Jul 30, 2009

Getting the Full 360 on Silobreaker

by Gary Price

Searching for news is a task both information professionals and the users we train are doing all of the time using one of many news search databases.

One powerful news search database I like a lot gets very little attention, and I think that needs to change.
The resource I’m talking about is Silobreaker. It’s been online for several years and aggregates content from more than 10,000 news sites, blogs, and multimedia sources.

Best of all, access to this London- and Stockholm-based news search tool is free. While not perfect (what is?), it’s a search tool you will want to know about.

Silobreaker is powerful due to its advanced search interface located next to the primary search box, which enables you to limit in a number of ways including by source, content type, date, etc. Even more important are the many additional resources not found on most other news search engines, providing options that can help make sense of the news. They provide not only links to news results but also useful intelligence.

Take a look on the charts and tables located on the right side of the homepage and you’ll see what I’m talking about. All of these features are also searchable via the links found directly above the main search box.

Notice the drop-down menu from the search box that appears as you enter your search terms. If the term(what Silobreaker calls an 'entity') is in the database, you’ll see it here. It can help you focus your search even before you click.

Just because a search topic doesn’t have a drop down option does not mean it isn’t searchable on Silobreaker. However, results -- like on any news search tool -- may vary. Here’s an example of a search results page for an entity not in the database.

With that understood, Silobreaker is most powerful with entities in their database. They even ask for help in identifying new entities and sources. Look for the link at the very top of any page.

At the top of the homepage, you’ll spot a hyperlink labeled '360° search'. This is the default search option. Here’s the resulting 360 search on General Motors.

Note the brief company information available at the top left of the page including a link to a Silobreaker fact sheet about GM.

This service also works for searches about people. For example, Barack Obama. Again, you’ll see brief bio info along with other information. Click the bio link and you’ll receive a full bio about the President gleaned from Silobreaker sources. Very useful. All of this is in addition to the news stories that the database provides.

The next search option at the top of the search box is called 'Network' and it graphically displays how people or topics in the database relate to other people and/or topics in the full database. This is an interactive tool. Cursor over any of the boxes and you’ll see what the relationship is via a text snippet. Here’s the 'Network' page for Global Warming.

Option number three is labeled 'Hot Spots'. Here you’ll find a map that gives an idea of where the underlying stories are about. Again using Barack Obama as the search topic, take a look at this Hot Spot map.

You'll notice lots of content about the Middle East. Obama is heading their today (6/3/2009).

The 'Trends' option gives you a graphical look at how much attention topic or person is getting in the press over a period of time. Here’s the trends page for U.S. Supreme Court nominee, Sonia Sotomayor.

OK, that was a lot to take in. Let’s review using a 360° degree search for Gordon Brown.

Note the main search results like you would find with any news search tool. The entities located below each article are clickable.

On the right side of the page take note of the following:

  • Video search results (if available)
  • 'In focus' (people, places, events related to Brown (clickable)
  • 'Content volume' for searches about Gordon Brown broken down by source type
  • A 'Network' graph that identifies and shows relationships
  • 'Hot Spots' that illustrate where the news is coming from (clickable)
  • A 'Trends' graph that illustrates the amount of content about Prime Minister Brown versus other people in the news.

Finally, while Silobreaker offers many options the learning curve does not take a long time. It’s actually quite fun. You’ll be up and running in no time. Pages on the site also provide more help if needed.

Education in Indonesia

publication



Teacher employment and deployment in Indonesia
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Early childhood education and development in Indonesia : an investment for a better life
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The World Bank has signed an agreement with the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands on the provision of $ 20 million to help the Ministry of National Education maximize the effectiveness of the BOS (Bantuan Operasional Sekolah or School Operational Assistance) Program. The Dutch grant, which will be administered by the World Bank, will be used to ensure that BOS funds to schools are well used, and parents are better informed about the BOS program. Read more




QUICKFACTS

Indicators in Indonesia (Figures show the most recent available data and the year)



For more recent data see World Bank Education Stat (EdStat)

Health in Indonesia

publication

Health Financing in Indonesia: A Reform Road Map
Download the main report
Press Release

Indonesia’s Doctors, Midwives and Nurses:
Current Stock, Increasing Needs, Future Challenges and Options

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Investing in Indonesia's Health
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Indonesia is facing major policy challenges in terms of how health reform will be financed, which groups should be subsidized, what specific health benefits should be covered, what changes are needed in the service delivery system, as well as other regulatory and administrative issues.

The latest World Bank Report on health addresses these issues.
Read more



QUICKFACTS

Indicators in Indonesia (Figures show the most recent available data and the year)


For Full Data on Health and Population in Indonesia click here

Greece: Halt Crackdown, Arrests of Migrants

July 27, 2009

Greek authorities are arresting large numbers of migrants and asylum seekers in the country's cities and islands and moving many of them to the north, raising fears of illegal expulsions to Turkey, Human Rights Watch said today.

Human Rights Watch received reports from a credible source that, in mid-July 2009, police transferred a group of Arabic-speaking people from Chios Island to the Evros border region, where they were secretly forced to cross the border into Turkey. On July 23, local human rights activists prevented authorities from transferring 63 migrants from Lesvos Island to the north by blocking access to the ferry. On July 25, the police took most of them to Athens under heavy police escort.

"These operations and transfers are very worrying," said Bill Frelick, refugee policy director at Human Rights Watch. "We fear that people are being prevented from seeking asylum, that children arriving alone are not being protected, and that migrants are kept in unacceptable detention conditions and possibly even being secretly expelled to Turkey."

In another recent episode, in a large-scale police operation from July 16 to 18, police in Athens surrounded what appeared to be several hundred migrants and locked them inside an abandoned courthouse. The police arrested anyone who left the building. It is feared that some of them may have needed protection and did not have a chance to file a claim for asylum, the police prevented Human Rights Watch from speaking to the people held inside, and Human Rights Watch does not know the whereabouts of those who were arrested when they tried to leave.

In a November 2008 report, "Stuck in a Revolving Door: Iraqis and Other Asylum Seekers and Migrants at the Greece/Turkey Entrance to the European Union," Human Rights Watch documented how Greek authorities have systematically expelled migrants illegally across the Greece-Turkey border, in violation of many international legal obligations. These "pushbacks" typically occur at night from detention facilities in the northern part of the country, close to the Turkish border, and they involve considerable logistical preparation. Human Rights Watch at that time interviewed 41 asylum seekers and refugees - all privately and confidentially - in various locations in both Greece and Turkey, who gave consistent accounts of Greek authorities taking them to the Evros River at night and then forcing them across.

Human Rights Watch also documented how Greek authorities miscategorize unaccompanied children as adults and detain them for prolonged periods of time in conditions that could be considered inhumane and degrading. (See the December 2008 report, "Left to Survive: Systematic Failure to Protect Unaccompanied Migrant Children in Greece.")

In yet another recent incident, on July 12, police destroyed a makeshift migrant camp in Patras, on the Peloponnese peninsula. In the days before the camp was destroyed, the police reportedly arrested large numbers of migrants there, and according to credible sources, transferred an unknown number to the northern part of the country. On July 17, Human Rights Watch met with several Afghans in Patras, including 12 unaccompanied migrant children now homeless as a result of this operation, who were in hiding in abysmal conditions out of fear of being arrested.

A 24-year-old man told Human Rights Watch: "We're living like animals in the jungle ... we can't take a shower and we don't have proper food ... before I lived in the camp, but all of my things and clothes were burned. Now I have a shirt and a pair of pants, nothing else."

A 14-year-old Afghan boy who arrived in Greece one year earlier said: "The worst situation during the past year is now, in Patras - now that I'm living in this forest .... There's not enough food and we only eat bread with water."

Human Rights Watch also observed on July 17 how more than 1,000 migrants lined up all night, largely in vain, trying to file asylum applications at Athens' main police station. Greece recognizes as few as 0.05 percent of asylum seekers as refugees at their first interview and passed a law at the end of June that abolishes a meaningful appeals procedure, making it virtually impossible for anyone to obtain refugee status. It also extended the maximum length of administrative detention for migrants to 12 months - and under certain circumstances, up to 18 months - from previously 90 days.

"It appears Greece is doing everything it can to close the door on persons who seek protection in Europe, no matter how vulnerable they are," said Frelick. "The European Union must hold Greece accountable for acts contrary to international and European human rights and refugee law, and it needs to act fast, as the lives of many are at risk."

Syria: No Exceptions for ‘Honor Killings’

July 28, 2009

(Beirut) - The Syrian government should treat all murders alike and not make exceptions for so-called "honor killings," Human Rights Watch said today. On July 1, 2009, President Bashar al-Assad abolished Article 548 of the Penal Code, which had waived punishment for a man found to have killed a female family member in a case "provoked" by "illegitimate sex acts," as well as for a husband who killed his wife because of an extramarital affair. The article also lowered penalties if a killing was found to be based on a "suspicious state" concerning a female family member. The article that replaced it still allows for mitigated punishment for "honor killings," but requires a sentence of at least two years.

"Two years is better than nothing, but it is hardly enough for murder," said Nadya Khalife, Middle East and North Africa women's rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. "The Syrian government should punish all murders alike - no exceptions."

The new text of Article 548 reads: "He who catches his wife, sister, mother or daughter by surprise, engaging in an illegitimate sexual act and kills or injures them unintentionally must serve a minimum of two years in prison." In the previous text, the killer benefited from a complete "exemption of penalty".

Syria does not maintain definitive data on these killings, usually by family members who consider the woman to have done something to shame the family or harm its reputation. On March 29, 2006, Al-Thawra newspaper reported an estimate of about 40 such killings a year. The Syrian Women Observatory, an independent Syrian website that addresses discrimination against women, estimates that there are nearly 200 such killings each year. If this figure is correct, on average, 16 Syrian women are killed by relatives every month, in a country with a population of approximately 18 million.

In 2008, the National Forum on Honor Crimes, sponsored by the Syrian Commission for Family Affairs (SCFA) in cooperation with the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Religious Endowments, set out a number of key recommendations, including repealing Article 548. It also recommended amending Article 192, which states that if a killing was based on an honorable intent, the judge has a number of options for reduced sentences, including short-term detention or imprisonment.

"The recommendations set out at the National Forum showed the government the way forward," said Khalife. "But there is a long way to go to rid Syria of this vicious practice."

Another article, 242, allows a judge to reduce the punishment both of men and women in cases in which a murder is committed in rage and motivated by an illegal act provoked by the victim. Extra-marital affairs are illegal in Syria.

"You cannot abolish one penal code provision that protects these killers and leave others intact." Khalife said. "Article 548 was a start. Now the government needs to reform all the articles in the criminal code that treat those who say they kill for ‘honor' differently from other murderers."

Cambodia: ‘AIDS Colony’ Violates Rights

July 28, 2009

The Cambodian government should urgently address dangerous conditions in a de facto AIDS colony it has created and immediately stop sending HIV-affected families there, more than 100 international HIV/AIDS and social justice organizations and experts said in a joint letter delivered on July 27, 2009 to Cambodia's prime minister and health minister.

In June 2009, the Cambodian government forcibly relocated 20 HIV-affected families living in Borei Keila, a housing development in Phnom Penh, to substandard housing at Tuol Sambo, a remote site 25 kilometers from the city. Another 20 families were moved there on July 23. The families were resettled into crude, green metal sheds that are baking hot in the daytime and lack running water and adequate sanitation. Just meters away, higher-quality brick housing is being built, with the assistance of a nonprofit group, for other homeless families slated for resettlement at Tuol Sambo. Even before the HIV-affected families were resettled at the site, local people referred to the green sheds as "the AIDS village."

"By bundling people living with HIV together into second-rate housing, far from medical facilities, support services, and jobs, the government has created a de facto AIDS colony," said Shiba Phurailatpam of the Asia-Pacific Network of People Living with HIV/AIDS. "It's hard to understand how a government that has received international recognition for its HIV-prevention efforts could so callously ignore the basic rights of people living with HIV."

Dozens of organizations and individuals based in the Asia-Pacific region signed the letter, joined by groups and individuals from many nations, ranging from Canada and the United States to India and Tanzania.

The letter stresses that conditions at Tuol Sambo do not meet minimum international standards for even temporary emergency housing. The shelters are flanked by open sewers, with only one public well for all of the relocated families. They are crowded into the poorly ventilated metal sheds, where the afternoon heat is so intense they often cannot remain in their rooms, and they fear their antiretroviral (ARV) medication will deteriorate.

"The housing conditions in Tuol Sambo pose serious health risks for families living there," said Rebecca Schleifer, health and human rights advocate at Human Rights Watch. "People living with HIV have compromised immune systems and are especially vulnerable. For them, these substandard conditions can mean a death sentence or a ticket to a hospital."

The organizations also expressed deep concern about discrimination against HIV-affected families in the screening and allocation process for on-site replacement housing being built at Borei Keila. After two years of denying eligibility to HIV-affected families for this housing, the authorities have now said that at least 11 HIV-affected families previously slated to be sent to Tuol Sambo are in fact eligible. Those families remain at Borei Keila, but are still waiting for the housing they have been promised.

Increasing property values in Cambodia's capital city have left thousands of urban poor people vulnerable to forced evictions to make way for commercial development. The development of the Borei Keila site was approved in 2003 with the understanding that the developer would build new housing on site for those displaced by the project. With few exceptions, however, the HIV-affected families thus far displaced have not even been screened for eligibility for this housing.

When living at Borei Keila, these people worked as day laborers, motorcycle taxi drivers, cleaners, and seamstresses. Now, most have no prospects of work at or near Tuol Sambo. Their economic situation is worsened by the fact that a return trip to Phnom Penh to go to work or to visit hospitals costs the equivalent of about US$5 - for families who earn only $1.50 to $3 a day.

"The Cambodian government needs to establish a fair and open process for all to receive the housing and services they need," said Kevin Moody of The Global Network of People living with HIV (GNP+). "People living with HIV - like all others - need adequate living conditions that do not threaten their health and a way to earn a livelihood, so that they can provide for themselves and their families. Grouping families affected by HIV in this way exposes them to further stigma and discrimination; steps must be taken to end this discrimination now."

The groups called on the Cambodian government to:

  • Cease moving HIV-affected families to the Tuol Sambo site;
  • Improve conditions at Tuol Sambo to meet minimum standards for adequate shelter, sanitation, and clean water;
  • Ensure full access to quality medical services, including antiretroviral treatment, treatment of opportunistic infections, primary health care and home-based care;
  • Work with relevant agencies and consult with the families already at Tuol Sambo to address immediate and long-term concerns regarding housing, health, safety, and employment, and reintegration into society in a manner that protects their rights and livelihoods; and
  • Employ a transparent and fair screening process to determine eligibility for on-site housing at Borei Keila, and allow eligible families to move in immediately (including the 11 HIV-affected families already approved). For those found ineligible, authorities should provide other adequate housing.

"Living with HIV with dignity means more than just ARVs," said Aditi Sharma of the International Treatment Preparedness Coalition. "It means these families should have a healthy environment with adequate nutrition, proper sanitation and a continuum of care that addresses the social, psychological, legal, and economic consequences of living with HIV."

Jul 29, 2009

California Apologizes to Chinese Americans

What's in an apology? Some expressions of remorse are commonplace — we hear them on the playground when kids smack each other on the head, or they land in your inbox after a friend forgets your birthday. It's the grand-scale apologies, it seems, that are harder to come by.

On July 17, the California legislature quietly approved a landmark bill to apologize to the state's Chinese-American community for racist laws enacted as far back as the mid–19th century Gold Rush, which attracted about 25,000 Chinese from 1849 to 1852. The laws, some of which were not repealed until the 1940s, barred Chinese from owning land or property, marrying whites, working in the public sector and testifying against whites in court. The new bill also recognizes the contributions Chinese immigrants have made to the state, particularly their work on the Transcontinental Railroad. (Check out a story about the Asian-American experience in late–20th century California.)

The apology is the latest in a wave of official acts of remorse around the globe. In 2006, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper made a similar apology, expressing regret to Chinese Canadians for unequal taxes imposed on them in the late 19th century. Last February, Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologized to his country's Aborigines for racist laws of the past, including the forced separation of children from their parents. Five months later, the U.S. Congress formally apologized to black Americans for slavery and the later Jim Crow laws, which were not repealed until the 1960s. And most notably, in 1988 the U.S. government decided to pay $20,000 to each of the surviving 120,000 Japanese Americans imprisoned in camps during World War II. Says Donald Tamaki, a San Francisco–based attorney who helped overturn wrongful WWII-era convictions of Japanese Americans: "Part of what a humane society does is recognize past injustices and address them."

The California resolution moved quickly through the state legislature since it was first introduced in February. "It's symbolic to recognize that the state made mistakes," says assembly member Paul Fong, who co-sponsored the legislation with assembly member Kevin de Leon. "These laws reverberate to this date because racism still exists." (Read about a new Asian-American stereotype in TIME'S 1987 cover story.)

Most of the direct victims of the laws in question have already passed away. Fong's grandfather was held for two months at Angel Island, an immigration station near San Francisco that targeted and detained several hundred thousand Chinese immigrants from 1910 to 1940. Dale Ching, 88, arrived at Angel Island from China's Guangdong province in 1937 at age 16. Though his father was an American citizen, immigration authorities detained Ching for 3½ months. "My intent was to try to have a better life, better than in China," says Ching. "But at that time, they didn't want you to get ahead."

How times have changed. In the throes of huge budget cuts, California is wooing cash-flush mainland Chinese tourists to its sun-kissed coastline and world-famous theme parks. So far this year, the state's Travel and Tourism Commission has opened offices in three Chinese cities. In 2005, Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger toured China on a six-day trade mission to peddle his state's produce, technology and raw materials. China is now California's fourth largest export market, after Mexico, Canada and Japan. In 2008 California exported $10.9 billion worth of goods to China, up 40% since 2005.

With the California bill in the bag, Fong now plans to take the issue to Congress, where he will request an apology for the Chinese Exclusion Act, the only federal law ever enacted to deny immigration based exclusively on race or nationality. Passed in 1882, the law was not fully repealed until 1943, after China and the U.S. became allies in WWII. Given President Obama's decision to appoint Gary Locke as Commerce Secretary and Steven Chu as Energy Secretary, Fong says he's confident of the bill's passage. "As a person of color, President Obama would understand these issues," he says.

Fong does not plan to press for financial compensation for the surviving victims of the state and federal laws in question, despite the Japanese-American precedent. More important than individual compensation, he says, is to help educate younger generations about the mistakes of the past. That said, Fong may ask for funding to help preserve the Angel Island immigration station, dilapidated after decades of neglect. To complicate matters, the station is located within a state park that, along with several others, may be shut down to help balance California's budget shortfall.

Not long after his father helped negotiate his release, Dale Ching joined the U.S. Army and fought Japanese forces during WWII. He went on to become an electronics technician, but after retiring, he began volunteering as a docent at Angel Island in hopes of drawing more attention to that moment in history. "We've been fighting, but nobody would listen," he says. "Finally someone has said sorry."

Government Crackdown on Detractors Prompts Concern About Cambodia's Legal System

By Tim Johnston
Washington Post Foreign Service
Wednesday, July 29, 2009

BANGKOK -- A heightened crackdown on journalists and opposition activists in recent weeks by Cambodia's leaders has provoked new concern that the government is engaging in widespread abuse of the nation's legal system to muzzle its detractors.

Newspaper editor Hang Chakra is serving a one-year sentence in Phnom Penh's notorious Prey Sar prison for articles that alleged corruption among government officials. Opposition activist Moeung Sonn, who heads the Khmer Civilization Foundation, fled the country last month after being given a two-year sentence because government officials feared unrest when he questioned whether a new lighting system would damage the revered Angkor Wat temple. Last week, a court heard charges against Ho Vann, a member of parliament from the opposition Sam Rainsy Party who is accused of slandering 22 generals by questioning their academic qualifications.

And on Friday, a court is to hand down its verdict in a case against Mu Sochua, another opposition member of parliament, who is accused of defaming Cambodia's authoritarian prime minister, Hun Sen.

"I'm sure I will be found guilty, unless there is some magic in the air, and I don't feel that it is," Mu Sochua said in a telephone interview.

The cases have caused growing concern among human rights activists about Cambodia's legal system, which has long been accused of political bias.

"The Cambodian government is imposing its most serious crackdown on freedom of expression in recent years," Brad Adams, the Asia director for Human Rights Watch, said in a statement last week.

The case against Mu Sochua, a mother of three and former minister for women and veterans affairs, has brought the concern to a head because she is the first person to challenge Hun Sen so openly.

In a lawsuit, she accused Hun Sen of calling her "strong leg" -- a term considered derogatory in Khmer culture -- in a speech in early April. When he declined to apologize, she called a news conference and declared that his comment was an insult to all Cambodian women. That provoked a countersuit from Hun Sen. The courts have thrown out her lawsuit, but Hun Sen's is ongoing.

"If he allowed Mu Sochua to challenge him, other people might go down the same path. It is to make sure a second person won't try the same thing in the future," said Son Chhay, another outspoken opposition member of parliament.

Mu Sochua is fighting her legal battle alone. Her attorney withdrew last month after he came under government pressure, provoking a protest from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

"The government kept on slamming him with more and more penalties, and he was facing the end of his career," Mu Sochua said. "I am not going to put another lawyer through that torture."

If convicted, she is likely to face a fine of about $2,500. But, more important, she could lose the right to sit in parliament, and that could be Hun Sen's intent, analysts said.

His ruling Cambodian People's Party won 90 of 123 seats in parliament in elections last year, but analysts said Hun Sen could be using the courts to get rid of the opposition.

"He wants to put them out of business," said David Chandler, a history professor at Monash University in Australia. "The whole concept of pluralism hasn't got any roots in Cambodia. The opposition is almost, by definition, disloyal."

Son Chhay said the recent crackdown is a symptom of a government that is failing to address some of the pressing issues facing the country, including corruption, land seizures and economic stagnation.

"Although they control the institutions, they can't allow activists or the opposition to spread the issues -- that could bring disaster. Like many dictatorial regimes in the region, because they are unable to solve the problems, they resort to all measures to control the people and shut them up," Son Chhay said.

The government also is looking to pass a law that would limit demonstrations to 200 people and require permission from authorities.

In the early 1990s, the international community invested about $1.5 billion in a U.N. effort to restore civil government to a country that Hun Sen, a former member of the Khmer Rouge, had run since 1985.

The opposition fears that he is destroying fragile institutions that have taken years to build.

"What is really detrimental to Cambodia as a whole is that because he wants to make a point as a man, he is destroying so much we have invested in nation-building," Mu Sochua said. "It is not me on trial, but the judiciary of Cambodia."

Tibetans in Nepal Feel Financial, Political Pressure as Carpet Industry Unravels

By Emily Wax
Washington Post Foreign Service
Wednesday, July 29, 2009

KATHMANDU, Nepal -- Thinley Sangmo was taught as a young girl in exile how to weave traditional Tibetan carpets. Her grandmother's thick hands would twist and spin spools of sheep's wool to depict the landscape and religious iconography of their homeland: hairy yaks lumbering up snow-swept mountains, puffy clouds and ponds of pink lotus flowers.

By the time she was 14, Sangmo was hunching over an upright loom for more than 12 hours a day. Sometimes she would fall asleep. She wanted to attend school, but as the oldest of seven children and as a Tibetan refugee living without full rights in Nepal, carpet weaving was her best option.

"It's very hard work. At first, I would cry," said Sangmo, now 36, with walnut-colored hair tucked into a bun. "At times, I was angry and sad about it. But I learned to appreciate it. Now, generations depend on these factories. This is all we know how to do."

Yet today her livelihood, and that of thousands of other Tibetan carpet weavers here, is under threat. The global economic crisis has spread to this landlocked Himalayan nation, among the poorest on Earth. Fewer tourists are coming to buy carpets, and tens of thousands of dollars in export orders have been canceled, industry experts say, leading to the closure of more than 500 factories.

The crisis facing Tibetan exiles in Nepal is exacerbated by the country's new government, led by Maoists, who joined the political mainstream in 2006 after waging a decade-long war. As China's influence over the government grows, Tibetans are experiencing a rise in harassment and extortion, more restrictions on their movements and greater difficulty securing education and jobs than ever before, according to a report released Tuesday by the International Campaign for Tibet. An estimated 20,000 Tibetans live in Nepal, which has centuries-old cultural and religious ties with Tibet.

"There has been change in the use of language by the Nepalese authorities to describe the Tibetan refugee flow through their country, suggesting a 'law and order' approach rather than the humanitarian approach that has characterized Nepal's treatment of Tibetans over the last decades," said Kate Saunders of the International Campaign for Tibet. "As a result of Chinese pressure on the Nepalese government, judicial system, civil society and media, Tibetans in Nepal are increasingly fearful, demoralized and at risk. "

Tibetan business and human rights leaders say that as the global economy worsened, Maoist militias and Nepalese police began "taxing" the Tibetan factories and workers, often through mafia-style shakedowns and threats. For many Tibetans still waiting for legal papers according them some civil rights in Nepal, there is nothing they can do to fight back as factories are forced out of business.

"The carpet industry is an economic and cultural lifeline for thousands of Tibetans and Nepalese," said Tinley Gatso, a Tibetan community leader in Kathmandu, Nepal's capital. "It was our culture, our art. When Nepal took us in, it was our big gift to Nepal. But now, so many carpets factories are closing. It's a very sad time, a worrying time."

Nepal is home to the world's second-largest Tibetan exile community after India. Buddhist prayer flags flutter along Kathmandu's alleyways and in its markets. Some of the world's most celebrated stupas -- whitewashed temples resembling enormous birthday cakes crossed with spaceships -- draw Buddhist monks and nuns and foreign tourists to the city's crowded squares. Recordings of the Buddhist mantra "Om mani padme hum," played by shopkeepers, echo through the narrow streets.

Since a wave of protests against Chinese rule that began in Tibet in March 2008, Nepal has been under increasing pressure from Beijing to take sterner measures against pro-Tibet demonstrations here, according to diplomats, government officials and human rights workers. A recent press statement by Nepal's Ministry of Home Affairs appears to support the tougher stance: "Nepal stands firm not to allow any external forces to use its soil against its neighbors and it sticks to its One China policy."

China accuses the Dalai Lama, the Buddhist spiritual leader, of trying to split Tibet from China. The Dalai Lama, who lives in exile in northern India, has said that although he desires greater autonomy for Tibet, he does not advocate independence.

The squeezing of Tibetans in Nepal is most vividly apparent in the carpet business.

Khamsum Wangdu is one of the biggest Tibetan carpet manufacturers in Kathmandu. He once had four factories that employed 600 people. Now he's down to one factory and 20 workers. The economic downturn and the official demands for "fees" have affected his business, he said.

"We need the international community to help us," the burly businessman said. "Instead of giving the Dalai Lama gold medals, why not focus on helping Tibetan people with the recession and all of the political instability and pressure here in Nepal? The Dalai Lama is happy when his people are happy."

Thumbing his prayer beads, Wangdu said he was once proud that he was able to employee Tibetans and Nepalese in his factories. But on a recent day, in the single factory he still operates, only half the looms were in use.

In the half-finished factory built of brick and tin, women sat cross-legged at a vertical loom. Deftly, they wielded iron rods and scissors to stretch and trim the woven pattern. Hammers were used to separate the fibers, forcing out dirt.

The factory also doubles as a day-care center. One woman breast-fed her 2-month-old daughter during a break. Children raced in and out. Others bathed around a borehole outside, shampooing their hair with buckets of water.

"So many of my friends in carpet weaving have already lost their jobs," said Sanu Mayalama, 35, whose husband recently lost his job in a TV factory in Malaysia. "My parents are still living in the mountains. They are so poor. We need this income."

Tibetan carpet weaving dates to the 7th century, when the carpets were used as horse saddles. In the past, monasteries were the weavers' main clients. That began to change in the 1970s, when trekkers and mountain climbers descended on Nepal and began to take an interest in carpets. There was a separate boom in the late 1980s, when Tibet's struggle for independence became an international cause. Today, the carpets are sold in tourist markets, along with Tibetan religious paintings, prayer lamps, brass bowls and T-shirts embroidered with the words "Yak Yak Yak, Nepal."

On a recent morning, Sangmo sat in her neighborhood, where many Tibetan exiles live. Some mentioned that it was the Dalai Lama's 74th birthday but that their celebrations and religious ceremonies had been canceled. Sangmo's family, like many others here, fled Tibet with the Dalai Lama in 1959 after a failed revolt against Chinese rule.

Sangmo sat next to her grandmother, who had been a yak herder in Tibet before she moved to Nepal and learned the carpet-making craft. Both women said they worried that many people in the neighborhood will lose their jobs in the industry in the next few months.

"It's all we have," Sangmo said. "We are lost without carpet-making."

Reports of Prison Abuse and Deaths Anger Iranians

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — Some prisoners say they watched fellow detainees being beaten to death by guards in overcrowded, stinking holding pens. Others say they had their fingernails ripped off or were forced to lick filthy toilet bowls.

The accounts of prison abuse in Iran’s postelection crackdown — relayed by relatives and on opposition Web sites — have set off growing outrage among Iranians, including some prominent conservatives. More bruised corpses have been returned to families in recent days, and some hospital officials have told human rights workers that they have seen evidence that well over 100 protesters have died since the vote.

On Tuesday, the government released 140 prisoners in one of several conciliatory gestures aimed at deflecting further criticism. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad issued a letter urging the head of the judiciary to show “Islamic mercy” to the detainees, and on Monday Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, personally intervened and closed an especially notorious detention center.

But there are signs that widespread public anger persists, and that it is not confined to those who took to the streets crying fraud after Mr. Ahmadinejad’s landslide victory last month. Several conservatives have said the abuse suggests a troubling lack of accountability, and they have hinted at a link with Mr. Ahmadinejad’s recent willingness to defy even the venerated Ayatollah Khamenei.

“Why did things have to go so far as to require the personal intervention of the supreme leader?” said Ali Mottahari, a conservative Parliament member. “If we are satisfied just to close one detention center, these people will continue to do what they have done elsewhere and nothing will change.”

Although the government has played down the scale of the prison abuses, some detainees’ relatives have come forward recently to confirm them, mostly to opposition-linked Web sites that have provided credible information in the past, including roozonline.com and gooya.com.

Some deaths have been further documented with photographs or videotapes. Hospital officials have described receiving bodies of those killed in protests, with the total far in excess of 20, the government’s initial figure. It is difficult to confirm such reports independently, given the restrictions on reporting in Iran.

The anger has spread from opposition supporters into Iran’s hard-line camp in part because of the case of Mohsen Ruholamini, the son of an adviser to the conservative presidential candidate Mohsen Rezai, who died in prison after a severe beating. A bitter political dispute among conservatives over Mr. Ahmadinejad’s cabinet decisions may also have helped fuel the issue.

The prison abuses have also galvanized the opposition movement, whose leaders asked for permission to hold a mass mourning ceremony on Thursday in honor of those killed since the election. The Interior Ministry on Tuesday refused permission for the gathering, but the main opposition leaders, Mir Hussein Moussavi and Mehdi Karroubi, said they would hold a public ceremony anyway, several Web sites reported.

Thursday is a day of unusual symbolic importance because it will be 40 days since the shooting of Neda Agha-Soltan, a young woman whose death during a demonstration was captured on video and ignited outrage across the globe. The 40th day marks an important Shiite mourning ritual; similar commemorations for dead protesters fueled the demonstrations that led to the Islamic Revolution in 1979.

Questions about the prison abuse have gained more importance in recent days, not only because of the opposition’s public protests but also because the stories have multiplied. One young man posted an account on Tuesday of his ordeal at the Kahrizak camp, which was ordered closed on Monday by Ayatollah Khamenei.

“We were all standing so close to each other that no one could move,” he wrote in a narrative posted online. “The plainclothes guards came into the room and broke all the light bulbs, and in the pitch dark started beating us, whoever they could.” By morning, at least four detainees were dead, he added.

In another account posted online, a former detainee describes being made to lie facedown on the floor of a police station bathroom, where an officer would step on his neck and force him to lick the toilet bowl as the officer cursed reformist politicians.

A woman described having her hair pulled as interrogators demanded that she confess to having sex with political figures. When she was finally released, she was forced — like many others — to sign a paper saying she had never been mistreated.

Mr. Moussavi spoke out Monday in unusually strong and angry terms, accusing the government of brutality and irreligion, and warning that its conduct toward the detainees could set off a much greater reaction.

“They cannot turn this nation into a prison of 70 million people,” Mr. Moussavi said, adding later that “the more people they arrest, the more widespread the movement will become.”

The prisoner release on Tuesday appeared to be the act of a government desperate to defuse the issue, coming just one day after the head of Iran’s judiciary promised that the detainees’ cases would be expedited. Government officials say that of at least 2,500 people arrested in the postelection crackdown, about 150 remain in prison.

In announcing the release, Saeed Jalili, the secretary of the National Security Council of Iran, sounded a defensive note, saying that those still in jail “are people for whom there are documents stating they were in possession of firebombs and weapons, including firearms, and who had caused serious damage to public property.”

But Mr. Mottahari, the lawmaker, said Tuesday that those responsible for the deaths of detainees must also be identified and punished. Others have gone further, saying the prison abuses suggest a government lurching dangerously out of control.

“Those who have turned this society into a police state and have ordered the use of force have to be held accountable,” said Hamid-Reza Katouzian, a hard-line member of Parliament. “The police and the Ministry of Intelligence have told us that they are on the sidelines, and we do not know who is responsible or accountable.”

Mr. Katouzian is a close friend of Mr. Ruholamini’s family, and his comments appeared to reflect personal outrage over that case. But his remarks also echoed a broader, longstanding concern about the Revolutionary Guards and the Basij militia taking over law enforcement functions and acting beyond the knowledge of legislators.

Senior clerics have also weighed in, warning that tolerating such injustices could endanger Iran’s theocracy.

“The shameful recent events have distressed everyone and been a source of worry for all those who love their country and the Islamic republic,” said Grand Ayatollah Abdul-Karim Mousavi Ardebili, adding a plea for the government to release detainees.

The number of those killed since the election is impossible to determine, and it includes at least a few members of the Basij militia as well as protesters. One human rights group, International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, said it spoke to doctors in three Tehran hospitals who registered the bodies of 34 protesters on June 20 alone. Other doctors have provided similar accounts and have estimated a death toll of at least 150 based on corpses they saw.

Earlier this month, family members of missing demonstrators were taken to a morgue in southwest Tehran where they reported seeing “hundreds of corpses” and were not allowed to retrieve bodies unless they certified that the deaths were of natural causes, according to accounts relayed on Web sites and to human rights workers.

Robert F. Worth reported from Dubai, and Sharon Otterman from New York.

Activist Says Thousands Missing in China's Uighur Province



29 July 2009

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Rebiya Kadeer, head of pro-independence World Uighur Congress, speaks during press conference at Japan National Press Club in Tokyo, 29 Jul 2009
Rebiya Kadeer, head of pro-independence World Uighur Congress, speaks during press conference at Japan National Press Club in Tokyo, 29 Jul 2009
The exiled leader of China's Uighur minority group has sharply criticized the Chinese government and called for an independent investigation into recent unrest in Xinjiang. Rebiya Kadeer is in Tokyo to seek support for the mainly Muslim community.

Rebiya Kadeer described a scene of chaos and bloodshed on the night of July 5 - clashes with police and a barrage of gunshots throughout Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang.

The head of the World Uighur Congress told Japanese journalists Wednesday that Chinese officials watched it all unfold and never stepped in to calm tensions.

She says that China claims 190 people died that day but she does not believe that. She says 10,000 people vanished overnight. "If they were killed where are the bodies? If they were taken away, where are they now?" she asked.

The violence began July 5 as Uighurs protested the way police had handled attacks on a Uighur workers in southeastern China.

A few days later, members of China's dominant Han ethnic group rampaged through Uighur neighborhoods in retaliation.

Since the fifth, Kadeer says Chinese police have gone door to door to seek out and detain Uighur men without cause. She worries about how much longer that will continue. She is visiting Japan to draw attention to that problem and seek help from the government.

She asks the Japanese government to begin its own investigation into the riots and search for the 10,000 missing. She also asked government leaders to pressure the United Nations to conduct an independent investigation.

China accuses Kadeer, who now lives in the United States, of masterminding the unrest. The Beijing government criticized Japan for allowing the exiled leader to visit, calling her a "criminal." Kadeer denies any involvement in the clashes and says the tension can only be resolved by direct talks between Beijing and Uighur leaders.

The Uighurs, who make up about half of the population of Xinjiang in northwestern China, complain of discrimination and say the government limits their religious practices. The Chinese government, however, says the Uighurs receive benefits that the Han do not, such as the right to have more children, and says Uighur dissidents want to create a separate nation in Xinjiang.

Security Sector Laws Submitted to Timor-Leste Parliament

New Government Bills admitted to Parliament and referred to Committees

On Monday, 29 June important government bills were admitted to Parliament and referred to the competent Standing Committees for consideration.

· Government Bill n. 25/II “Lei de Segurança Interna” (Law on Internal Security) and Government Bill n. 26/II “Lei de Segurança Nacional” (Law on National Security) put forth an integrated national security policy. They define a strategy of integrated action among the Armed Forces, Police and Civil Protection. Both bills were referred to the Committee for Foreign Affairs and Defense (Committee B).

· Government Bill n. 27/II “Lei de Defesa Nacional” (Law on National Defense) establishes and regulates the country’s security framework, as provided by the Constitution of Timor-Leste and in line with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. The bill was referred to the Committee for Foreign Affairs and Defense (Committee B).

Early draft are below.

Internal Security Law English Translation.pdf

LeiBaSeguranzaNasionalJunho2009draft.pdf

NationalSecurityLawDraftEng.pdf

NationalSecurityLawJune2009draft.pdf

Bosco's Art and Website

Contributed by Edward Rees of Peace Dividend Trust in Timor-Leste

Peace Dividend Trust would like to announce a new PDT BizBlog Website featuring renowned Timorese Artist, "Bosco".



Bosco's Profile
1965: Bosco was born in Dili on March 26th as Manuel Justino "Bosco" Alves do Rego.

1983: Competed for a drawing competition in Java (Indonesia) and won the second price.

1983 -1986: Pursued further education in agriculture (Indonesia)

1989: Was assigned as agriculture technical staff in the veterinary section of the Manatuto district's agriculture department during the Indonesian occupation.

October-November 1991: Painted pamphlets, banners, tracks against Indonesian oppression.

November 1991: Contributed to the demonstration at Santa Cruz cemetery which led to the Santa Cruz massacre by the Indonesian occupation force.

May 2000: Participated in a drawing techniques course taught by Petra Rouendall and supported by the "Community Empowerment Local Governance" Project.

May 20th, 2000: Participated, together with other artists, in a exhibition at the Timorese Cultural Centre – Uma Fukun Timor Lorosa'e, and produced a joint painting as a result of the drawing techniques course.

August 2000: Held his first painting exhibition at the Timorese Cultural Centre – Uma Fukun Timor- Lorosa'e, titled "ANAR I" and supported by the World Bank.

February-March 2001: Drew charcoal illustrations of Timorese legends for the cover of school notebooks at the request of UNDP.

May 2002: Participated in the committee for Timor-Leste's Independence Celebrations and held the "ANAR II" Exhibition at National University of Timor-Leste (UNATIL), together with His Excellency Xanana Gusmao, Sebastiao da Silva and Ken Pattern (Canadian).

May 2002: Designed three coins in gold, silver and bronze for the Independence Celebrations, at the invitation of Minister of Finance Fernanda Borges.

December 2002: Held an exhibition at the Pousada Baucau, titled "ANAR III", at the invitation of Dr. Jose Luis Henrique de Jesus.

2003: Held the exhibition "Timor: A Arte na Tela" patronized by the Portuguese Embassy.

May 2003: Held the exhibition "Timor a Óleo e Carvão" (Timor in Oil and Charcoal) at the Fundação Oriente and Hotel Timor.

November 2006: Held the exhibition "Timor Ba Dame" at the Fundação Oriente.

April 2008: Held the exhibition "Bosco e o Carvão" (Bosco and the Charcoal) at the Fundação Oriente.

Bosco continues to produce new paintings with a unique expression in each painting as an artist. Bosco now lives in his house in the edge of a rice field on the road to Baucau where he raises his two daughters and two sons with his beloved wife. He likes to spend time fishing when he is not in front of a new painting.

To order, please contact Bosco at:
Mobile: +670 724 3917

You may contact Bosco in Tetum, Portuguese and Bahasa Indonesia.---

Religion, Secularism Working in Tandem in Bangladesh

by Nicole Naurath

WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Despite the return to power of Bangladesh's Awami League -- the political party that won in December 2008 on a platform of secularism, reform, and a suppression of radical Islamist groups -- religiosity is by no means waning in the world's seventh most populous country. A Gallup Poll of Bangladesh conducted this year finds practically all Bangladeshis saying that religion is an important part of their daily lives (100%) -- relatively unchanged from the three previous Gallup Polls of Bangladesh.

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Religion has played a prominent role in Bangladesh's political history. After gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971, the Awami League founded Bangladesh under the guiding principle of secularism. However, power shifts between the Muslim Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the military throughout the 1980s and 1990s resulted in Islam being added to the constitution and declared the official state religion. Though still officially on the books today, the current government defines the country as "secular with a majority Muslim population," and not officially as a Muslim state.

It seems as though the general population is further defining the roles of politics and religion in their country by drawing a distinct line between the two. Support for the secular Awami League, according to Time magazine, is as high as it was when they won an overwhelming victory in the pivotal 1970 election that led to the war of independence from Pakistan. At the same time, religiosity remains strong in this country of nearly 90% Muslims: More people claim to have attended a religious service in 2009 than in years past, and confidence in religious organizations has increased over the years.

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Simultaneous strong support of the secular Awami League and the near unanimous importance of religion in daily life suggests that while religion is vital in Bangladeshis' daily lives, they are appear comfortable with its lack of influence in government.

Confidence in the current government is strong: 87% of Bangladeshis approve of the job performance of the overall leadership of the country and 88% approve specifically of the job performance of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. If Hasina and the Awami League can fulfill campaign promises and maintain order in what has often been a tumultuous state, there is no reason to believe that support for the ruling party will wane in the near term.

For complete data sets or custom research from the more than 150 countries Gallup continually surveys, please contact worldpollpartners@gallup.com or call 202.715.3030.

Survey Methods

Results are based on face-to-face interviews with at least 1,000 adults, aged 15 and older, conducted in May 2006, May 2007, June 2008, and May 2009 in Bangladesh. For results based on the total sample of national adults, one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling error ranged from a low of ±3.2 percentage points in May 2006 to a high of ±3.42 percentage points in May 2009. The margin of error reflects the influence of data weighting. In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of public opinion polls.

Beyond Language Learning

s/pores » 学语以外 : Beyond Language Learning

李慧玲 : Lee Huay Leng

English version

Translated by Francis Lim Khek Gee, with additional translation by Tan Siok Siok


我们回到上海时,赶紧把在汕头买的潮语配音《白雪公主》卡通片拿出来播放,听着皇后用潮州话问那镜子:“魔镜,魔镜,世界上那个芝娘最美丽?”全家人都被逗乐了。

小时候由外婆照顾、有点潮州话基础,但后来疏于应用的表弟这次跟我一起到潮汕去。才几天在潮汕浸濡,他的潮州话大有进步。表弟比我小了将近12岁。 我哥问他现在知不知道“厕所”潮州话怎么讲,他可以字正腔圆的说出。换作以前,他一定用“toilet”取代。表弟说,在岛国的经验里,潮州话是老人、至 少是成年人的语言。没有想到在潮州,碰到三岁的小孩,原来都是说潮州话的。它就像在岛国英语会从孩子的口里源源不断的流出来一样,词汇丰富,表述生动。

我不知道从哪年开始,我们日常的语言有了年龄之分,甚至有阶级之分。但是我确实经常听到这样的说法,不是关于方言的——方言已经不在家长选择的语言 之列了。是关于孩子入学前,一些会讲华语的祖父祖母在家跟他们华语,有的父母也跟孩子讲华语,而小孩上了学跟其他同学接触,说的都是英语,回到家跟兄弟姐 妹讲的也是英语。

在他们的概念里,华语成了老年人(至少是部分成年人)的语言,平时跟自己同辈的人说话,正常还是用英语的。

这样对不对,好不好?家里该讲什么语言?父母分别讲英语和华语,还是全都讲一种语言?孩子的语言学习是个费力的工程,家长要趁早尽心怎样的规划?

回去祖父和外婆的潮汕老家,不同的空间,让人有不同的体悟。我观察那里碰到的店员、路上的行人、亲戚的小孩。除非是外省来的人,否则人们彼此交谈, 都是用潮州话。我心里纳闷,他们为什么不用普通话?或者,他们也应该知道英语的市场价值有多重要吧?为什么亲戚似乎一点不急于教小孩英语?我问了一下,孩 子学英语吗?父母都说等入了学,课堂老师会教。

后来我问在村里当小学华文老师的长辈,他说,老师们也还在学英文,学了就教孩子。谈起来,似乎也都不很当真。我分辨不出那是按照我们的标准看时,一 种眼界不够开阔,目光不够长远的表现,又或者是一种在完全不同的国情里的自信和自得。我的潮汕亲戚没有想要做世界第一,或者全国第一,只想在原来的土地上 继续生活。而本事和他们的语言是没有关系的——至少我感觉他们是这样的思维方式。还有一点:他们不要求我们,但是自己家里的孩子如果不会说潮汕话,对他们 来说是比较难接受的。

我参考着他们的方式,想象如果我也有小孩,到底要怎么教育他们,用什么语言教育他们。我在北京的一个朋友,牛津大学回来的,但我见她跟两岁的孩子一 句英语不说,都只有普通话,甚至逗着让孩子学给我们听听幼儿园里山西人的口音。我问她时,她一副不着急的样子,觉得英语以后自然是会的。

回到岛国,完全是另一个环境,另一种思维。有用和没有用,有多少用处,是一个总在思索求生存的国家衡量人和事情的标准?我读过历史,不怀疑国力强大 能使某一种语言和文化地位攀升,识时务者自然要紧跟其后。有时也想到路易十四时代,法文如何盛行。但是如果换一个方式思考,语文的学习,不是因为它的现实 价值,采用哪一种方法比较理想,也就同样不是关键了。孩子小时,大人教他们一种不一定能与全世界对话的语言,为的是那是属于他们自己文化与传统的一部分 ——这样的教育,着重自我面对的态度,是一种自我尊重和对原则的坚持。这不重要吗?

而后,再去想实用价值和教授的方法的问题。


李慧玲,新闻工作者,曾经担任《联合早报》驻香港、北京记者。也是公民团体圆切线创社社员。

Kult-Cov-trust

As soon as we got back to Shanghai, we played back the dubbed in Teochew version of “Snow White”, which we bought in Shantou. The whole family was tickled pink when we heard the Queen asked the Magic Mirror, in Teochew: “Mirror, mirror, on the wall, who is the fairest of us all?”

With me on this trip to Chaoshan was my cousin, who knows some Teochew as Grandmother brought him up, but thereafter he has little use for the language. After just a few days of immersion in Chaoshan, his Teochew improved greatly. He is almost 12 years my junior. When my brother asked him if he knew how to say “toilet” in Teochew, he was able to answer with precision. In the past, he would have used the English word “toilet”. My cousin said, in the Singaporean context, Teochew is a language of the elderly, or at least the grown-ups. He was surprised to find that in Chaozhou, even three-year olds speak Teochew. It is like the fluent English pouring forth from children in Singapore, rich in vocabulary and vivid in expression.

I am not sure when the languages we use daily started taking on age, and even class distinctions. However, I have often heard it said—not concerning the use of dialects, as they are no longer a language option for parents—that before the children enter school, some grandparents who know Mandarin will speak to them in Mandarin. Some parents might also speak to them in Mandarin. But once they start interacting with their schoolmates, speaking only English, they end up speaking English to their siblings at home too.

In their minds, Mandarin has become the language of the elderly (or at least of some grown-ups), while English is the norm when communicating with their peers.

Is this right or wrong, good or bad? What language should be spoken at home? Should one parent speak English while the other Mandarin, or should only one language be spoken at home? Language learning for kids is an arduous task; what sort of plans should parents put in place?

When I returned to Chaoshan, the hometown of my grandfather and maternal grandmother, being in a different space inspired a different understanding. I noticed that the shop assistants, pedestrians, relatives’ kids all spoke Teochew unless they are from another province. I was puzzled: why didn’t they speak Putonghua? Don’t they know the commercial value of the English language? Why did my relatives not feel a sense of urgency to teach their children English? I asked them, “Are the kids learning English?” The parents all said that teachers would teach them when they start school.

Later I asked an elder who was a Chinese teacher in the village. He said that the teachers themselves were still learning English, which they then teach the children. He did not seem to take it too seriously. I am not sure if we should judge according to our own standards, seeing this as a lack of broadmindedness and long-term vision, or see it in a totally different social context: as a mark of confidence and self-assurance. My relatives in Chaoshan do not aspire to be number one in the world or number one in the country; they only wish to keep on living in their homeland. Capability is not linked to language—at least that is my sense of their way of thinking. One more thing: they don’t expect us to speak Teochew, but will find it hard to accept if their own children don’t speak the language at home.

I observe the way they do things and wonder: if I have kids, how would I educate them, and in what languages? I have a friend in Beijing who has just returned from Oxford University; she speaks to her two-year-old child not in English, but only in Putonghua. She even coaxed the child to mimic the Shanxi accent overheard in the kindergarten. When I asked her about this, she did not appear anxious, and felt that English learning would come naturally in the future.

I returned home to a completely different environment with different mode of thinking. Is a thing useful or not: to what extent is it useful has become the criterion for evaluating people and matters in a country that constantly ponders its own survival. Through reading history, I do not doubt that the rise of a nation may bring about the elevation of status of a particular language and culture. The smart and sharp observers quickly fall in line. Sometimes I reflect upon the reign of Louis XIV, when the French language was all the rage. But if we think in another way, that we learn a language not for its practical value, then finding the best method would become less crucial. When the adults teach their children a language that might not necessarily facilitate global dialogue, but because it is an intrinsic part of their culture and tradition—this type of education emphasises self-awareness, and a sense of self-respect and integrity. Isn’t this important?

Only later would one consider questions of usefulness and pedagogy.


Lee Huay Leng is a journalist who works for Lianhe Zaobao. She was its correspondent in Hong Kong and Beijing and she is now based in Singapore. Huay Leng is also the founding member of Tangent, a civil society group.

Jul 28, 2009

Friendster Searching For Asian Buyer

Social networking Web site Friendster is looking for a buyer and is shopping the site around in Asia, according to documents obtained by the Washington Post TechCrunch blog.

Friendster has hired investment bank Morgan Stanley to find a party interested in acquiring the company or some of its assets, and according to the documents, the bank is looking to Asia. Marked ‘highly confidential’ and dated July 2009, the documents outline the dominance of the social network in the Asia-Pacific region and hint at plans to expand revenue streams to include virtual goods, gaming, surveys, dating, music and classifieds. The summary fact sheet is being sent to multiple potential buyers in the region, the blog stated.

One of the oldest social networks on the Web, more than 75 percent of Friendster’s 100 million users are based in Asia. Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines are noted as key markets that “are expected to experience robust internet user growth over the next few years,” according to research cited in the report. The company currently has offices in Australia, Singapore, the Philippines and the United States.

Friendster receives 2.3 billion page views from Indonesia alone each month and is the nation’s top mobile site, according to company data cited in the report. The data also stated Friendster also has more than double the users of its closest competitor in Indonesia ­— Facebook.

The documents contained no valuation information for the company. TechCrunch stated Friendster could be valued at around $210 million, much less than Facebook’s recent valuation of $10 billion, due to the lower spending power of consumers in Southeast Asia and possible discrepancies between the number of active users and registered users on the site.

JG

Back to the 9-to-5—Finally

Last December, with unemployment at 7.2%, The Wall Street Journal enlisted eight people who had lost their jobs to write about their hunts in a new blog called “Laid Off and Looking.” All eight had M.B.A. degrees; five had worked in finance at big banks. They had been unemployed for a median of nine months.

Since then, it’s gotten even harder to find a job. Unemployment is 9.5%, and the monthly hiring rate is at its lowest level since the Bureau of Labor Statistics started keeping track in 2000. There are now about six unemployed people for every job opening.

Despite that, four of the eight original bloggers, and three additions, have landed full-time jobs. But they made compromises, many of them significant. Five took pay cuts of as much as 80%; at least three cuts exceeded 35%. Four changed industries. Four went from big-name employers to smaller firms. Two relocated. Some say blogging helped their search.

Of the rest, one has a 40-hour-a-week consulting gig—but it doesn’t have benefits. Other bloggers declined jobs they felt required too many compromises. Dawn Jordan, who was laid off from Bank of America Corp. in November 2008, rejected two offers to work at startups that would have required as much as an 80% pay cut. “I’m willing to work for a bargain but I’m not willing to sell myself out,” says Ms. Jordan, who’s now starting her own nonprofit business.

As the job market has tightened, tradeoffs have become even more necessary. Professionals are still able to land jobs, says Rob Saam, a senior vice president at outplacement firm Lee Hecht Harrison, but “more of them have to make more compromises.”

Here’s what it took to get back in the workplace:

Big Pay Cut

Matthew Vuturo, 27 years old, was working as a strategic planning manager at VR Mergers & Acquisitions in Tampa, Fla., until January 2008. He says he lost his job after the business was acquired. To help make mortgage payments on his Tampa condo, he spent almost 10 months handling overnight deliveries at a FedEx warehouse; he also consulted part time. He went on about a dozen interviews and lost track of how many jobs he applied for.

In March, his mother stumbled across an opening online; she’d been helping Mr. Vuturo’s brother, a recent college graduate, find a job too. It was for the director of sales and marketing at GPI Prototype & Manufacturing Services Inc., a firm with about 25 employees that makes and develops prototypes in Lake Bluff, Ill.

Three weeks later he got an offer—at a 50% pay cut from his old job. Mr. Vuturo quickly accepted the offer on a Friday and started the following Monday. “For the last 18 months all I’ve been doing is dying for something to do,” he says.

His Tampa condo has been up for sale since June. For now, he has moved back to a home outside Chicago that his parents own and live in part time. He’s making less than he did when he graduated from business school, but hopes that will change in the next few years.

Mr. Vuturo says blogging impressed interviewers. He put it on his résumé and says that it “sparked interest,” though many of the contacts didn’t lead to job possibilities. “There wasn’t one real good lead that came out of the woodwork,” he says. Among the contacts he turned down: MTV, which wanted to feature him in a reality-show episode about being unemployed.

Pulling Up Stake

Flexibility on profession and location paid off for Brian Fetterolf. After getting laid off from a real-estate investment-banking job in Chicago at Macquarie Capital Advisors, a unit of Macquarie Group Ltd., in March, Mr. Fetterolf, 38, spent nearly four months searching for a new position. “I had about 1,000 conversations with 250 to 300 people.”

He made it clear that he was willing to go back to his earlier career—before getting an M.B.A. from the University of Pittsburgh and working in investment banking, he spent eight years as a lawyer. He was also willing to relocate with his wife and three children.

Through law contacts, Mr. Fetterolf in July got a job as in-house legal counsel at TriState Capital Bank, which has 90 employees. It means moving his family to Pittsburgh, near where he grew up. Selling his Winnetka, Ill., house is “not going to be easy,” he concedes, but his family is looking forward to being closer to their relatives.

To land the job, he had to convince TriState he wasn’t too senior for the role and was willing to do the work himself. He managed about 15 people in his old job and isn’t managing anyone in the new one. He says he needed to show he’d “like doing ground-level heavy lifting.”

He took a 10% reduction in base salary and expects to earn at least 50% less in bonus. But he says he anticipates getting equity in the company.

Going Small

When she got laid off in June 2008 from Citigroup Inc. in Atlanta, Karen Reid knew she didn’t want to move. She had been with the firm six years, most recently logging 70-hour weeks as a vice president of global banking. She had moved to Atlanta from New York to be closer to friends and family; she’d bought a house and wanted to stay. Ms. Reid, 39, hoped to find a job in Atlanta in finance at a big company, but found such firms weren’t hiring much. So she began looking at smaller firms. “I really didn’t want to leave,” she says.

Six months later, she found a vice president of finance position at Conisus LLC, an 80-employee Atlanta firm providing oncology marketing information on behalf of drug companies.

Four months into the job, Ms. Reid says she does “miss the global reach and being really tuned into the capital markets” and is making about 45% of what she used to. But she enjoys the shrunken bureaucracy of the smaller company and less-hectic schedule. “I’m going home right now, and it’s 5:30,” she says.

Still, she isn’t looking to be in this job forever. She has talked to the company’s chief executive officer about a promotion to CFO, and says she may want to work for the private-equity firm that owns Conisus in the future. Ultimately, she wants to take on an assistant treasury role at a global public company.

Ms. Reid listed the blog on her LinkedIn profile. She says it helped her expand her network, and prompted a few recruiters to contact her, but none that led to the job she got.

Entry-Level Vetting

Amanda Sundt, 36, lost her senior marketing manager job at Orbitz Worldwide Inc., the Chicago online travel company, in November. Over the next month she contacted about 15 recruiters. Though she heard back from about half of them initially, only one followed up after that. She also contacted former co-workers and friends of friends. She landed interviews with about nine potential employers and estimates she spoke with more than 120 people about potential opportunities.

In interviews, Ms. Sundt, who has 14 years of work experience, says she was vetted as if she was seeking an entry-level position. “I got a lot of those stupid interview questions like, ‘Where do you see yourself in five years?’ ” she says. Once on a Friday evening, a recruiter called to tell her to devise a company marketing plan for an interview the next morning. She spent the whole night preparing a 15-page PowerPoint presentation. She didn’t get the job.

After 4½ months, she landed a job as the chief marketing officer at iExplore Inc., a 20-person adventure-travel Web site based in Chicago. She applied through an online job board and says she took a slight pay cut.

Ms. Sundt says blogging did help her search. She brought it up when asked about her social-media experience and says her interviewer was impressed.

New Job Culture

When Spencer Cutter, 40, lost his investment-banking job in April 2008, he was burned out. He had been with Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. for nine years, most recently as a senior vice president.

“When you work in investment banking, you get sucked into it,” he says.

He didn’t want to return to the long hours or the constant pressure. He considered going into the wine business or teaching math. While mulling his next step, he became a stay-at-home dad for his now 2-year-old son; his wife works in marketing and business development for a handbag designer.

He says the blog helped him stay dedicated to finding a new career. “I had to be committed to it and be prepared for the consequences if what I wrote ended up cutting off other options,” says Mr. Cutter, who wrote in one post that he “was probably never really cut out to be an investment banker.”

In March, he spotted an opening online for a business-development job at Bloomberg LP. He had several interviews. He didn’t mention the blog there and says it didn’t come up. The offer took two months to materialize; Mr. Cutter says he often lost hope that he was still being considered.

He started the position July 13. He makes about 20% of what he earned as an investment banker, including bonus, but he enjoys the “less competitive and high-strung culture,” he says. “Let me go somewhere where I don’t make a lot of money but can be home at 6 o’clock to see my son.”