who has been Chief Minister for thirty years, and outlines key developments in the ruling state coalition since the 1960s that led to the rise of Parti Pesaka Bumiputra (PBB) as the dominant party in the BN coalition.
- Extracted from Faisal S. Hazis, “Winds of change in Sarawak politics?”,   S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 24 March 2011.

1 response so far ↓

  • 1 Moses // Apr 13, 2011 at 4:32 pm
    Noting that Dr Faisal’s article was written in March, before the close of nominations, a key point that needs to be mentioned is the number of three-cornered fights there will be between BN, SNAP and PKR. PKR and SNAP’s inability to come to a satisfactory seat allocation arrangement and subsequent public bickering will hurt the opposition both by splitting the opposition vote (in close to 30 seats), and by giving the impression of a fractured opposition unready to assume government. That means little in the Chinese seats of course, where one would expect the DAP to have some success if the Sibu by-election is any guide. But that won’t be enough to win the opposition any more than about half a dozen seats more than it already holds.
    Winds of change? Only to the extent of the succession to Taib’s leadership…
    Quality comment or not? Thumb up 0 Thumb down 0
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Jan 20, 2011

Asian Studies WWW VL - Individual Countries/Areas/Territories

Dec 31, 2010

Sample Chapters from Cornell SEAP Essay Volumes

Rice farming in CambodiaImage via Wikipedia
Rice farming in Cambodia (BM)
  Browse sample chapters from SEAP essay volumes

Pages: 1 2 3 4 5       Previous 4 | Next 4


State of Authority: The State in Society in Indonesia
Gerry van Klinken and Joshua Barker, eds. 

Conflict, Violence, and Displacement in Indonesia
Eva-Lotta E. Hedman, ed. 
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IIAS Newsletter 55

Newsletter 55


Spring 2010
1 Cover
2 Contents
3 From the Director
The Study
4 Engaging North Korea after the Cheonan sinking Timothy S. Rich 
5 Working girls in Dhaka, between public and private space Anna Ensing
6 - 7 The effeminacy of male beauty in Korea Roald Maliangkay
8 Cigarette counterfeiting in the People’s Republic of China Georgios A. Antonopoulos, Anqi Shen & Klaus von Lampe
9 Negotiating with the Taliban: an Indian perspective Sanjeeb Mohanty
10 - 11 Three dreams or three nations? Rahaab Allana
12 - 13 Maulana Bhashani and the transition to secular politics in East Bengal Peter Custers
14 - 15 Moving portraits and interactive voices from the British Raj Annamaria Motrescu
16 Provincial globalisation: the impact of reverse transnational fl ows in India’s regional towns Anant Maringanti, Carol Upadhya & Mario Rutten
The Focus - Urbanisation in East Asia
17 - 18 Urbanisation in East Asia Gregory Bracken
19 Architectural iconicity: Malaysia’s Multimedia Super Corridor Leslie Sklair
20 - 21 The metropolis and the capital: Shanghai and Beijing as paradigms of space Jacob Dreyer
22 - 23 The state of cities in China Bogdan Stamoran
24 - 25 National economic reform and rural migration to China’s cities Ana Moya Pellitero
26 - 27 Constituting governance: the US Army in the Philippines, 1898-1920s Estela Duque
28 - 29 Leaping beyond nostalgia: Shanghai’s urban life ethnography Non Arkaraprasertkul
30 - 32 Writing the longtang way of life Lena Scheen
The Review
33 New For Review
34 Bookmarked
35 Cultural forms are like snow, crystal clear when hardened, opaque when soft Jeroen Groenewegen
36 - 37  The melancholy of Mocha Michael Pearson
38 Who is this ‘Indonesian Muslim’? Dick van der Meij
39 Race and multiculturalism in Malaysia and Singapore Holger Warnk
40 An extremely difficult position Nicholas Tarling
The Network
41 News
42 Opinion – East Asian art history reconsidered Anna GrassKamp
42 Response to review of The Russian Protocols of Zion in Japan Jacob Kovalio
43 A wave to surf on: ICAS Book Prize 2011 Paul van der Velde
44 Announcements
45 IIAS Research
46 IIAS Fellows
47 Colophon
The Portrait
48 ‘If it is beautiful, it will endure on every level’ The Asian Art Society in the Netherlands Rosalien van der Poel


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iias_nl55_02.pdf  5.99 MB
iias_nl55_03.pdf  1.04 MB

Dec 24, 2010

The Human Trafficking Problem in US-Malaysia Relations

by Pooja Terasha Stanslas

Asia Pacific Bulletin, No. 88

Publisher: Washington, D.C.: East-West Center in Washington
Publication Date: December 15, 2010
Binding: electronic
Pages: 2
Free Download: PDF

Abstract

The United States is Malaysia's largest trading partner, and US-Malaysia relations generally revolve around three main themes: economics, security, and Malaysian political modernization. Current events often have a role in highlighting particular aspects of these themes, which on occasion can give rise to contradictions in the bilateral relationship. The listing of Malaysia to Tier Three, the lowest rank, in the annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report by the US Department of State in its 2001, 2007 and 2009 publications is one such instance. In the 2009 report, Malaysia was one of seventeen countries cited in Tier Three, alongside North Korea and Myanmar. Pooja Terasha Stanslas discusses the problem of human trafficking in US-Malaysia relations, highlighting Malaysia's recent efforts to remedy the situation.
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Dec 18, 2010

Crisis Group - Timor-Leste: Time for the UN to Step Back

Asia Briefing N°116, 15 December 2010

The size of the policing contingent of the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) should be sharply reduced to prepare for the peace operation’s eventual end and encourage the country to assume full responsibility for ensuring its own security and future stability.
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Dec 15, 2010

Dec 13, 2010

Aug 15, 2010

Telling a new story of the Indonesian past

Inside Indonesia

Review: Stephen Druce’s new book unveils the Ajattappareng kingdoms of South Sulawesi

Campbell Macknight

macknight.jpg
Tourists on their way northwards to Tanah Toraja speed through the area surrounding Parepare, South Sulawesi’s second city, and probably think it’s all fairly dull. By this stage of the trip, they have had their fill of fertile rice fields, glimpses of the sea through the coconut palms and the distinctive South Sulawesi houses on stilts. It is highly unlikely that they have heard anything of the story of the Ajattappareng kingdoms which ruled over this land from 1200 to 1600 CE, even if they have been exceptionally diligent in searching out the best histories of Indonesia.

Historians of Indonesia have long discussed the scope and nature of their subject: what should be written about, what questions asked and, above all perhaps, whose questions should be addressed? The debate had particular force in the late colonial and immediately post-colonial period, but as a quick scan of the books on offer in any branch of Gramedia or airport bookshop will show, there is still plenty to argue about in the history of independent Indonesia.

So what is so important then about a new book dealing with the events of half a millennium ago in a small area of South Sulawesi?
The tale of the ‘lands west of the lakes’

Perhaps the first thing to notice about Stephen Druce’s The Lands West of the Lakes: A History of the Ajattappareng Kingdoms of South Sulawesi 1200 to 1600 CE is that it is possible to write well over 300 pages on this topic. Who would have thought there was so much to say about so long ago in such a relatively small area of what is modern-day South Sulawesi? Until now, most people would have assumed that there were no more than a few mythical folktales here; certainly no ‘real’ history.

Some things found in the local manuscripts do sound like folktales, such as the story of La Bangéngngé, the pure white-blooded man who descended from a mountain top and married Wé Tépulingé, a pure white-blooded woman who rose from a spring near the shore of the bay below. Their descendants, who came to rule in the various ‘lands west of the lakes’, inherited their rights of precedence, which they justified in elaborate, if not necessarily consistent, genealogical records. Yet whatever we may make of tales of how things began, by the sixteenth century, if not earlier, we have enough confirmation from other written sources to rely on the names and relationships of particular rulers. The politics of power within and between kingdoms, domains and tributaries is clear.

This is also the story of the steady expansion of wet-rice agriculture from about 1200 CE onwards with forest clearance and the laborious construction of irrigation works assisted by the movement of hill people down to the plain. Surplus rice then featured among many items of export – as it still does from this very fertile area – and in return came ever greater quantities of the ceramics which are so useful to the archaeologist. The diagnostic thirteenth and fourteenth century pottery fragments (potsherds) from China are found first on the coast and in sites along the former courses of the great Saddang river. Suppa’, on the bay of Parepare, was the first beneficiary of this trade and around 1400 CE was developing not just as an agricultural power but also as a maritime one. The following century, however, saw the rise of Sidenreng, an inland power with wide-spreading rice fields. By the sixteenth century, the jockeying for power between these kingdoms and the other major states across the peninsula, such as Gowa, Wajo’, Luwu’ and Boné, had begun.

Much has happened in this area since 1600 CE: the arrival of Islam, various colonial wars, and the final imposition of Dutch control at the beginning of the twentieth century. To tell that story, however, would require another book and the use of very different kinds of evidence.
Uncovering Ajattappareng

It is an old story that the historian needs a good pair of boots; this research must have worn out several pairs. It also helps to have a talent for gaining people’s trust and a good ear to listen to what they say, as well as competency in a range of local languages. It is a revelation what sharp eyes and careful hearing can pick up about long past centuries. The book reeks of both fieldwork, often with a team of friends, and the library.

The book is not, though, an easy read. Druce ranges across many types of evidence: geomorphology, linguistics, archaeology, cartography, oral history, the analysis of Bugis documents, and so on. By the nature of the case, he has to present in detail the evidence from which his tale is woven. For example, one cannot understand what happened without following the complex shifts in the course of the Saddang River. There is much to be learned by comparing different versions of what is meant to be the same genealogy - who had an interest in changing things? Some conventional historians may have trouble interpreting the statistical information on the numbers and kinds of pottery fragments collected from various sites, but this evidence is vital to the story. The maps are needed to locate tiny villages and the long Bugis names take some adjusting to.

It is a revelation what sharp eyes and careful hearing can pick up about long past centuries. The book reeks of both fieldwork, often with a team of friends, and the library

Experts will know that interesting work of this type has been done in South Sulawesi over the last few decades and Druce is well aware of his predecessors. He makes use of the methods and results of others, including local scholars, with due acknowledgment.

The fact that this is not the richest, or the most powerful, or the most famous of the various areas in the Bugis and Makassar lands only makes this story the more unexpected. To those who aspire to write future histories of Indonesia, Druce offers up a challenge to look to South Sulawesi for insight:

Historical and archaeological research carried out in South Sulawesi over the last twenty years or so provides us with well-documented examples of the transformation of several Austronesian-speaking societies from simple chiefdoms to large political entities constructed largely around indigenous concepts. This makes South Sulawesi, with its extensive written and archaeological sources, of fundamental importance in understanding the historical evolution of Austronesian societies in Indonesia and beyond.

The importance of this book is that it opens the window, for anyone with a serious interest, on a whole new chapter of Indonesian history. This has nothing to do with the glories of Borobudur and Prambanan, or the intricacies of Javanese inscriptions and literature. It precedes the adoption of Islam which, in this area, was most unusually achieved by force, and the Dutch are nowhere on the scene. The book gives us a picture of how people managed their lives in the archipelago before the impact of these great cultural, religious and political forces. It is a genuinely pre-colonial history of at least one small part of Indonesia.

Stephen Druce, The Lands West of the Lakes: A History of the Ajattappareng Kingdoms of South Sulawesi 1200 to 1600 CE (KITLV Press, Leiden, 2009).

Campbell Macknight (macknight@ozemail.com.au) first visited South Sulawesi over forty years ago and still finds it just as interesting. He is currently a Visiting Fellow in Anthropology at the Australian National University.
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From soil to God

Inside Indonesia

Review: Chris Wilson bares the dynamics of conflict behind the violence in North Maluku

Ward Berenschot

berenschotv.jpg
Christian militia in Tobelo
Photo given to Chris Wilson, 2003
Will we ever have an integrated, comprehensive explanation for the bewildering explosions of violence that accompanied the end of the New Order? In a relatively short time span – roughly between 1997 and 2002 – ethnic groups fought each other in Kalimantan, anti-Chinese pogroms took place in (mainly) Java and Sumatra, while Muslims and Christians went after each other in Central Sulawesi, Ambon and North Maluku. This violence was due – at least according to the main studies of this period – to anxieties caused by the destabilisation of established hierarchies and patronage channels during the New Order’s collapse.

Chris Wilson’s study of one such violent region – North Maluku – takes the reader beyond general explanations, and shows how these national developments interacted with local anxieties and power struggles to produce a tragedy from which North Maluku is yet to recover. Based on nine months of fieldwork in different regions of North-Maluku, Wilson discusses how in 1999 and 2000 a relatively small land dispute between ethnic groups gradually morphed into an all-out religious war. In a clear and accessible style, Wilson reconstructs how this relatively minor land dispute in a remote district called Malifut escalated due to the political strategising around the upcoming election of a new governor. When angry victims of this conflict were relocated to Ternate, a chain of reaction and counter-reaction was started that led to more than 3000 deaths, with about 250,000 people displaced.

This violence then spread through North Maluku in different phases. The dispute in Malifut was followed by an anti-Christian pogrom in Ternate and Tidore, which then stimulated Christians in north Halmahera to violently expel the Muslim minority. This was followed, curiously enough, by intra-Muslim fighting in Ternate until the conflict degenerated into a religious war; in the early months of 2000, a ‘jihad army’ of local volunteers were fighting Christian troops in several parts of Halmahera. The violence was the stuff of nightmares: the raging mobs raped, ate hearts, cut off the heads of their victims, and left both churches and mosques full of dead bodies.

Why did this tragedy take place? The ingenuity of Wilson’s book lies in the way the author uses different theoretical perspectives to analyse how the conflict gradually escalated. On each phase he applies a different perspective, familiarising the reader with resource mobilisation theory, instrumentalist theories of violence, theories about identity and the concept of security dilemma. These different perspectives make sense: Wilson shows how the earlier phases can be understood in the light of power struggles between elites, while in the later stages fear of the other side was so intense that, according to Wilson, people engaged in violent pre-emptive attacks to regain a sense of security. It is this application of a broad range of theories of violence that makes Wilson’s book valuable for readers whose interest lies beyond North Maluku or Indonesia: Wilson’s theoretically informed case-study can stimulate thinking on the conflict dynamics behind many other cases of ethnic or religious violence.

It is this application of a broad range of theories of violence that makes Wilson’s book valuable for readers whose interest lies beyond North Maluku or Indonesia

Wilson ends up criticising the general explanation for the post-New Order violence that focuses merely on the collapse of the New Order power struggles. He calls for a ‘syncretic approach’ that focuses not only on the broader structures but also on the motivation of the people on the ground. He wants analysts to pay attention to ‘the interaction of static and changing structures with (…) human agency’: how do social structures cause ordinary people to want violence? That is a promise Wilson does not really fulfill. His book is so focused on describing the violent events themselves, that we get very little information on the social structures in which people in North Maluku live their lives.

And we do not really get to know the violent actors, as Wilson offers very few quotations from his informants about their motivations. What was it about North Maluku that made this province so susceptible to violence? How did the nature of day-to-day life underlie the way people came to accept the use of violence?

As a reader, because I did not get close to the experiences and perceptions of those who perpetrated the violence, I was left with a slightly bewildered feeling. Wilson’s book made me understand the dynamics of the different conflict-phases in North Maluku, but not why people were so easily swayed by these dynamics.

But that is not completely fair to Chris Wilson. One can only do so much in one study: the documentation and analysis of the complex waves of violence must itself have been a gigantic task. By performing it so well he has done a major service to future historians and all those who want to get a better understanding of this dark period in Indonesia’s history.

Chris Wilson, Ethno-Religious Violence in Indonesia: From Soil to God. Oxon: Routledge, 2008.

Ward Berenschot (w.j.berenschot@uva.nl) wrote his PhD thesis on Hindu-Muslim violence in India; he is currently working on a research project that compares India’s and Indonesia’s communal violence.
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Aug 13, 2010

Indonesian Cleric's Arrest Disrupts Radicalization in Southeast Asia

VOA
Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir talks to journalists in Jakarta (file photo)
Photo: AP
Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir talks to journalists in Jakarta (file photo)
Radical Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir was arrested August 9 after a months-long investigation into a terrorist group calling itself al-Qaida in Aceh. Analysts say his arrest was more significant than just the disruption of a terrorist plot. It demonstrated, they say, a new emphasis by Indonesian authorities on preventing radicalization and terrorist recruitment in Southeast Asia.

Radical Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir was charged Wednesday with helping plan terrorist attacks in Indonesia. It is a crime that carries a maximum penalty of death. Police say he was involved in setting up a terrorist cell and militant training camp in Aceh Province that was plotting high-profile assassinations and attacks on foreigners in the capital.

Symbolic importance

But terrorism expert Rohan Gunaratna with the Singapore-based Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies says Bashir's symbolic importance to the radical Islamic movement surpasses any operational role he may have played.

"Bashir remains a central figure in terrorism in Southeast Asia and globally," Gunaratna said. "He's the public face. He's the iconic figure when it comes to terrorism in Southeast Asia. There is no one who is more prominent than Abu Bakar Bashir in Southeast Asia."

Who is he?

The 71-year-old cleric is a co-founder and spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiyah, the al-Qaida linked terrorist network. Its purpose is to establish an Islamic caliphate extending over the Muslim areas of south-east Asia.

Jemaah Islamiyah is blamed for a series of bombings that killed over 250 people in the last decade, including those on Bali in 2002 and 2005.

Bashir spent more than two years in prison for his involvement in the 2002 terrorist bombings on Bali that killed 202 people. The Indonesian Supreme Court threw out his conviction in 2006.

Bashir has denied any involvement in terrorism but he continues to speak out and founded a legal organization called Jama'ah Ansharut Tauhid or JAT that promotes the creation of an Islamic state in Indonesia. His arrest had been anticipated after several JAT members were arrested in May for allegedly funding terrorist activities in Aceh.

No mistakes

Security analyst Ken Conboy with Risk Management Advisory says police took its time collecting intelligence and evidence against Bashir so as not to repeat the mistakes they made the last time the arrested him.

"The government really blew the case against him," Conboy said. "They had him in prison. They couldn't make any of the bigger charges stick and even the charges they did eventually get, he was let free. So I think the government really stumbled the last time around and I am sure this time they were being very very methodical and making sure they had as tight as case as possible before they arrested him."

Bashir blames pressure from the United States and Australia for his arrest and some hardline Islamic organizations in Indonesia defend him as a victim of anti-Islamic forces.

Extensive influence

Gunaratna says Bashir's influence in radicalizing Muslims and recruiting terrorists extended throughout Southeast Asia. Malaysia recently arrested three suspected militants believed to have ties with the radical cleric.

And he says Bashir's arrest is a turning point for the region's war on terror. It shows that Indonesian authorities are now willing to go after ideological figures with significant public support that promote extremist causes.

"The president of Indonesia should be congratulated because previous presidents did not take the threat seriously," Gunaratna noted, "and certainly the government of Indonesia should send to prison not only those who are operational terrorists but ideological terrorists, people who write, who advocate and who support terrorism. And Abu Bakar Bashir belongs to all those categories."

But he says this new emphasis on cracking down on those propagating extremist messages is just beginning, and more must be done to prevent the radicalization of another generation of Muslims in Southeast Asia.
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Publications of International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS)

International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS)


Asian Literary Voices. From Marginal to Mainstream




Author(s): Philip F. Williams (ed)

ISBN: 978 90 8964 092 5

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 176

Price € 37,50


Tracks and Traces. Thailand and the Work of Andrew Turton




Author(s): Philip Hirsch & Nicholas Tapp (eds)

ISBN: 978 908 964 249 3

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 168

Price € 27,50


South Asian Partition Fiction in English. From Khushwant Singh to Amitav Ghosh




Author(s): Rituparna Roy

ISBN: 978 90 8964 245 5

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 180

Price € 27,50


Varieties of Religious Authority: Changes and Challenges in 20th Century Indonesian Islam




Author(s): Azyumardi Azra, Kees van Dijk, Nico J G Kaptein (eds)

ISBN: 978 981 230 940 2

Publisher: ISEAS/IIAS

Publication year: 2010

Pages 211

Price USD $39.90


State, Society and International Relations in Asia




Author(s): Mehdi Parvizi Amineh

ISBN: 978 90 5356 794 4

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 312

Price € 44,50


Frameworks of Choice. Predictive and Genetic Testing in Asia




Author(s): Margaret Sleeboom-Faulkner

ISBN: 978 90 8964 165 6

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 272

Price € 42,00


Asian Cross-border Marriage Migration. Demographic Patterns and Social Issues




Author(s): Wen-Shan Yang, Melody Chia-Wen Lu

ISBN: 978 90 8964 054 3

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 264

Price € 42,00


Modernization, Tradition and Identity. The Kompilasi Hukum Islam and Legal Practice in the Indonesian Religious Courts




Author(s): Euis Nurlaelawati

ISBN: 978 90 8964 088 8

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 296

Price € 42,00


China with a Cut. Globalisation, Urban Youth and Popular Music




Author(s): Jeroen de Kloet

ISBN: 978 90 8964 162 5

Publisher: Amsterdam University Press

Publication year: 2010

Pages 264

Price € 42,00


Decentralization and Regional Autonomy in Indonesia: Implementation and Challenges




Author(s): Coen J G Holtzappel, Martin Ramstedt (eds)

ISBN: 978 981 230 820 7

Publisher: ISEAS Publications

Publication year: 2009

Pages 433

Price US$79.90

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Network of International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS)

International Institute for Asian Studies


ABIA




The ABIA project is a global network of scholars co-operating on an annotated bibliographic database covering South and Southeast Asian art and archaeology. http://www.abia.net


Asia Studies in Amsterdam (ASiA)




Asian Studies in Amsterdam (ASiA) is a joint endeavour of the University of Amsterdam and the International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS). ASiA aims to promote and facilitate the study of Asia through academic research and the organising of outreach activities within the Amsterdam region. http://www.iias.nl/asia


Asia-Europe Foundation (ASEF)




The Asia-Europe Foundation (ASEF) was established in February 1997 under the framework of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) process. ASEF seeks to promote mutual understanding, deeper engagement and continuing collaboration among the people of Asia and Europe through greater intellectual, cultural, and people-to-people exchanges between the two regions. http://www.asef.org


Asian Borderlands Research Network




The concerns of the Asian Borderlands Research Network are varied, ranging from migratory movements, transformations in cultural, linguistic and religious practices, to ethnic mobilization and conflict, marginalisation, and environmental concerns. Its aim is to generate new knowledge and methodologies for a better understanding of transitional zones and borderlands in general. http://www.asianborderlands.net


EASAS




The board of the EASAS consists of 12 elected and 3 coopted, in all 15 ordinary members, representing the various academic disciplines represented by the Association as well as the regional specialisations of the members. http://www.easas.org


ECARDC




The ECARDC Network (European Conference on Agriculture and Rural Development in China) was set up as an academic network to provide a forum to meet, discuss and share information and experiences about China's agricultural and rural development among scholars, development agencies, international donors, and professionals in development aid. http://www.ecardc.org


European Alliance For Asian Studies




The European Alliance for Asian Studies (Asia Alliance) is a co-operative framework of European institutes specializing in Asian Studies. http://www.asia-alliance.org


European Studies Programme at Delhi University




The European Studies Programme at Delhi University is framed keeping in mind certain aspects of the disciplines of sociology and social anthropology in particular and the social sciences in general in India. URL: http://www.europeanstudiesgroupdu.org/


ICAS




The International Convention of Asia Scholars (ICAS) is listed among the largest gatherings of research scholars from Centres on Asia and Asian studies, especially in the humanities and social science.

URL: http://www.icassecretariat.org


South Asian Studies Association (SASA)




The primary purposes for which SASA was organized are: to promote scholarly study of and public interest in South Asian civilizations and affairs; to provide a public forum for the communication of research and scholarship on South Asia, by means of an annual conference; to promote scholarship and networking opportunities for scholars of South Asia between annual conferences through electronic and other media; etc. See: http://www.sasia2.org


Virtual Collection of Masterpieces (VCM)




33 museums from Asia and 38 from Europe have contributed approximately 1400 masterpieces to the Virtual Collection of Masterpieces (VCM). This web-accessible selection of images and accompanying information on Asian masterpieces from Asian and European museums is a fantastic search tool for people from various levels interested in Asian art and cultural history. The VCM project promotes mutual understanding and appreciation between the peoples of Asia and Europe, specifically through the use of works of art and culture. URL: http://masterpieces.asemus.museum
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Aug 11, 2010

Thailand to indict top Red Shirts for terrorism

AFP
Aug 11, 2010

Red Shirt chairman Veera Musikapong is one of three key protest leaders to be indicted

BANGKOK — Thai prosecutors said Wednesday they would indict 19 leaders and supporters of the anti-government "Red Shirt" movement on terrorism charges in connection with recent political unrest.
They include three key protest leaders -- Red Shirt chairman Veera Musikapong, opposition lawmaker Jatuporn Prompan and Kokaew Pikulthong, who stood as an opposition candidate in a recent Bangkok by-election.
The suspects have already been arrested and charged and many have been held in detention for almost three months.
"Evidence from investigators shows that there are sufficient grounds to indict the suspects on terrorism charges," the Office of Attorney General said in a statement.
The Red Shirts' lawyer, Karom Poltaklang, said he was confident the suspects would be proven innocent.
Prosecutors have not yet announced whether they will indict fugitive former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who faces an arrest warrant for terrorism but lives in self-imposed exile overseas.
Two months of protests by the Red Shirts, aimed at forcing immediate elections, triggered a series of clashes between demonstrators and troops that left at least 90 people dead -- mostly civilians -- and nearly 1,900 injured.
Most top Red Shirts surrendered to police after the army launched a deadly assault on the movement's fortified encampment in the heart of Bangkok on May 19.
Some others are in hiding, including Arisman Pongruangrong, who led the storming of an Asian summit in the Thai resort of Pattaya in 2009.
After the May crackdown, Reds leaders asked their thousands of supporters to disperse, but enraged protesters went on a rampage of arson, setting fire to dozens of buildings, including a shopping mall and the stock exchange.
Thailand's Supreme Court on Wednesday rejected an appeal by Thaksin and his family against the seizure of 1.4 billion dollars of their assets in February for abuse of power.
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Internet is Latest Battleground in Thailand's Heated Political Landscape

VOA

Desktop computer
The Internet is the latest battleground in Thailand's stormy political climate as the government attempts to shut down Web sites critical of it and the monarchy. The government is using tough laws to silence online criticism, but net users are finding ways to be heard.

During months of political protests earlier this year, the Thai government shut down thousands of Web sites it said fanned the protests or criticized the royal family.

May protests

The protests, which left 90 people dead and more than 1,400 injured, ended on May 19 when the army dispersed the crowds.

But the battle over the Internet continues.

Internet crackdown

Using the Computer Crimes Act and an emergency decree, the government shuts sites it thinks support the red-shirt protest movement. Media rights groups say more than 50,000 Web sites have been closed.

Chiranuch Premchaiporn is a director with Prachatai.com, an on-line news site the government shut down in April. A big concern for the government apparently was the site's discussion boards.

She says Prachatai shut the discussion board in July. Chiranuch faces charges under the Computer Crimes Act and if convicted could go to jail.

"Even I believe in the freedom of expression or free speech but I understand some limitation and we also set up a kind of system to moderate some content that can be considered violate the rights of the people or violate the law," Chiranuch said.

Government position

Government spokesman Panitan Wattanaygorn defends the Internet censorship policy.

"The situation under the emergency decree is very different," said Panitan. "On one hand we still keep the freedom of the media. But on the other hand we do look into certain messages that create tension, confrontation and push people to confront among one another and that activity is monitored."

A decade ago, it was easier for the government to control the media. TV and radio have long been state-controlled.

And newspapers faced attacks during Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's administration earlier in this decade.

Tough to control

Chris Baker, an author and political analyst on Thailand, says new technologies are harder to control.

"In the past the government was able to control all broadcast media very closely and generally could influence the press," Baker said. "But that situation has totally changed with cable and satellite TV spinning out of control, community radio and the whole Internet as well."

Prachatai.com is an example of that. Pinpaka Ngamson, an editor for the site, says the government could only shut it temporarily.

"Now it's not difficult for us to work anymore, we know how to cope with this kind of order from the government," said Pinpaka. "We just change our server and use another URL [Uniform Resource Locator] and go on with our work."

Media plea

Thai media commentators have called on the government to rethink on-line censorship. They say it reinforces international opinion that Thailand's media is increasingly less free.

Supinya Klanarong, a media activist, says the Computer Crimes Act is applied too broadly beyond insults against the royal family. Supinya says more media restrictions have emerged since the anti-government protests ended in May.

"It means a general opposition Web site related to the red-shirt movement or the critics of the government are also being blocked as concern for national security, too," Supinya said. "So it's not only about the issue related to les majeste but is also about political Web site in general, especially the dissident point of and the opposition."

Some of the concerns appear to have been heard.

Improvements

Government leaders say they hope to improve draft legislation on the Internet laws.

Panitan, the government spokesman, says the there is a need to balance security and Internet freedom.

"On the one hand we regulate these activities in such a way that it's not going to harm our national interests," Panitan added. "Specific activities may not be allowed to be in those Web sites. But on the other hand we want to keep other communications open."

But media groups such as the Southeast Asian Press Alliance say the government has been intimidating Web users who engage in "sensitive political discussion". The group warns that shutting down Web sites may backfire and lead to the radicalization of those who post political comments on-line.
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Aug 9, 2010

Supporting syariah, advancing women

Inside Indonesia

The life and work of an Islamic teacher in Aceh shows that the struggle for gender equality is about much more than syariah.

David Kloos



Umi Rahimum at her dayah
David Kloos

In Aceh, a special formulation of Islamic law, the qanun, was implemented in 2003, and ever since, national and international media covering Aceh have been obsessed with it. Although this interest is perhaps understandable, it also results in distorted, incomplete, and sometimes false portrayals of local dynamics.

The issue of gender equality is a case in point. Media claiming to present a balanced view of current events in Aceh often concentrate on the public debate between fierce defenders of Islamic law on the one hand, and Aceh’s critical, visible and eloquent women’s rights movement on the other. While locating and portraying this debate is itself laudable (most media reports do not even reach this degree of sensitivity), what also happens is that the broader struggle for gender equality is equated with the debate about syariah. But in reality, this struggle takes multiple forms.
Umi Rahimun’s story

It is possible to illustrate this point by narrating, in very broad strokes, the life, work, and ideas of Umi Rahimun, a female religious teacher who lives in a rural area just outside the provincial capital of Banda Aceh. Umi Rahimun (the address umi, or umm, means ‘mother’ in Arabic) is the leader of a dayah – a traditional Islamic school – that she founded in 2001.

The vast majority of the boys and girls attending her school, of which there are well over 300, are of primary school age. They go to ‘ordinary’ (secular) school in the morning, and in the afternoon they go to Rahimun’s school. There they are taught elementary religious knowledge and skills, such as reading and reciting the Quran. In the evening a new group of around 60 older students arrives to study more advanced subjects, such as Quranic interpretation, Islamic jurisprudence, and mysticism.

Rahimun was born in 1968 in a well-to-do family in Banda Aceh. Her father, after a short military career, had been a prosperous textile trader. However, in the 1970s the family became impoverished, and her childhood was characterised by economic hardship, the divorce of her parents, and the death of her mother when she was 14 years old. While it had been Rahimun’s childhood dream to become a teacher, after she finished high school her family was too poor for her to enrol in teachers college. Instead, she decided to pursue her studies in a dayah. First she studied for two years in Samalanga in North Aceh. After that she moved to one of the largest and most prestigious dayah in Aceh, the Dayah Darussalam in South Aceh, where she spent six years.

Rahimun came back to Banda Aceh in 1996, immediately after the death of her father. Although by that time she was 27 years old, she decided that it was still too early to find a job or get married. Instead, she enrolled in the state Islamic university, a somewhat unusual move for an alumnus of a traditional dayah. By then, she was able to make a living teaching private religious lessons to children of wealthy families.

When she graduated in 2003, she had already established her own school in a village where her family owned some land. At the time, the armed conflict in Aceh between the Acehnese separatist movement and the Indonesian army had escalated, and Rahimun’s older sister especially objected to the idea of a woman going to live alone in a rural area at a time of civil war. But Rahimun pushed through, and assisted by a former classmate from the university, whom she married in 2004, she eventually made her school into the successful institution it is today.
Education and ambition

In recalling her life story, Umi Rahimun speaks proudly about the way she was able to combine ‘modern’ and ‘traditional’ education, each with its particular virtues. At the same time, she criticises the division between secular and religious schools as unnatural, and a product of Dutch colonialism. Although she shares this view with many other ulama (religious scholars), she also explicitly acts on it.

While teaching a religious curriculum, she tries to avoid the normative, black and white (halal versus haram, or allowed versus forbidden) view of the world encountered in many dayah. In her view, a narrow focus on personal worship and rules of behaviour does not offer enough preparation to help solve today’s big problems, such as pollution, war, or corruption. She regards such issues equally as ‘moral’ problems, and actively discusses them in her lessons. In addition, she encourages her students to search for knowledge elsewhere. In fact, most of her evening students also study at the Islamic university or the (secular) Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh.



Learning the basics: day students study how to recite the Quran
David Kloos

Seeking knowledge beyond the dayah is crucial, she believes, because the centuries-old religious treatises making up the dayah curriculum ‘tell you nothing about climate change or the hole in the ozone layer’.

Umi Rahimun also urges her female students to learn about Islam while ‘becoming doctors and scientists’. She blames culturally defined patriarchal relations (not Islam) for the subordinate role of women in Acehnese society: ‘Islam does not forbid women to work outside the household, and women in Aceh have always done so. In fact, there is no difference between working on a rice field and working in an office, but there is still a lack of understanding in our culture, which makes some men claim that women cannot work as teachers or in offices. This needs to be changed.'

In this respect Umi Rahimun explicitly thinks of herself as part of the Acehnese women’s rights movement. But this does not mean she merely criticises ‘men’ or ‘culture’. She argues that Acehnese women should also raise their own expectations and ambitions. In engaging with her female students, she keeps repeating that they ‘should not be fearful, not let themselves be restricted, and become smart and eloquent’. This is especially important, says Umi Rahimun, if they want to help restore the existing imbalance in Aceh between men and women in important leadership positions. ‘According to Islam, the husband leads his wife. But this goes only for the household. Outside the household women are equal to men and may take up positions according to their capabilities. So why then, if I enter the Office for Religious Affairs in Banda Aceh, and I look at the leadership chart on the wall, do I only see the faces of men?’

Umi Rahimum argues that Acehnese women should also raise their own expectations and ambitions. In engaging with her female students, she keeps repeating that they ‘should not be fearful, not let themselves be restricted, and become smart and eloquent’

While the school is Rahimun’s most important platform, another activity into which she weaves her activist agenda is teaching Islam to adult women at weekly classes in various locations. She told me that, at first, she became anxious if her students’ questions strayed far from the topics which are central to the centuries-old texts that are the foundation of teaching and discussion in a dayah. Such topics might include proper practices of worship, marriage, or inheritance. However, over the course of years she has become more confident about discussing contemporary issues and problems. Nowadays, she discusses topics such as divorce, domestic violence, sexuality and reproductive health or sexually transmitted diseases (like HIV/AIDS), if possible relating solutions to examples drawn from the old texts.

Doing so is sometimes difficult. The treatises normally used in the dayah are notoriously patriarchal and male-centred. At the same time, she is not confined to them either. When her adult students ask her whether Islam allows them to demand help from their husbands in the household, she uses the well known story of the Prophet Muhammad sewing his own clothes to show that it is perfectly right to ask for help, or even obligatory. As for more fraught subjects, such as domestic violence and the right to divorce, it is sometimes necessary to move straight to the Quran. Thus, she urges women to read the phrases in the Quran about the rights of women, asking them rhetorically, ‘how can men be able to lead their families when they cannot act morally themselves?’
Thinking about gender

Umi Rahimun traces her ideas about gender relations and the education of women to several influences. She mentions both her parents: her father who, employing the vocabulary of an army veteran, had always encouraged her to be ‘strong and brave’, to ‘struggle’, and even to become a ‘patriot’ and a ‘hero’; and her mother, who, even though working as a housewife, was always busy teaching other women in her neighbourhood how to cook, sew, and manage a household.



Umi Rahimum and her staff
David Kloos

Another important influence was her teacher in Labuhan Haji, the dayah where she spent six years (including three as a teacher). Her teacher had been ‘less narrow-minded’ than most ulama, often telling his students to pursue knowledge outside the confines of the dayah. Today, her main influence is an altogether different source, namely the connections she forges with various women’s organisations and activists in Banda Aceh, which help her to increase her vocabulary about women’s rights and stiffen her determination to improve the position of women. Finally, in conversations she always stresses her own personal struggle to overcome hardships as a crucial inspiration.

Of course, all of this does not necessarily mean that Umi Rahimun is morally less conservative than many of her male colleagues. For example, when talking to her students about sexuality, she will just as readily discuss the necessity to cover their body as she will the issue of women’s rights. And while she disseminates knowledge about HIV, she also connects the spread of the virus to what she thinks of as morally reprehensible acts like adultery and prostitution, emphasising the necessity of an ‘ethical life’ and ‘control of desire’. She is against abortion, even in the case of rape, because it is ‘prohibited by Islam’. But at the same time she underlines that young boys especially should be educated about such matters, arguing that, in the case of rape, it is men – not women – who act immorally.
Syariah is not the point

Coming back again to the issue of syariah, it may not be surprising that Umi Rahimun supports its implementation in Aceh. However, her support does not mean that she is not critical of its application. Like many other Acehnese, she complains that the way Islamic law is now implemented punishes the behaviour of women rather than men, and ordinary people rather than the elite. Thus she questions politicians’ and administrators’ zealousness in patrolling headscarves and tight pants, ‘while not doing anything about the drunks and gangsters harassing women and men in bus terminals’. Their one-sided view, she suspects, probably has more to do with increasing their own power and visibility than with the moral uplifting of Acehnese society.

But this is not really the point I want to make here. In fact, Umi Rahimun’s story has little to do with syariah. Yet it has everything to do with changing gender relations and the practices that evolve from them. In her lessons she discusses the importance of moral behaviour, but also the lack of women in leadership structures, and how to remedy this situation. Her mission is for Acehnese women to become trained, disciplined, knowledgeable, and therefore ready to be amongst Aceh’s future leaders.

It is true that most leaders and students of the Acehnese dayah, including women, are supporters of the new syariah laws. However, this does not automatically mean that these women cannot also be agents in the female struggle for gender equality. Umi Rahimun’s story shows that to understand the struggle for women’s rights in Aceh one must look beyond the division between conservative patriarchal male leaders on the one hand, and urban, progressive, middle-class female activists on the other. The picture that results may be more ambivalent, but it is also more realistic.

David Kloos (d.kloos@let.vu.nl) is a PhD candidate at the History department of the VU University, Amsterdam (The Netherlands). He is currently conducting research on Islamic education and everyday Islam in Aceh.
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