Showing posts with label land claims. Show all posts
Showing posts with label land claims. Show all posts

Dec 9, 2009

Government to settle suit over Indian land trusts

Black and White Image, Lower Antelope Canyon, ...Image by Alex E. Proimos via Flickr

ACCOUNTING MISMANAGED
$1.4 billion in payments to end 13-year-old battle

By David A. Fahrenthold
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, December 9, 2009

The Obama administration said Tuesday it would pay $1.4 billion to a group of American Indians who said the government mismanaged a century-old system of Indian land trusts.

The settlement, which would end one of the epic lawsuits of modern Washington, would be divided among more than 300,000 people, the descendants of Indians to whom the government assigned plots of tribal land under an 1887 law. Many of the plots are controlled by hundreds or even thousands of heirs, and a federal system designed to track claims and distribute revenue generated by the parcels has broken down.

The administration said it would spend $2 billion in addition to the payouts to try to buy back sole ownership of the many plots, one tiny fraction at a time.

The deal, announced by Interior Secretary Ken Salazar and Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr., would end a lawsuit that has lasted 13 years, coloring the relationship between federal and tribal governments with a bitter reminder of the Indian wars. Officials said they intended the settlement to create trust between Washington and "Indian country."

"We are here today to right a past wrong," Salazar said. Of the plaintiffs the government had battled so long, he said: "They [brought] a national injustice to the attention of our country."

This suit might be best known as the case that took the Interior Department off e-mail: In 2001, U.S. District Judge Royce C. Lamberth determined that the Indian trust accounts were vulnerable to hackers and issued an order that caused the department to sever connections to the Internet.

But its origins go back to the administration of President Grover Cleveland, when Congress passed a law allotting individual tribe members parcels of 40 to 160 acres, to be held in trust by the government for 25 years. In most cases, the land never left government hands.

Today, the Interior Department manages more than 100,000 parcels, totaling more than 56 million acres. When these lands are used for grazing, mining or drilling for oil or natural gas, the revenue is supposed to be split among its owners. But the system quickly devolved into an accounting mess. The number of owners multiplied, since many Indians died without wills and their children inherited equal ownership fractions. The parcels are split 4 million ways.

To make things worse, government records for tracking them were kept in poorly maintained warehouses, where some were destroyed by fires, floods or insects. Owners complained that they were being paid irregularly, improperly or not at all.

In 1996, they filed suit. Since then, officials said, the case has encompassed dozens of hearings, 192 days of trial proceedings and multiple appeals to higher courts. And two different judges: In 2006, an appeals court removed Lamberth from the case after finding that he appeared to be biased against the Interior Department.

The settlement announced Tuesday must be voted on by Congress and approved by the new judge, James Robertson. At a ceremony honoring Robertson on Tuesday, Lamberth praised his handling of the case and said this was "a great day for Americans and for all Native Americans."

Under its terms, officials said, most Indian shareholders would get a check for $1,000. Some could get more, however, if the judge decides they lost more money because of federal mismanagement. Some of the $1.4 billion will also be used to pay attorneys' fees.

The plaintiffs had asked for many more billions. But Elouise Cobell, the lead plaintiff and a resident of the Blackfeet reservation in Montana, said her side did not want the case to drag on further.

"This is significantly less than the full accounting to which individual Indians are entitled," Cobell said at the news conference. "We are compelled to settle now by the sobering realization that our class grows smaller" as older members have died, she said.

In addition, the settlement would use $2 billion to begin buying back 37,000 of the most heavily subdivided parcels of land, so that the federal government would be the sole owner.

David Hayes, a deputy secretary of the Interior, said that the newly bought land would be owned by the federal government but that individual tribes would be able to decide what to do with it. Hayes said the government did not want to give up the land, fearing it might allow non-Indians to buy parcels on reservations.

An official for the National Congress of American Indians said the divided ownership has made it difficult for tribal governments to build schools or health clinics because it was difficult to convince a majority of the owners to agree.

"We had kids going to school in double-wide trailer houses, that were running from double-wide to double-wide when it was 40 below zero," said Richard Monette, the former chairman of the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa, whose reservation is in North Dakota. "We got money for a school, but we didn't have a place to put it" because the land was shared among so many owners, he said.

Staff writer Carol Leonnig contributed to this report.

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Jul 31, 2009

East Timor: Security Sector Relapse?

Simon Roughneen | 31 Jul 2009

DILI, Timor-Leste -- Security sector reform (SSR) is a vital part of state-building, especially in Timor-Leste, a country that came close to civil war in 2006. Significantly, though, few Timorese political leaders interviewed about the issue wanted to speak about one of the highest priorities for the U.N. Mission in Timor-Leste: completing -- and, by extension, to some degree implementing -- a comprehensive security sector review.

Neither the review nor the overall role of the U.N. in SSR was raised in any of World Politics Review's meetings with politicians in Timor-Leste. Speaking on condition of anonymity, a Dili-based foreign diplomat told WPR, "The Timorese will do SSR the Timorese way."

President Jose Ramos-Horta deflected the issue in a recent interview, focusing instead on the future of the army and police, in light of the imminent departure of resistance-era leaders due to retirement in the coming 2-3 years. Former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri told WPR that SSR proposals to date "are not really a reform," as what is proposed does not "have Timorese ownership."

All of the politicians interviewed spoke about the "resumption" of policing responsibilities by the Timorese police (PNTL) from the U.N. Mission. This is a vital part of SSR, given the police force's implosion in the 2006 violence. Moreover, the police has historically been subordinate to the army, known as the F-FDTL. That disparity was accentuated by the temporary Joint Command for national security set up after assassination attempts on President Ramos-Horta and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao in February 2008.

The domestic security situation improved in the months thereafter, but the police remained subordinate to the army, which still involves itself in internal security. According to eyewitnesses, U.N. police attempts to intervene in a public order incident in Maliana in June 2009, near the Indonesian border, resulted in F-FDTL guns being pointed at the multinational forces.

Some police, meanwhile, are involved in smuggling and extortion, and double up as members of the country's martial arts gangs and clandestine societies. Participants in the 2006 violence are mostly still employed on the force, without any accountability for their actions.

It is estimated that over 100,000 Timorese may be gang members, itself a difficult security challenge. James Scambary, of the Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment (TLAVA), a research project that looks at ways to implement community security initiatives, reminded WPR that "in 2006-7, over 1,300 U.N. police and later the [Australian-led] International Stabilisation Force could not prevent gang fighting," which was an expression of both non-political and political violence.

Draft security laws recently submitted to the Timorese parliament include a civil protection component, featuring a proposed Authority for Civil Protection "to coordinate the civil protection agents at national, district and suco level." This could have the effect of legitimizing or rewarding gangs and past perpetrators of violence with official status. If carried out in tandem with focused community security work, on the other hand, the measure could yield positive results.

It remains a point of discussion whether the influence of international peacekeepers has itself been entirely positive. Shona Hawkes of the NGO monitoring group La'o Hamutuk says that giving the multinational forces immunity from prosecution sets a negative example for local counterparts. There are almost weekly skirmishes between the Portuguese National Republican Guard (GNR) and Timorese security forces, with the most recent one allegedly involving a GNR assault on the prime minister's personal security.

But SSR, in Timor-Leste and elsewhere, means more than fixing the police and army. It
is a wide-ranging concept, often difficult to implement in practice. By most definitions, it means addressing all of the "hard" -- and a good chunk of the "soft" -- parts of state power.
In Timor-Leste, according to a recent paper (.pdf) published by the Center for International Cooperation, that means addressing "important justice and rule-of-law issues, including poor judicial capacity, a long legacy of impunity, a decrepit detention system, parliamentary and civil society oversight of security institutions."

Police reform is just a part of the process and will not work if the wide range of SSR needs are not dealt with. Timor-Leste, for instance, has a backlog of more than 4,000 legal cases, and there are multiple examples of impunity at the highest political levels.

Without the following priority list, by no means exhaustive, SSR will remain elusive in the country:

- Reform of the legal system and an end to impunity;
- Adequate economic growth and development that provides jobs and education for idle youth who proliferate in the gangs;
- Transparent implementation of the proposed Land Law, which aims to clarify land ownership issues that were muddied by cycles of displacement and contradictory legal systems inherited from various occupying powers.

To put the explosive land issue in context, perhaps 50 percent of Dili's houses were "illegally" occupied after 1999. As James Scambary told WPR, "Much of the fighting and displacement in 2006 was over disputed land," with over 100,000 Timorese driven from their homes at the time.

But perhaps the key to SSR is negotiating the political interests that have yet to be untangled, accommodated, or overcome. This is unsurprising, as SSR usually comes after conflict, when politics is either atrophied or compromised by links to armed factions, whether official or otherwise.

The U.N. views SSR as both a post-conflict and a conflict-prevention issue. But as the OECD-DAC handbook on Security System Reform and Governance says, it can be "difficult to find local ownership for SSR, especially where it is most needed, for example where security forces are part of the problem or where SSR may have the potential to change current power relationships."

The U.N. inquiry into the events of 2006 highlighted fragile state institutions, weak rule of law, minimal parliamentary oversight, and deficiencies in the army and the police as contributing factors to the violence. In Timor-Leste, the security sector is characterized by personal relationships, political and regional affiliations, and old-boy networks of comradeships and rivalries built up over decades of resistance to violent foreign occupation.

It seems that whatever the government does, security forces will have considerable autonomy. The draft security laws task the heads of the military and police with proposing each force's rules of engagement, with subsequent approval in both cases by the president and the council of ministers.

Former Prime Minister Alkatiri says SSR is "not only a technical issue, and we have to depoliticize the institutions." His Fretilin government failed to do so, contributing to the 2006 meltdown. Whether its successor, led by an icon of the resistance doubling as both prime minister and defense minister, has the will to address SSR remains to be seen.

Simon Roughneen is a journalist currently in southeast Asia. His chapter on Security Sector Reform in Sudan was published in "Beyond Settlement" (Associated University Press, 2008).

http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articlePrint.aspx?ID=4147

Jun 10, 2009

East Timor Government Publishes First Land Data Collection Results

Press Release 04 June 2009 National Directorate for Land, Property and Cadastral Services (DNTPSC), Timor-Leste TIMOR LESTE'S GOVERNMENT LAUNCHES FIRST PUBLIC DIPSLAY OF LAND CLAIMS

Today the Minister of Justice, Lucia Lobato, and the Director of the National Directorate for Land, Property and Cadastral Services (DNTPSC), Antonio Verdial de Sousa, launched the public display of the pilot land data collection areas in the towns of Liquica and Manatuto.

The land data and claims collection process was authorized by the Minister of Justice in Ministerial Decree 229/2008 of 1 July 2008. This decree also requires the DNTPSC to publish all the data gathered for a minimum period of 30 days. In the pilot areas, the DNTPSC has decided on a public display period of six weeks, beginning on the 5th of June 2009 and closing on the 17th of July.

The areas which will be included in this public display period are:

- Liquica District: Sub-District of Liquica, Suco Data, Aldeia Leopa; and

- Manatuto District: Sub-District of Manatuto, Suco Maabat, Aiteas, Sau, and Ailili; Aldeia Maabat, Bi'uac, Sau, and Ailili.


Public display is a critical process that guarantees the transparency of the land claims collected, since it provides an opportunity for the public to verify all the land claims that were collected at the community level. During the public display period, a new claim can be made, or a counter-claim can be made to dispute another claim. Once the public display period has closed, new claims and counter-claims will no longer be accepted in the closed areas.

During the public display period, land maps and the name and photograph of each claimant can be found at 4 levels: locally in the relevant aldeia or suco; at the district DNTPSC and Ita Nia Rai offices; nationally at the DNTPSC headquarters in Bebora, Dili; and internationally via the Ministry of Justice’s webpage, at: http://www.mj.gov.tl/pt/index.php?p=55.

According to Decree 229/2008, once the public display period has closed for an area, the data will be considered official, and the Government may use this information as the basis for land titling according to the forthcoming Transitional Land Law.

This initative is supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) through the ‘Ita Nia Rai’ (“Our Land”) program, a five-year, $10 million dollar project that is supporting the DNTPSC and the Ministry of Justice to develop a land administration framework for independent Timor-Leste. - ENDS -
-----

Komunikado iha : 04 Junu 2009, Direçcão Nacional Terras, Propriedades e Serviços Cadastrais (DNTPSC) Timor – Leste.


GOVERNU TIMOR LESTE LANSA PROGRAMA PUBLIKSAUN MAPA RAI-NIAN BA AREA PILOTU MANATUTO NO LIQUICA

Ohin loron, 4 Junu 2009, Ministra da Justiça, Dra. Lucia Lobato, no Director Direçcão Nacional de Terras, Propriedades e Serviços Cadastrais (DNTPSC), Antonio Verdial de Sousa, halo lansamentu ba programa publikasaun mapa rai-nian ba area pilotu rua iha Distritu Manatutu no Distritu Liquica.

Levantamentu de dadus kona-ba rai no na’in ba rai autorizada husi Ministra da Justiça liu husi Dekretu Ministerial N. 229/2008 de 1 Julhu 2008. Dekretu ida ne’e fó mandatu ba DNTPSC atu hala’o publikasaun dadus ne’ebe rekolhe tiha ona. Prazu minimal ba publikasaun ne’e maka loron 30; iha area pilotu DNTPSC sei loke dadus ba publiku durante semana 6, husi 5 Junu to’o 17 Julhu 2009.

Area ne’ebe sei inklui iha prosesu ne’e maka:

- Distritu Liquica, Sub-Distritu Liquica, Suco Data, Aldeia Leopa; no

- Distritu Manatuto, Sub-Distritu Manatuto, Suco Maabat, Aiteas, Sau, no Ailili; Aldeia Maabat, Bi’uac, Sau, no Ailili.


Publikasaun hanesan prosesu kritiku hodi garantia transparensia, tanba fo oportunidade ba populasaun atu verifika dadus ne’ebe foti iha nivel local. Durante tempu ne’e, ema sei bele hato’o deklarasaun foun ida, no mos bele hatama reklamasaun, ne’ebe hanesan disputa ida kontra ema seluk nia deklarasaun. Bainhira publikasaun hotu ona, ema sei labele hatama deklarasaun foun ka halo reklamasaun ba ema seluk nia deklarasaun iha area ne’ebe refere.

Durante tempu publikasaun, mapa ho lista deklarante sei bele hetan iha nivel 4: nivel local (iha aldeia ka suco), nivel distrital iha DNTPSC ka Ita Nia Rai, nivel nasional iha sede DNTPSC, no iha nivel internasional liu husi website Ministério da Justiça nian, iha: http://www.mj.gov.tl/pt/index.php?p=55.

Tuir Dekretu 229/2008, bainhira tempu publikasaun remata, dadus sei ofisializa hodi aban bainrua, Governu bele uza atu fó sai titulu ba rai.

Aktividade ne’e mak hetan apoio husi Agensia Amerikana ba Dezenvolvimentu Internasaional (USAID), liu husi programa “Ita Nia Rai”. Programa ne’e ho durasaun tinan lima no orsamentu $10 milloes tulun Direçcão Nacional Terras, Propriedades e Serviços Cadastrais (DNTPSC) no Ministério da Justiça hodi dezenvolve sistema administrasaun rai iha Timor-Leste.

- Remata -

For more information, please contact Jose Caetano Guterres, Manager for Public Information and Awareness, on 7304325, or JCaetano@sprtl.tl.

Source - http://easttimorlegal.blogspot.com/2009/06/east-timor-government-publishes-first.html