Showing posts with label Japan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Japan. Show all posts

Oct 14, 2009

Japan Plans More Overseas Flight Capacity - WSJ.com

Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) second te...Image via Wikipedia

Effort at Haneda Airport May Intensify Alliance Talks at Japan Airlines

TOKYO—Japan's transport minister outlined moves to open a second airport in the Tokyo area to international traffic, which could intensify airline competition over the skies of Japan.

Such a move comes at a crucial time for Japan Airlines Corp., which is restructuring under government supervision.

Tokyo's Haneda airport now serves mostly domestic flights, while international flights are routed through Narita airport in the Chiba Prefecture, west of Tokyo. A fourth runway being built at Haneda is expected to open up for some international flights.

Seiji Maehara, Japan's minister of transport, said most planes departing from regional airports in Japan now fly abroad via Incheon International Airport in South Korea, a major hub in Asia.

"We need to drastically review this. We have to create a hub airport in Japan, and Haneda would be one at first," Mr. Maehara said.

The fourth runway at Haneda will eventually have a capacity to handle about 110,000 departures and landings. Mr. Maehara said he hoped half will be used for international-flight services.

Domestic flights accounted for 97% of the overall 303,000 departures and landings at Haneda in the fiscal year ended in March, while 93% of Narita's operations were international flights.

Mr. Maehara said plans to restructure JAL are progressing more quickly than expected, though he declined to comment on details. An airline spokeswoman declined to comment.

JAL reported its largest-ever quarterly net loss of 99 billion yen, or about $1.1 billion, in the quarter ended in June, crippled by a sharp decline in global travel. The airline expects a net loss of 63 billion yen for this fiscal year through March.

Among its own revival initiatives, the Tokyo-based company began separate tie-up talks with Delta Air Lines Inc. and American Airlines parent AMR Corp., with the U.S. firms potentially investing in their Japanese peer to enhance their services in Asia.

But the Japanese airline likely won't conclude alliance talks with Delta and American Airlines until a task force finishes a review of its ailing financial structure, people familiar with the matter said earlier this month.

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Sep 20, 2009

Tuna Town in Japan Sees Falloff of Its Fish - NYTimes.com

Tuna cut in half for processing at the Tsukiji...Image via Wikipedia

OMA, Japan — Fishermen here call it “black gold,” referring to the dark red flesh of the Pacific bluefin tuna that is so prized in this sashimi-loving nation that just one of these sleek fish, which can weigh a half-ton, can earn tens of thousands of dollars.

The cold waters here once yielded such an abundance of bluefin, with such thick layers of tasty rich fat, that this tiny wind-swept seaport became Japan’s answer to California’s Napa Valley or the Brie cheese-producing region of France: a geographic location that is nearly synonymous with one of its nation’s premier foods.

So strong is the allure of Oma’s tuna that during the autumn fishing season, tens of thousands of hungry visitors descend on this remote fishing town, located on the northernmost tip of Japan’s main island of Honshu. On a recent Sunday, dozens of tourists, filmed by no fewer than three local television crews, crowded into an old refrigerated warehouse on a pier where Oma’s mayor presided over a ceremony to slice up a 220-pound bluefin into brick-size blocks for sale.

“This is a pleasure you can only have a few times in your life,” said Toshiko Maki, 51, a homemaker from suburban Tokyo, as she popped a ruby-red cube of sashimi into her mouth.

But now the town faces a looming threat, as the number of tuna has begun dropping precipitously in recent years because of overfishing. This has given Oma another, less celebrated distinction, as a community that has stood out by calling for greater regulation of catches in a nation that has adamantly opposed global efforts to save badly depleted tuna populations.

Just a decade or two ago, each boat here could routinely catch three or four tuna a day, fishermen say. Now, they say Oma’s entire fleet of 30 to 40 boats is lucky to bring in a combined total of a half-dozen tuna in a day.

The problem, they say, is that all the fish are being taken by big trawlers that come from elsewhere in Japan, or farther out to sea from Taiwan or China. Some of these ships even use helicopters to spot schools of tuna, which they scoop up in vast nets or catch en masse with long lines of baited hooks. According to local newspapers, there have been repeated incidents of small fishing boats from Oma and other ports intentionally cutting such trawl lines.

“I’m furious at Tokyo’s bureaucrats for failing to protect our tuna,” said Hirofumi Hamahata, 69, the president of the Oma fishermen’s co-op, who has worked as a commercial fisherman since age 15. “They don’t lift a finger against the industrial fishing that just sweeps the ocean clean.”

Such flares of temper are rare in normally reserved Japan, and especially in conservative fishing communities like this one. But this is a town fiercely proud not only of its tuna, but also of how it catches them: in two-man open boats, using hand-held lines and live bait like squid.

Mr. Hamahata described catching tuna in this traditional way as a battle of wits against a clever predator that he called “the lion of the sea.” After hooking one, the contest becomes a battle of strength: he said it typically took one or two hours to pull a big tuna close enough to the boat that it could be stunned with an electric charge.

In one Hemingwayesque battle, Mr. Hamahata said he fought for 12 hours with a huge bluefin that finally broke free.

Despite such difficulties, Oma’s fishermen said they preferred their generations-old fishing method because it allowed them to catch just large, adult fish, leaving the smaller young ones to sustain local stocks.

Fishing experts say the overfishing is a result of a broader failure by the Tokyo authorities to impose effective limits on catches in its waters. Indeed, Japan, which consumes some 80 percent of the 60,000 tons of top-grade tuna caught worldwide, has lobbied hard against efforts to limit tuna catches, such as are now being proposed by European countries for the Atlantic Ocean.

“There are too many entrenched interests whose objective is maximizing profit, not sustainable use,” said Masayuki Komatsu, an expert on the fishing industry at Tokyo’s National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.

In Oma, catching a big tuna has become rare enough — and the market price high enough — to be cause for celebration. On a recent evening, family members rushed to the pier to greet one boat that had caught a 410-pound bluefin, whose tear-shaped body had to be hoisted off the boat’s deck with a forklift.

Moving quickly to gut and ice the fish to preserve its value, workers from the fishing co-op presented the footlong dorsal fin as a trophy to the captain’s wife, who said it was the first catch in 10 days. The workers said the fish would fetch more than $10,000 at Tokyo’s Tsukiji Fish Market.

“Catching a tuna is like winning the lottery,” said another fisherman, 23-year-old Takeshi Izumi, who said his boat had yet to catch a tuna this season.

To maximize prices, Oma has registered its name as a trademark that can be used only with tuna brought ashore here. This has made Oma a brand that is gaining recognition even outside Japan. In March, a sushi chef from Hong Kong paid some $50,000 to buy half of a 280-pound Oma bluefin.

The prices can be even higher: In 2001, a Japanese buyer paid a record $220,000 for a 444-pound Oma bluefin.

One unfortunate side effect, said the town’s mayor, Mitsuharu Kanazawa, was that few of Oma’s 6,200 residents can now afford their own town’s tuna. However, he said the fish have been a boon to the town’s economy, pumping in some $15 million a year from fishing and tuna-related tourism.

After a popular 2000 TV drama featured Oma, the town increased tourism by starting a three-day tuna festival every year in mid-October, which now draws 15,000 visitors a day, as well as hordes from the Japanese media, Mr. Kanazawa said.

“We Japanese have a weakness for brands,” said Ryuko Nishimura, 43, a homemaker from Kuroishi, a three-hour drive away. “It makes the tuna taste two or three times more delicious.”

But with tuna now in danger of perhaps disappearing, the mayor said the town was struggling to find another local product to keep the tourists coming.

“We tried kelp and abalone,” Mr. Kanazawa said, “but nothing has the appeal of tuna.”
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Sep 16, 2009

Japan sees historic change, Hatoyama elected prime minister, forms DPJ-led Cabinet - Daily Yomiuri)


Democratic Party of Japan leader Yukio Hatoyama, standing, bows as he is applauded by fellow lawmakers after he was elected the nation's 60th prime minister at the House of Representatives plenary session Wednesday.

Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama was elected the nation's 60th prime minister in a special Diet session convened Wednesday. He officially announced the lineup of his Cabinet later in the day.

Hatoyama formed the nation's 93rd cabinet, which was then sworn in at an attestation ceremony at the Imperial Palace, launching the DPJ-led government in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party.

It is the first time for the Liberal Democratic Party to hand over the reins of government in 16 years.

The 172nd Diet session was convened Wednesday, with the session to run through Saturday.

Hatoyama was named prime minister at the plenary session of the House of Representatives that started at 1 p.m. and then at the House of Councillors plenary session that started at 2:30 p.m.--in each case by a majority vote including votes by the SDP and PNP members.

Before Hatoyama was named prime minister at the lower house, the DPJ's Takahiro Yokomichi was elected the speaker of the lower house and former Defense Minister Seishiro Eto of the LDP was elected the vice speaker.

With regard to the Cabinet posts, DPJ Acting President Naoto Kan was named deputy prime minister and national strategy minister. Kan also will serve as the state minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy until the government abolishes the existing Council on Fiscal and Economic Policy.

Hatoyama appointed Hirofumi Hirano, chief of the DPJ executives secretariat, as chief cabinet secretary, and former party Secretary General Katsuya Okada as foreign minister.

DPJ Vice President Seiji Maehara was named construction and transport minister and will also serve as state minister for disaster management and Okinawa and the northern territories. Akira Nagatsuma, acting chairman of the DPJ Policy Research Committee, was appointed health, labor and welfare minister.

Other DPJ members who were given portfolios included the party's top adviser Hirohisa Fujii, who was named finance minister; party Vice President Tatsuo Kawabata who became education, science and technology minister; and Kazuhiro Haraguchi who was chosen as internal affairs and communications minister. Hatoyama appointed upper house member Keiko Chiba as justice minister. Policy Research Committee Chairman Masayuki Naoshima was given the post of economy, trade and industry minister, and Vice President Toshimi Kitazawa was named defense minister.

The posts of deputy chief cabinet secretaries for parliamentary affairs were given to Yorihisa Matsuno from the lower house, and Koji Matsui from the upper house.

From the DPJ's coalition partners, SDP leader Mizuho Fukushima entered the Cabinet as state minister in charge of consumer affairs and the declining birthrate. Fukushima's portfolio as state minister also covers gender equality and food safety issues.

Under a ruling coalition agreement, PNP leader Shizuka Kamei was named state minister in charge of financial services and postal reform.

Former Justice Minister Hiroshi Nakai was named chairman of the National Public Safety Commission and state minister in charge of abduction issues.

Former Policy Research Committee Chairman Yoshito Sengoku was appointed state minister in charge of the newly established administrative renewal council.

===

Aso Cabinet resigns

The Cabinet of Prime Minister Taro Aso resigned Wednesday, ending its administration about a year after it was formed in September last year.

At a press conference held after a special Cabinet meeting at the Prime Minister's Office, Aso said the new government should promote economic measures and making a contribution to the international community.

"The economic recovery is only halfway through. I hope [the new government] makes an effort to solidify the economic recovery. I greatly hope it will appropriately deal with terrorism, piracy" and other international issues, he said.

Looking back over his 358 days as prime minister, Aso said, "It was a short period of time, but I did my best for Japan."

"I was able to respond promptly to a global recession said to be the worst in a century. I think I can be proud of myself for implementing drastic economic measures, such as compiling four budgets," he said.

Referring to the Liberal Democratic Party's presidential election to be held Sept. 28, Aso said: "We should unite [the party]. Someone who can do the job based on an analysis of what the problem was for the LDP" is desirable as the new party leader.

--------

NEW CABINET (Sept. 16, 2009)

Prime Minister / Yukio Hatoyama, 62

Deputy Prime Minister and National Strategy Minister / Naoto Kan, 62

Internal Affairs and Communications Minister / Kazuhiro Haraguchi, 50

Justice Minister / Keiko Chiba, 61

Foreign Minister / Katsuya Okada, 56

Finance Minister / Hirohisa Fujii, 77

Education, Science and Technology Minister / Tatsuo Kawabata, 64

Health, Labor and Welfare Minister / Akira Nagatsuma, 49

Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Minister / Hirotaka Akamatsu, 61

Economy, Trade and Industry Minister / Masayuki Naoshima, 63

Construction and Transport Minister / Seiji Maehara, 47

Environment Minister / Sakihito Ozawa, 55

Defense Minister / Toshimi Kitazawa, 71

Chief Cabinet Secretary / Hirofumi Hirano, 60

National Public Safety Commission Chairman / Hiroshi Nakai, 67

State Minister in Charge of Financial Services and Postal Reform / Shizuka Kamei, 72*

State Minister in Charge of Consumer Affairs and Declining Birthrate / Mizuho Fukushima, 53**

Administrative Renewal Minister / Yoshito Sengoku, 63

(* People's New Party, ** Social Democratic Party)

(Sep. 16, 2009)
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Sep 15, 2009

Asia Pacific Bulletin - Japan's 'electoral revolution'

KendoImage via Wikipedia

Abstract

The Japanese general election was revolutionary: it brought to power for the first time since the end of World War II a majority government not led by the Liberal Democratic Party and it saw the final transition to a two-party system brought about by the introduction of single-member electorates 15 years ago. Like any revolution, it will be some time before it is clear if the pressures of real power will allow the new Democratic Party government to bring about promised change.

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Japan Electoral Revolution.pdf

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Sep 13, 2009

Taking Helm in Japan, Party Is Wary of Divisions - NYTimes.com

TOKYO - MAY 16:  Newly elected President of th...Image by Getty Images via Daylife

TOKYO — As the newly elected Democratic Party works to assemble what will be only the second government in Japan’s postwar history not to be led by the Liberal Democratic Party, it is treading carefully to avoid infighting that could split the ideologically diverse party or drive a wedge between it and its coalition allies.

Since smashing the Liberal Democrats’ nearly uninterrupted half-century monopoly on power two weeks ago, the center-left Democrats and their leader, Yukio Hatoyama, 62, have hurried to fill top posts in the party and his incoming cabinet and to cobble together a coalition with other parties before their government’s formal accession to power on Sept. 16.

The party is working under unrelenting scrutiny from the news media and from Japanese citizens still affected by the bitter aftertaste of their only previous experience with non-Liberal Democratic rule since 1955. That government, which took power in 1993, lasted less than a year before collapsing amid bickering and defections.

Nightly news broadcasts, which are dominated by detailed coverage of the political maneuverings within the newly formed coalition, frequently feature veterans of the earlier failed government who offer lessons from their brief, rocky time in power.

While there have been no major bumps so far, warning signs are already appearing.

On Wednesday, when Mr. Hatoyama and the heads of two smaller anti-laissez-faire parties, the Social Democratic Party and the People’s New Party, agreed to form a coalition government, they left unresolved disagreements over the status of 50,000 American service members in Japan. Mr. Hatoyama has spoken in vague terms of re-examining the American military bases, while still trying to remain close to Washington, but the leftist Social Democrats want the bases removed.

There have also been signs of division in the Democratic Party since Mr. Hatoyama gave a top party position to one of the party’s most powerful men, Ichiro Ozawa, in what analysts say was an attempt to keep his loyalty. But in doing so, Mr. Hatoyama raised concerns by other Democrats that the party was embracing a shadowy kingmaker whose money-oriented political style closely resembled that of the Liberal Democrats they defeated.

Those critics fear that Mr. Ozawa, 67, will compete with Mr. Hatoyama for control of the party; Mr. Ozawa was a member of the 1993-1994 government, and political analysts have blamed his clashes with other coalition members for contributing to its demise. On Thursday, many Democrats lobbied to have Seiji Maehara, a young proponent of clean politics, included in the new cabinet to help offset Mr. Ozawa’s influence.

Mr. Hatoyama has tried to dispel concerns that he is creating competing centers of power.

“This will not create a dual power structure,” Mr. Hatoyama, the presumptive next prime minister, told reporters. He added that policy would be set by his cabinet and not the party.

Still, the barest hints of fissures within the party have made news in a nation keen to see if the Democrats can pull off the daunting task of essentially dragging the country into a true multiparty system.

The 1993-94 government, which included eight small parties and groups and was first led by Morihiro Hosokawa as prime minister, lasted only 11 months. Its quick collapse drove disappointed Japanese voters back into the arms of the Liberal Democrats, where they stayed until the election.

While there are many differences between now and 1993 — the biggest being the fact that a single, large party, the Democratic Party, has beaten the Liberal Democrats — the mistakes of that earlier government still cast a shadow, according to veterans of that coalition.

“It took 16 years to get this second chance,” Mr. Hosokawa, who retired from politics in 1998, said in an interview. “Lack of cohesiveness has always plagued efforts to build a second big political party.”

Mr. Hosokawa said the Democrats’ main weak point might be their broad manifesto of campaign promises, which would be hard to achieve quickly enough to satisfy Japan’s recession-weary voters. The party is trying to reinvigorate Japan’s sclerotic system of government by empowering elected politicians and consumers over the bureaucracy and industry, and to blunt the pain from globalization with a stronger social safety net.

Instead, Mr. Hosokawa said, focusing on a few high-profile policies would make it easier to keep the party on the same track and offer voters results.

“They need a single flag to stand under,” he said.

Adding to the difficulty will be the fact that Mr. Hatoyama heads a party that is broad and often hazy in its identity.

The party was formed in 1998 as a motley grouping of former Socialists and defectors from the conservative Liberal Democratic Party. Since then, it has tried to forge a unique culture and identity, with mixed success.

By finally winning power, the party has been robbed of its main source of unity, say political analysts and former politicians. The glue that held the Democrats together has been a shared desire to end the Liberal Democrats’ rule.

“The Democrats are like wet, unformed concrete, which still lacks a mold,” said Atsuo Ito, an independent political analyst who wrote a book on the party. “Just holding power may be enough to keep the party together at first, but eventually the party will need shared beliefs to keep from flying apart.”
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Sep 7, 2009

Japan's Health-Care System Has Many Advantages, but May Not Be Sustainable - washingtonpost.com

By Blaine Harden
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, September 7, 2009

TOKYO -- Half a world away from the U.S. health-care debate, Japan has a system that costs half as much and often achieves better medical outcomes than its American counterpart. It does so by banning insurance company profits, limiting doctor fees and accepting shortcomings in care that many well-insured Americans would find intolerable.

The Japanese visit a doctor nearly 14 times a year, more than four times as often as Americans. They can choose any primary care physician or specialist they want, and surveys show they are almost always seen on the day they want. All that medical care helps keep the Japanese alive longer than any other people on Earth while fostering one of the world's lowest infant mortality rates.

Health care in Japan -- a hybrid system funded by job-based insurance premiums and taxes -- is universal and mandatory, and consumes about 8 percent of the nation's gross domestic product, half as much as in the United States. Unlike in the U.S. system, no one is denied coverage because of a preexisting condition or goes bankrupt because a family member gets sick.

But many health-care economists say Japan's low-cost system is probably not sustainable without significant change. Japan already has the world's oldest population; by 2050, 40 percent will be 65 or older. The disease mix is becoming more expensive to treat, as rates of cancer, stroke and Alzheimer's disease steadily increase. Demand for medical care will triple in the next 25 years, according to a recent analysis by McKinsey & Co., a consulting firm.

Japan has a stagnant economy, with a shortage of young people that hobbles prospects for growth and strangles the capacity of the debt-strapped government to increase health-care spending. Without reform, costs are projected to double, reaching current U.S. levels in a decade, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).

For generations, Japan has achieved its successes by maintaining a vise-like grip on costs. After hard bargaining with medical providers every two years, the government sets a price for treatment and drugs -- and tolerates no fudging.

As a result, most Japanese doctors make far less money than their U.S. counterparts. Administrative costs are four times lower than they are in the United States, in part because insurance companies do not set rates for treatment or deny claims. By law, they cannot make profits or advertise to attract low-risk, high-profit clients.

To keep costs down, Japan has made tradeoffs in other areas -- sometimes to the detriment of patients. Some are merely irritating, such as routine hour-long waits before doctor appointments. But others involve worrisome questions about quality control and gaps in treatment for urgent care.

Japanese hospitals experience a "crowding out" effect, with space for emergency care and serious medical conditions sometimes overwhelmed by a flood of patients seeking routine treatment, said Naohiro Yashiro, a professor of economics and health-care expert at International Christian University in Tokyo.

"Patients are treated too equally," he said. "Beds are occupied by less-urgent cases, and there are no penalties for those who over-use the system."

The government has largely been unable to reduce the length of hospital stays, which are four times as long in Japan as in the United States. Hospital doctors are often overworked and cannot hone specialized life-saving skills, according to recent reports by McKinsey. Statistics show that the Japanese are much less likely to have heart attacks than people in the United States, but that when they do, their chance of dying is twice as high.

There are shortages of obstetricians, anesthesiologists and emergency room specialists because of relatively low pay, long hours and high stress at many hospitals, doctors and health-care analysts said. Emergency room service is often spotty, as ER beds in many hospitals are limited and diagnostic expertise is sometimes lacking. In a highly publicized but not unprecedented incident, a pregnant woman complaining of a severe headache was refused admission last year to seven Tokyo hospitals. She died of an undiagnosed brain hemorrhage after giving birth.

"We are in a hospital desert at night," said Yashiro, citing insufficient pay incentives for the robust 24-hour staffing common at large U.S. hospitals.

Skilled doctors tend to leave Japanese hospitals for the higher pay and predictable hours of private clinics. There, they become primary-care doctors, making up for low treatment fees with astonishingly high volume, seeing patients in an assembly-line process that leaves little time for questions.

Toshihiko Oba had spent most of his medical career in hospitals. As an ear, nose and throat specialist, he worked 80-hour weeks for 13 years, with an annual salary of $100,000. The average salary for a hospital-based doctor in Japan is about $150,000, according to the Ministry of Health.

"The money was not so good and you have lots of responsibility and pressure," said Oba, 47.

Five years ago, he made a career change common for Japanese doctors at the pinnacle of their careers. He left the hospital and opened a private clinic, and now treats mainly colds and allergies.

In his office in Tokyo's upscale Ginza district, Oba works from 9:30 a.m. to 7 p.m., five days a week. He said he works fast, typically treating 150 patients a day, usually for about three minutes each.

Volume has allowed him to increase his income severalfold, Oba said, although he declined to be specific. Most doctors in Japan who jump from hospitals to private clinics double their income, according to the Ministry of Health. Medical malpractice insurance in Japan is not a major expense for many doctors, in part because there are relatively few lawyers. Oba pays only about $1,000 a year.

One of the great strengths of Japan's health-care system -- the ability to see the doctor of one's choice and be seen quickly -- has become one of the greatest curses for controlling health-care quality and costs, experts here agree.

There is no gatekeeper for medical care or for hospital stays.

"The government has been trying for more than 20 years to put up gates," said Naoki Ikegami, professor of health policy and management at the Keio University School of Medicine in Tokyo. "But we don't train general practitioners to be gatekeepers."

Japan also has about three times as many hospitals per capita as the United States does. The government has tried to limit hospital beds, but with little success because of institutional inertia and a cultural preference for in-patient treatment. New mothers in Japan often stay in a hospital five days after a routine delivery; in the United States, they rarely stay for more than one or two.

Japan's health-care system mixes socialism with individual responsibility and market forces. The government pays one-quarter of the total health-care bill, and employers and workers pay the rest through mandatory insurance.

"More than one-third of the workers' premiums are used to transfer wealth from the young, healthy and rich to the old, unhealthy and poor," Ikegami said.

Workers at major corporations pay about 4 percent of their salary to a company-based insurance provider. These premiums are limited to $6,000 a year, but the average salary worker pays $1,931, the government says. Job-based insurance in the United States costs the typical employee $3,354 a year, according to the U.S.-based National Coalition on Health Care.

In Japan, employers pay premiums that match each employee's contribution. In the United States, where health insurance is far more expensive, employers pay private insurers three or four times the amount contributed by each employee.

The self-employed and the unemployed in Japan must pay about $1,600 a year for insurance coverage. In addition, working-age patients are required to make a 30-percent co-payment for treatment and drugs -- the highest such fee in the world. But those payments tend to be relatively low because of the tight lid on costs. If the co-payment exceeds $863 in any month, it drops to 1 percent of additional medical bills.

Hana Mukai, a fashion merchandiser in Tokyo, said she cannot think of anything wrong with health care in Japan.

She takes her son Yugo, 4, to an ear, nose and throat specialist nearly every week during the cold and flu season. They go about 12 times a year, often when her son has a runny nose. She does not need to make an appointment, but has to wait about 75 minutes to see the doctor.

The doctor checks his ears, irrigates his nose and prescribes medicine. The visit usually lasts a few minutes, and it is free. There is supposed to be a co-payment, but Mukai's local ward government covers all medical costs for children, which is common in much of Japan. Mukai says she never buys over-the-counter drugs for Yugo, because prescribed drugs for children are also free.

As for her own health-care costs, she says they are either invisible or negligible. She has never checked to see how much she pays through payroll deductions for health-care premiums. The co-payment for doctor visits is insignificant, she says, since the total bill for most visits comes to less than $30, including drugs.

"I know my medical fee is going to be cheap, so I have never, ever thought about how much it will cost me to go to the doctor," said Mukai, 39.

The health of Mukai, her husband and her son -- and of nearly everyone in Japan -- also benefits from free annual checkups. Japan requires companies to pay for annual physicals for employees.

Local and national governments also push preventative care. Since Mukai is nearly 40, her local ward government has notified her that she can sign up for a comprehensive, and free, battery of tests. Doctors will examine her eyes and teeth, and they will test for colon, stomach and cervical cancer. She will also receive a free gynecological workup.

For her son, an internal medicine specialist and a dentist visit his public day-care center twice a year to conduct free examinations. Once a year at day care, he is examined at no cost by two other doctors for potential eye, nose and ear problems.

The health-care system, though, does not deserve all the credit for the relatively robust health of the Japanese. Diet and lifestyle are generally healthier than they are in the United States. There is less violent crime, fewer car accidents and much less obesity. Only about 3 percent of Japanese are obese, compared with more than 30 percent of Americans, according to the OECD.

Still, Western food has encroached on the diet and there are increasing numbers of sedentary, overweight Japanese. As part of the preventative focus of health care, the government is pushing back against obesity-related health problems -- known here as "metabolic syndrome" -- in ways that probably would astonish Americans.

There is compulsory obesity screening for 70 percent of the population. If people are found to be too fat around the waist, they are required to receive counseling on exercise and diet.

The law was passed three years ago, so it is too soon to know whether screening and counseling are effective. But health-care experts agree that the government has succeeded in making nearly everyone worry about fat, while thinking more about what they eat and how often they exercise.

It puzzles Mukai that the United States does not imitate the best parts of her country's health-care system, particularly preventive care, universal coverage and free treatment for children.

"If the Japanese can do it, why can't the Americans?" she said.

Special correspondent Akiko Yamamoto contributed to this report.

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Sep 2, 2009

Shift in Japan Presents U.S. With a Stranger as a Partner - NYTimes.com

Hatoyama,Yukio (Japanese politician)Image via Wikipedia

WASHINGTON — Japan’s landmark election presents the Obama administration with an untested government, creating a new set of imponderables for a White House already burdened by foreign policy headaches in Afghanistan, Iran and North Korea.

Inside the administration, the historic change in Tokyo is raising concerns that Japan may back away from supporting key American priorities like the war in Afghanistan or the redeployment of American troops in Asia, according to senior officials.

Specifically, the newly elected Democratic Party says it may recall the Japanese naval forces from a mission to refuel American warships near Afghanistan. And it wants to reopen an agreement to relocate a Marine airfield on Okinawa, which requires Japan to pick up much of the cost for moving thousands of Marines to Guam.

The victory of the Democrats on Sunday means the White House must deal, for the first time in decades, with a Japanese government that is a complete stranger, and one that has expressed blunt criticism of the United States. The party’s leader and presumptive prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, recently spoke out against American-led globalization and called for a greater Japanese focus on Asia.

Despite the party’s campaign rhetoric, its leaders insist they will not threaten the alliance with the United States, particularly when Japan faces a fast-rising China and a nuclear-armed North Korea. Senior American officials said they expected Japan to remain a bulwark in Asia, even noting that the new government, unburdened by history, could play a more central role in negotiating with North Korea.

But for the most part, the United States is perplexed by what one official described as a “seismic event,” with unknown consequences for one of its most important relationships.

“The election of a new party could produce new ways of doing things, which we will have to adjust to,” said a senior official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the delicacy of the matter. “You’ll have this period of unpredictability.”

The big question many in Washington are asking is whether the vote was a harbinger of a deeper change in Japan, away from its historic dependence on the United States.

“There is a fear of dramatic change in the U.S.-Japan alliance,” said Michael Auslin, an expert on Japanese foreign policy at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. “No one knows what will happen next, or even who to talk to for answers.”

The Democratic Party struck a chord with its talk of improving ties with China and other neighbors, reflecting the fact that Japan’s $5 trillion economy has grown more dependent on commerce with its neighbors.

Fears of Japanese drift seemed to be confirmed last week when an article by Mr. Hatoyama, excerpted and translated from a Japanese journal, appeared on the Web site of The New York Times. It stirred a hornet’s nest in Washington by casting Japan’s embattled economy as the victim of American-inspired free-market fundamentalism. Yet it also stressed the importance of the American alliance.

Mr. Hatoyama’s views sent many in Washington’s diplomatic establishment scurrying to learn more about him and the Democrats. That highlighted a problem: While American officials and academics have spent decades cultivating close ties with the Liberal Democrats, who have governed Japan for most of the last half century, they have built few links to the opposition.

Some Japan experts said it would be a mistake to read too much into Mr. Hatoyama’s remarks, and Japanese officials privately conveyed that same caution to the Obama administration.

“It was an indication they still haven’t figured out what they’re going to do in power,” said Michael J. Green, a professor of international relations at Georgetown University who served on the National Security Council during the last Bush administration. “This could get confused and dysfunctional for a while.”

Stung by the reaction, Mr. Hatoyama appears to be back-pedaling and engaging in damage control. On Monday night, he said he had not intended for the article to appear abroad, and said it was being misinterpreted. “If you read the entire essay, you will understand that it is definitely not expressing anti-American ideas,” he said.

Professor Green noted that in many ways, relations between the United States and Japan were smoother now than in years past because the trade disputes of the 1980s and 1990s were largely settled.

He said the new government would find that some of its proposals, like reopening talks on the relocation of the Futenma Marine airfield on Okinawa, were unrealistic, given the years it took to negotiate that deal. For the Obama administration, he said, the challenge will be to give Japan’s new leaders a face-saving way to back down.

Japan, experts said, could play a more muscular role in talks with North Korea if, as expected, the Democrats turn down the heat on the issue of Japanese abducted by North Korea decades ago, a perennial sticking point for the Liberal Democrats.

And Obama administration officials said they were eager to dispel perceptions in Japan that a better relationship with China would somehow undermine its alliance with the United States.

“We have no desire to see our defense commitment tested by battle,” a senior official said. “We see no contradiction between Japan reducing frictions with China and a strong Japan-U.S. alliance.”

In recent years, many Japanese have thought the United States took the relationship for granted, paying more attention to China.

Traditionally, the United States has sent high-powered diplomats or political figures to Tokyo. But the Obama administration chose to send a big campaign donor, John Roos, as ambassador, passing over a longtime Asia hand, Joseph S. Nye Jr., who had been championed by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Administration officials counter that Mr. Roos, a Silicon Valley lawyer, will be influential because he has the ear of President Obama.

Political analysts and former diplomats say the Democrats are so sharply divided ideologically — between pacifist former Socialists and flag-flying former Liberal Democrats — that they will avoid treading too heavily on divisive foreign policy issues for fear of splitting the party.

Policy analysts also say the Japanese public would turn against the Democrats if they undermined the Washington alliance, pointing out that the opposition won because of anger with the incumbents’ failed economic policies, not because of a desire to change the nation’s reliance on the United States, which remains widely accepted here.

“They do not have a mandate for changing the alliance with the U.S.,” said Yukio Okamoto, a former adviser to several prime ministers on foreign affairs.

Mark Landler reported from Washington, and Martin Fackler from Tokyo.
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Aug 31, 2009

Likely Japanese PM Hardly a Natural Politician - washingtonpost.com

TOKYO - AUGUST 11:  Yukio Hatoyama, President ...Image by Getty Images via Daylife

By Blaine Harden
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, August 31, 2009 3:51 PM

TOKYO, Aug. 31 -- Stiff, shy and very rich, Yukio Hatoyama cuts a curious figure for an opposition leader whose party laid waste on Sunday to the most formidable political machine in the history of modern Japan.

Hatoyama, 62, who soon will become prime minister, has perhaps the bluest political blood in the land. But he is hardly a natural politician.

He has said that when he was studying for a doctorate in engineering at Stanford, he spent many hours wondering what is was that made him avoid human relationships and turn away from all things political.

When he did enter the family business of politics in the 1980s, a far-away look, an eccentric manner and a wooden style of speaking caused him to be nicknamed the "alien." Part of it was the content of his speeches. He talks about how "politics is love," a formulation not often heard from ambitious Japanese politicians.

That message was honed in this summer's campaign to "putting people's lives first." In a promise that resonated with voters, he said his party would wrench power away from bureaucrats who serve the interests of big business. He said he wanted to create "a horizontal society bound by human ties, not a vertically connected society of vested interests."

In a childhood that echoed the cosseted intellectual ambitions of the New York Roosevelts, including Theodore and Franklin, Hatoyama grew up in a splendid European-style family palace in Tokyo. There he collected insects and stamps with his little brother Kunio. He and his brother, who also grew up to be a politician, are believed to have assets of no less than $100 million.

Their grandfather was a prime minister and a founder of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which had governed Japan as a virtual one-party state for more than half a century -- until Sunday.

That's when Yukio Hatoyama's Democratic Party rolled over the LDP in a historic landslide. For the first time in Japan's postwar history, voters gave an opposition party control of the government.

For Hatoyama, it was a victory that cut three ways against the family grain. For not only was his grandfather an LDP potentate, his father served in an LDP government as foreign minister and his brother had been an LDP minister in the government of Prime Minister Taro Aso, which voters slapped down on Sunday.

The man who routed the party of his forebears came into politics with the help of that party. He became a private secretary to his father in 1983, and three years later, running for his father's seat, was elected to the lower house of parliament.

It is one of the ironies of Japanese-style reform politics that Hatoyama's party, as part of its manifesto, has promised to ban inherited seats.

Hatoyama had had enough of the LDP by the early 1990s. He defected to a small opposition party and was a leader of a fragile eight-party coalition that briefly grabbed control of the lower house -- and tossed the LDP out of power. But the coalition fell apart in less than 11 months and the LDP again took control.

Hatoyama soon co-founded the Democratic Party -- a slightly left-of-center mix of disaffected LDP veterans, trade unionists, former bureaucrats and ex-socialists. The party jelled as a vote-winning force under the leadership of Ichiro Ozawa, a wily political strategist and former LDP power broker, surprising and humiliating the LDP in a 2007 election by winning control of the upper house of parliament. If the party also was able to win control of the lower house, which selects the government, Ozawa would become prime minister.

Then a campaign fundraising scandal forced Ozawa to resign as party leader in May, creating an opening for Hatoyama. After it became clear on Sunday that voters had resoundingly rejected the LDP, Hatoyama thanked Ozawa on national television for engineering their party's victory.

As the long reign of the LDP demonstrates, Japanese voters tend to like continuity in government. It makes them anxious to toss aside the powers that be. For that reason, there are worries here about the new, largely untested leadership.

In polls and interviews, even voters who support the Democratic Party have expressed doubts about the experience and competence of its leaders. Many economic and political analysts say the party does not have a credible economic plan. It is highly doubtful, they say, that new leadership can deliver on promises to put more cash into the hands of consumers.

There are also doubts about Hatoyama's decisiveness and leadership skills. He has never held a major position in government, serving only in 1994 as a deputy cabinet spokesman for a government that soon collapsed.

But on the campaign trail this summer, his speeches have become more engaging and his message more inspiring. He has developed a reputation as a gentle man, one who kneels and talks eye-to-eye with children and with elderly people in wheelchairs.

His political vision, he says, is a "spirit of fraternity." As he explains it, this means "every person should have a bond to society by making oneself useful and being needed."

In a country with record unemployment, a chronically stagnant economy, a staggering public debt and the most aged population in world history, that vision is soon to be tested.

Special correspondent Akiko Yamamoto contributed to this report.

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Aug 30, 2009

Ruling party swept away in Japanese election rout - The Australian

29 July 2007 Japanese House of Councillors ele...Image via Wikipedia

JAPAN'S long-dominant Liberal Democratic Party was headed last night for a shattering defeat, losing about two-thirds of the seats it held before Prime Minister Taro Aso called an election six weeks ago.

The new prime minister will be Yukio Hatoyama, whose Democratic Party of Japan last night looked to have added 200 seats to the 111 it held when the House of Representatives was dissolved.

Mr Hatoyama, 62-year-old grandson of the LDP's foundation prime minister, Ichiro Hatoyama, has gained a massive mandate to reform Japan's political and economic system.

From its formation in 1955, the conservative party presided over Japan's rise from a post-war shambles to the world's second-largest and most vigorous economy, a unique security alliance with the US, spectacular financial-political scandals, a devastating collapse of its post-bubble economy from the early 1990s, a lengthy but unsatisfactory recovery from 2002 and finally the plunge back into deep recession.

In that time the LDP lost only one election, in 1993, and was out of government for only 11 months.

Yesterday's defeat comes four years after the LDP, led by its last popular and politically effective prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi, achieved its largest ever seat gain.

But three years of political disasters starting within months of Mr Koizumi's retirement in September 2006, three more prime ministers and post-war Japan's worst recession have produced a shattering defeat that calls into question the LDP's very survival as a party.

LDP officials were saying even before polling closed last night that 69-year-old Mr Aso would have no alternative but to resign the party leadership to take responsibility.

The first half hour of counting last night was almost enough to restore the DPJ's losses from its 2005 defeat; it had already taken 171 seats to the LDP's 49, with New Komeito, the coalition partner in the last government, holding nine.

Exit polls by the major news organisations put the DPJ's final tally at between 298 and 324 seats.

At the upper end of the scale, Mr Hatoyama's party is poised to secure a "super-majority", two-thirds of the House of Representatives, which would allow it to override any legislative veto from the upper house.

However, that is an academic consideration now because the DPJ and its small-party allies, the Social Democrats and People's New Party, have controlled the upper house since July 2007 - the election that marked the beginning of the end of the LDP era.

The Social Democrats and PNP have done poorly, as have all the smaller parties bar the Communists, and though the DPJ has undertaken to take them into a governing coalition, they will have no serious influence on policy direction.

Defying an approaching typhoon, Japanese voters queued in unusually large numbers for a general election which wreaked cyclonic damage on the LDP.

Although heavy rains along the heavily populated Honshu eastern seaboard discouraged voters in the final hours polling booths were open, the final turnout was expected to approach 70per cent, the highest in almost 20 years.

The dominant issue throughout the campaign was the Aso government's fitness to continue governing, above the DPJ's lightly detailed promises to sweep away the LDP's iron triangle model of close co-operation politicians, public servants and big business, with the bureaucracy leading policy-making.

"I cast my vote to see a change of power in this country, rather than paying attention to details of each party's campaign manifesto," Norihito Inoue, a house wife told Kyodo news agency.

Mr Hatoyama, a founder and early head of the 11-year-old DPJ, was unexpectedly returned to the leadership only in May when Ichiro Ozawa was forced to stand aside following the revelation of illegal funds being accepted by his office.

Mr Ozawa and Mr Hatoyama, an engineer by training and an MP since 1986, were among the MPs who precipitated the LDP's 1993 crisis by quitting the scandal-racked party.

The main architect of the DPJ's astonishing reversal of fortunes since mid-2005, Mr Ozawa is expected to play the dominant figure in the party and a decisive role in the new government's management.

Expected to become the party's secretary general and with well over 100 personal supporters in the expanded party, a clearly annoyed Mr Ozawa, 67, last night refused to answer questions on his future role.

"We are only here to see the results of the vote-counting," he told an NHK TV interviewer.

"This type of question is precisely the problem with the media."

An exit poll by TV Asahi predicted the DPJ would take 315 seats in the 480-seat lower house, while Tokyo Broadcasting System forecast the centre-left opposition party would win 321 seats. Public broadcaster NHK predicted the DPJ would win between 298 and 329 seats, against a range of 84 to 131 seats for the conservative party.

Just before calling the election, Mr Aso had to quell a rebellion that potentially involved a third of the party's MPs. When the party reconvenes, the survivors who have saved their district seats, many angry at Mr Aso and the conduct of the campaign, will confront senior MPs who saved their skins by being placed at the top of LDP party lists, from its share of 180 seats filled by proportional representation.

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Aug 27, 2009

Likely Japan Leaders to Focus on Asian Ties - WSJ.com

Japan will likely seek greater independence from the U.S., and focus more on its ties with China and the rest of Asia, under new leadership expected to take power after elections on Sunday.

Early tests of how far Japan's foreign policy might shift will come as the incoming government considers the fate of U.S. military facilities on Okinawa -- which are unpopular locally -- and whether it will keep helping refuel U.S. ships in the Indian Ocean. Japan's response to China's interest in natural-gas resources located in waters claimed by both countries also will offer clues.

Polls show the center-left Democratic Party of Japan is expected to trounce the ruling Liberal Democratic Party in lower-house parliamentary elections.

During its 50-year history, the LDP has often followed Washington's lead in foreign policy. By contrast, the DPJ says it wants closer ties and more trade agreements with regional neighbors while it seeks a "more equal" relationship with the U.S.

"The era of U.S.-led globalism is coming to an end and we are moving away from a unipolar world toward an era of multipolarity," party leader Yukio Hatoyama, widely assumed to be Japan's next prime minister, wrote this month in a Japanese magazine, Voice. He pointed to the European Union as an example of a means for overcoming regional differences.

[Big Business chart]

Not all of DPJ's policies are expected to run counter to U.S. interests. The U.S. could gain a stronger ally in initiatives to curb greenhouses gases. A DPJ-led government also is expected to maintain Japan's firm approach toward North Korea amid concerns about nuclear proliferation and political pressure to get back Japanese citizens abducted by Pyongyang.

Little can be said with certainty about the direction Mr. Hatoyama might take should his party prevail, given the lack of a track record. Observers note that most of the DPJ's campaign has focused on domestic issues. On foreign policy, the party in recent months has stepped back from some of its stronger language on U.S.-Japanese relations. The DPJ lacks foreign-policy experience in areas and may find itself more dependent than its predecessor on Japan's diplomatic bureaucracy, they say.

"They haven't had a chance to cut their teeth, so to speak, on real policy dialogue," said Sheila A. Smith, senior fellow for Japan studies at the Council on Foreign Relations in the U.S.

Further, some observers say Japan hasn't led in areas such as global trade talks, and would need to develop more concrete steps than the DPJ has articulated so far before it can make its own path.

"It all comes down to, 'Do you really have ideas? Can you generate ideas?'" said Reinhard Drifte, a former professor of Japanese politics at the University of Newcastle in the U.K., who questions Japan's "will and ability to have a more autonomous foreign policy."

DPJ officials -- who have made cutting bureaucracy a cornerstone of their campaign -- dispute any perceived lack of experience, saying its members include a number of current lawmakers with extensive foreign-policy backgrounds.

Yukihisa Fujita, a lawmaker and party member, said in an email that relations with the U.S. remain Japan's most important. "However, relations with the United Nations, and with Asian and European nations, are also extremely important, and we are of the opinion that we need to strike more of a balance in this regard," he said.

[Japan to shift focus following elections]

The U.S. State Department said its officials weren't available to discuss the DPJ's policies until after the election. "We have a close alliance relationship with Japan which we expect to continue after the election, whichever party gains control of the government," it said in a statement.

Economically, Japan has grown closer with China and South Korea, and the former is now its No. 1 trading partner, with about $236 billion in combined imports and exports last year.

DPJ officials have taken steps to smooth relations with Asian neighbors. "We have some expectation that they will have a more sincere and sympathetic approach in solving some of the issues related with history," said Chung Byung-won, a director on the Japan desk at South Korea's foreign ministry in Seoul. A spokesman at China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Beijing wishes to "enhance our bilateral cooperation, and to continuously deepen the reciprocal and strategic relationship between China and Japan, so as to promote peace and the development of Asia together."

Tensions linger between Japan and China over resources in the East China Sea. Ownership of the resources remains disputed, despite an agreement last year to jointly develop natural-gas fields. The LDP-led government began playing down its concerns as overall tensions between the two countries eased, but it remains to be seen whether DPJ leaders will follow that lead.

The DPJ has pledged not to continue naval refueling missions in the Indian Ocean that support U.S. efforts in Afghanistan when an agreement expires next year. But Japan may be reluctant to pull out entirely from operations related to Afghanistan, and the U.S. could use Japan's willingness to be more involved in world affairs to push for greater contributions to that or some other global effort, said Michael J. Green, senior adviser and Japan chair for the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

The DPJ's platform calls for re-examining the role of U.S. bases in Japan. But experts consider a quick decision unlikely. U.S. and Japanese officials already have agreed to move an unpopular facility in Okinawa, but the DPJ favors moving it farther away.

—Bai Lin and Kersten Zhang contributed to this article.

Write to Carlos Tejada at carlos.tejada@wsj.com and Evan Ramstad at evan.ramstad@wsj.com

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Energized Voters Seem Poised to End LDP's Half-Century Rule in Japan - washingtonpost.com

TOKYO - AUGUST 11:  Yukio Hatoyama, President ...Image by Getty Images via Daylife

By Blaine Harden
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, August 27, 2009

TOKYO -- Japanese voters are on the brink of doing something they have not been willing to do in more than half a century: throw the bums out.

The opposition Democratic Party is surging toward what polls predict will be a landslide victory Sunday. It would end 54 years of near-continuous rule by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which led Japan to stupendous postwar wealth but in recent years has become stagnant, sclerotic and poisonously unpopular.

The opposition party's leader, Yukio Hatoyama, 62, an elegantly attired, Stanford-educated engineer, seems to derive much of his popularity from the simple act of being a sentient replacement for Prime Minister Taro Aso, whose tone-deaf leadership over the past year has made him an object of derision, even in his own party.

In the election's final week, Hatoyama is drawing big crowds for his signature stump speech, which savages "the long-term reign of one party gone rotten."

Although voters seem energized by the opportunity to flush the LDP down the drain of history, they are much less certain about what will replace it.

"I am not sure of what the Democratic Party is saying or what it will do, but there has to be a change in power," said Hideo Enomoto, 58, who sells industrial machines and who listened this week as Hatoyama spoke outside a commuter train station during the evening rush hour.

Senior LDP leaders acknowledged this week that the Democratic Party is on the verge of a historic win that may provide it with a commanding two-thirds majority in the lower house of parliament and the ability to decide policy all by itself. The Democratic Party already controls the less powerful upper house.

The prospect of tossing the LDP out of power has created the highest level of voter interest in a general election to date, according to a survey by the Yomiuri newspaper. In the poll, 89 percent of respondents indicated interest in the vote.

As its marquee incentive for dumping the LDP, the Democratic Party is promising that it will pay parents as much as $276 a month to raise a child until he or she graduates from junior high.

Japan has the world's lowest percentage of children and highest percentage of elderly. It's a slow-motion demographic disaster that the LDP has long ignored and that the Democratic Party hopes to turn into electoral gold.

"If that money is going to come, then it is well worth voting for the Democratic Party," said Aya Koike, a 20-year-old who came with her two infant children to listen to Hatoyama's speech. She works nights in a Tokyo restaurant but could quit if the government began paying her $552 a month to look after her kids.

Many young women in Japan are reluctant to have children because of the lack of affordable day care. Promising to "take the anxiety out of child rearing," the Democratic Party has said that it will eliminate waiting lists for cheap public day care and remove tuition fees for high school.

Hatoyama's party is also promising to do away with highway tolls, cut business taxes and increase the minimum pension -- all without raising the consumption tax in the near future. The party also says that it will somehow find a way not to increase the staggering government debt, which is the highest among industrialized nations, at 180 percent of gross domestic product.

"It is doubtful that they can really deliver on all this," said Richard Jerram, chief economist at Macquarie Capital Securities in Tokyo. "Once they win, maybe they will water down their promises. If they don't, it is going to be problematic."

The Japanese economy, although it returned to growth in the second quarter of this year, has been the hardest hit of all industrialized countries by the global recession.

Even before the downturn, Japan was growing at a snail's pace compared with its neighbors in Asia. In the coming year, Japan is all but certain to lose to China its longtime ranking as the world's second-largest economy.

Yet there are few specifics in the Democratic Party's manifesto about increasing growth, enhancing productivity or privatizing inefficient government services.

Most voters, according to polls, doubt that the party can raise the money needed to pay for its promised programs, which add up to about $178 billion in new spending. The party says it will find the funds by ending wasteful spending, tapping "buried treasure" in obscure bureaucratic accounts and abolishing some tax deductions.

What voters do believe will happen after the election -- and what the Democratic Party seems capable of delivering -- is a substantial change in the way the government is run.

For decades, an elite bureaucracy has quietly controlled much of government policy, often aligning it with the interests of the country's largest corporations.

"The bureaucrats, confident that they were safe, created heaven for themselves," Hatoyama said in his speech.

His party is promising to blow up this system, replacing it with a "politician-led government in which the ruling party holds full responsibility." It plans to place more than 100 members of parliament in charge of the various bureaucracies and require them to take marching orders from the prime minister's office.

In addition, the party says it will ban corporate political donations, restrict the ability of retired bureaucrats to find lucrative jobs in industries they regulated and ban hereditary seats in parliament. About a third of LDP members in the lower house have inherited their electoral districts from relatives.

During the more than five decades of LDP rule, the main pillar of its foreign policy has been a close and cooperative relationship with the United States, which guarantees Japan's safety and keeps about 50,000 military personnel here.

The somewhat left-leaning Democratic Party has been less enamored of this special relationship. Its leaders want to give foreign policy a more Asian tilt, eventually creating an East Asian community with China, South Korea and other countries. The party has also said that it would examine ending the Japanese navy's role in refueling U.S. and allied warships in the Indian Ocean, as well as revising rules for the presence of American forces in Japan.

As the party's victory has become a near certainty, its leaders have played down significant policy differences with the United States.

"Continuity is key," said Tetsuro Fukuyama, who helped write the party's manifesto.

The U.S.-Japan relationship will be the "centerpiece" of foreign policy, he said, remaining "as important as it ever was."

Special correspondent Akiko Yamamoto contributed to this report.

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