The idea of dual function came into being following independence. It was the desire to wield power in the name of maintaining stability.
JUST like the ups and downs of sea waves, the journey of the military in Indonesia has repeatedly changed course. Not only taking up arms, they have also pervaded the civilian domain. The war of independence opened the door for soldiers to play various roles. “Don’t forget that independence started from the struggle being waged by the militias,” said Lt. Gen. (ret) Agus Widjojo, the former Chief of Territorial Staff of the Indonesian Military (TNI), last week.
According to this Director of the National Institute for Democracy Governance, these militias constituted the armed wings of political struggle. For instance, there was the Indonesian Socialist Youth (Pesindo), the armed wing of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI); Hizbullah from Islamic forces; the Pioneer Front (Barisan Pelopor); and so on. The ones that were military in nature and truly the forerunner of the TNI are former members of the KNIL (Royal Netherlands Indies Army) and Peta (Pembela Tanah Air—Defenders of the Motherland—formed by the Japanese occupation forces). These components were incorporated into a professional army.
Following the proclamation of independence, there were three main founders of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, namely former students from Western Europe who wanted liberal-parliamentary democracy, freedom fighters at home such as Bung Karno, and the armed fighters. When seeking agreement, the armed fighters did not want to be left alone in setting up a state. “Some lost their legs and arms, lost their relatives and friends,” said Agus.
On October 5, 1945, a government notice was issued to form the People’s Security Army (TKR). Former KNIL major, Urip Sumohardjo, set up the highest TKR headquarters in Yogyakarta. At its first conference on November 12, 1945, Soedirman was elected the Supreme Commander/Minister for People’s Security.
To enable the TKR to become an obedient tool of the state, on January 25, the government issued an announcement to change TKR into the Army of the Republic of Indonesia (TRI), the only military organization of the country. On May 5, 1947 there was a Presidential Decree calling for the unification of the TRI and the militias into one army. Therefore, from June 3, 1947 the TNI had officially been founded.
Soedirman was a genuine military man with no political ambitions or desire for power. There was no dual function concept in him. When Sukarno-Hatta were arrested by the Dutch, and the Indonesian capital was occupied in December 1948 through the second Dutch Aggression, Soedirman continued with guerrilla warfare. “With or without the government,” he declared at that time. Abdul Haris Nasution, as Commander of the Java Command, imposed a military government for the whole of Java.
Ulf Sundhaussen, in his book Indonesia’s Military Politics 1945-1967: Toward ABRI Dual Function, writes about Soedirman’s anti-political attitude. Early in his leadership, every soldier was forbidden to become a member of a political party. “At that time, the concept was to fill the power vacuum so that the nation continued to survive,” said Fachrul Razi, TNI Deputy Commander during Abdurrahman Wahid’s presidency.
During the era of President Sukarno, the political system created “equality.” The TNI, particularly the army, gradually became a political force. Eventually they were able to reject the President’s policy while regrouping political forces. “Not because they were rebellious, but because they saw each other as comrades in arms in seizing the independence.”
During the republic’s infancy there was no democratic control yet. Everything was done in terms of comrades in arms. Later there grew mutual suspicion between the army and the politicians. Balance of power kept changing until Nasution convinced Bung Karno to disband the Constituent Assembly and to return to the 1945 Constitution (UUD 45). “There was the TNI, especially the army, that entered the picture with the ticket as group representatives,” said Agus.
In 1958, General Nasution said the army could not be like that. A middle way was taken: The TNI, particularly the army, would not run the government as a military regime but they were not a dead instrument in the hands of politicians either. “Here was the entry point into dual function during President Sukarno’s era,” said Agus Widjojo.
In November 1958, Nasution as the Army Chief of Staff affirmed that the TNI whose name was changed to the Republic of Indonesia Armed Forces (ABRI) needed to be included in building the state. As a functional group, ABRI could enter the political sphere.
Nasution, in his book Indonesian National Army points out the position and the role of the combat forces in a state so that they were able to contribute to ensure stability. As Army Chief of Staff, he introduced this concept at the National Military Academy in November 1958. The essence is that the army involvement in building a state is not intended to seize power, rather to support stability.
This concept continued with President Sukarno’s decision to issue the decree to return to the 1945 Constitution on July 5, 1959. The role of ABRI as a functional group plus a sociopolitical force received a constitutional foundation. ABRI succeeded in becoming a military tool as well as a tool for controlling Bung Karno.
In 1962, ABRI formed a military command at every subdistrict (koramil). The next year at every village a village-developing non-com (babinsa) was set up. ABRI also tried to influence public opinion. Then the dailies Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha came out. At campuses, student regiments emerged one after the other.
During the era of the New Order, the dual function was interpreted as subordination to President Suharto. Suharto’s dual function was implemented even further away from Nasution’s dual function concept. “It was in Pak Harto’s interest to expand the TNI role which he said was useful to the highest political force,” said Agus Widjojo.
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